Imagine approaching from far away galaxy, speeding towards our  solar system,  to the beautiful blue planet, Earth and pointing to the wonder of the world where  the mother of all humans, Lucy originated from.
&tbsp;
A beautiful land  with Simiens mountains, and the active volcano of  Danakil, the low land of Ogaden, and beautiful gorges of Nile. There lived a wonderful people  who were never been subjected to foreign rule or domination, nor to colonization, who were  independent nation  for more than 3000 years. The ancient Egyptians chronicled about them; the Greeks, Romans, Persians  wrote about them. They were the earliest Christians, Muslims and Jews who lived in harmony  under different kingdom. Their monuments of Axum, Lalibela, Yeha, Harar wall, Fasildas castles  etc are the remain of their great civilization and reminders of their greatness. The great religious holy books (holy bible and Quran)  mentioned about them. They were  symbol of freedom and inspiration for peace loving oppressed people who were under the dark era  of colonization. Many wished to be part of them for their civilization, history, faith, decency, patriotism and kindness.

That  beautiful land and its wonderful people have been spoiled in recent eras. They lost their greatness and down spiralled  their history and civilization. The world has  came to know them  for the famine and drought, for the civil  war and dictatorship, for all evils  on earth. That wonderful people are still independent but under internal colonization by its own minority children which ignore all its history, civilization, unity, faiths, traditions  and greatness. Some of its children became selfish,  hostile and enemy to their brothers and sisters.  Their country  become land of woes and death. The young people are being murdered  and mothers  crying  bitterly.

Its children have  become intentionally deaf and blind to their past history and current reality. They  become narrow minded and selfish. They want to destroy each other. The love among them selves is disappearing. They are hoodwinked by their selfish endeavour and  historical enemies.

That great country is at cross road; Ethiopians  are on historical epoch  to define their future. Only their unity and partnership can bring them to their greatness. The stake is big; otherwise they  are to lose everything they had and have. They are to be stateless, homeless, landless and refuges.

Ethiopians of all nationalities, ethnicities and clans, open your eyes and ears! Think as human and Ethiopian. Narrow nationalism and chauvinism won’t help you. You are speeding towards the cliff edge. Only unity and working together can save you!

“Probably this is the only government in the world that metes out punishment in the form of constitutional classes. Some fitness exercise maybe. It’s only the most dangerous criminals who will have to face the consequences. Otherwise, this is going to be rehabilitation programs, three weeks, a month. You teach them constitution. You teach them some values and the ABC of basic decency,” he said.

But international human rights groups have a different take.

Human Rights Watch said in a statement Monday that rehabilitation is a “euphemism for short-term detention” and that these programs “typically involve ill-treatment and sometimes torture.”

HRW says there is no due process or formal record of these detentions. The rights group says tens of thousands of people have been detained since anti-government protests began in November 2015.

A deadly stampede and violent attacks on government buildings and foreign businesses prompted the declaration of a six-month state of emergency October 9.

There are no independently verified reports on exactly how many people have been detained since then.

Opposition leader Merera Gudina of the Oromo People’s Congress says hundreds of his party members have been arrested.

“Mostly they don’t have legal advice, lawyers and so on. In fact, sometimes we don’t know where they are detained. It’s not normal prison, you know. In Shashamane, we heard that they were detained in cinema house. So they were detained anywhere. Not in normal prison house,” said Gudina.

The protests started in the Oromia region last year over a plan to expand the capital city but have since expanded to other parts of the country and to include issues of economic marginalization and political freedom.

By Elias Meseret | AP
 
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — An Ethiopian official said 2,000 people have been detained and later released under the country’s state of emergency that was declared on October 8, 2016. The remarks came amid local media reports that thousands of people are being detained across some parts of the country that have witnessed some of the worst violence in the past couple of weeks.
 
“About 2,000 people were arrested and later released after undergoing counseling under the state of emergency,” Defense Minister Siraj Fegessa, who oversees the state of emergency, told local reporters on Sunday. He said authorities collected more than 1,500 firearms that had been looted during the violence in the country.

He declined to say how many people are still in detention but mentioned various military camps and prison facilities where inmates nabbed under the state of emergency are being held.

Ethiopia’s Oromia region has been experiencing renewed unrest following the deaths of dozens of people in a stampede during a religious festival in Bishoftu in early October. Protests have also hit the Amhara region.

Ethiopia’s President, Mulatu Teshome, said on October 10 that the government will address some of the public’s grievances and will conduct electoral and political reforms. Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn is expected to announce a new cabinet on Tuesday, Ethiopia’s government spokesman, Getachew Reda, said on Monday.

On Monday, Human Rights Watch urged Ethiopian officials to promptly repeal or revise all elements of the state of emergency that it said are contrary to international law.

“Ethiopia’s state of emergency bans nearly all speech that the government disagrees with anywhere in the country for at least six months,” Felix Horne, Human Rights Watch’s senior Africa researcher said. “The state of emergency hands the army new sweeping powers to crack down on demonstrators further limiting the space for peaceful dissent.”

The Ethiopian government wants to do two things at once. Ridding the capital city Addis Ababa of its slums, and providing housing for three million inhabitants of the capital.
 
The main slums in Addis must become the business center of the Ethiopian capital, but slum dwellers do not like the idea. The municipal had given them a month to clear out of their homes and they have complained that they had been forcefully removed.
 
For the authorities however, whose objective is to raise Ethiopia among the middle-income countries by 2025 – a gross national income (GNI) per capita above $ 1,000 – the revamp is also designed to create a middle class homeowners, less prone to anti-government protests.
 
“The main idea for our city development plan is to create a livable place for all residents of Addis. We need to build more roads and more green spaces. As a city that represents African Union, our ambition is to create a modern city,” said Haregot Alemu, Director of the Agency of urban renewal and land development.

The government plans to build about 700,000 homes in five years. For now, though, housing prices remain high. The government put an asking price tag of a minimum contribution valued at 10% of the total price of the apartment. A sum of between 5,000 and 25,000 dollars well beyond the minimum wage in Ethiopia which is 34 dollars a month.

Alemu however insisted that the aim is also to encourage citizens to take the habit of saving in order to buy homes.

The forced march to development was needed to “change the image of Addis Ababa,” added Alemu

“As the seat of the African Union, our vision is to create a modern city and a model on the continent,” he said.

AFP

The Ethiopian Government will shuffle its cabinet on November 1, 2016, as a response to the current turmoil across the country that has led to the declaration of a state of emergency.

The administration of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn hopes the new cabinet will aid in restoring confidence in the government. Tomorrow, Nov. 1, the Prime Minister is expected to appear before Parliament, to present the newly structured administration and nominate ministers.

It is too early to obtain the full picture of the cabinet shuffle, since last minute negotiations are taking place among leaders of the parties in the governing coalition, the EPRDF. The Prime Minister has pledged to the public, however, that appointments to the highest offices of his administration will not be based on party loyalty, but also competence. Thus, the new cabinet may not be entirely filled by party loyalists, according to people familiar with the process.

Five ministries are for instance expected to be taken over by individuals who are not either party members or not in the top echelon of the party’s machinery, according to sources. Ministries of Health, Agriculture, Public Service, Science & Technology, as well as Water & Irrigation are all expected to have new ministers, these sources disclosed. These ministers will be of no party affiliation or without highest portfolio in the party structure, said people familiar with the issue.

Other ministries such as of Education, Finance, Foreign Affairs, Youth & Sports and Communications Affairs Office may have different individuals from the party appointed to them, disclosed sources. Consequently, Kesetebrehan Admasu of the Ministry of Health; Redwan Hussien of Youth & Sports; Shiferaw Shigutie of Education; Abiy Ahmed of Science & Technology; Motuma Mekassa of Water & Irrigation; Abdulaziz Mohammed of Finance & Economic Cooperation; and Getachew Reda of Communications Affairs Office will not likely continue as cabinet ministers, these sources said.

Abraha Tekeste (PhD), the state minister for Planning Commission, is reportedly to be appointed as Minister of Finance & Economic Cooperation, where he had long served as a state minister under Sufian Ahmed. The biggest prize, however, is reportedly going to Worqneh Gebeyehu (PhD), who is currently serving as Minister of Transport. He will be replaced there by Ahmed Shidie, known as a polished and sophisticated politician, now serving as a state minister for Finance & Economic Cooperation.

Recently elected as deputy chairman of the OPDO, Worqneh is likely to replace Tedros Adhanom (PhD) from the TPLF as a Foreign Minister. It is a highly valued office in the federal government mostly held for 25 years by politicians from the TPLF, but recently seen a battleground for leaders from the OPDO and ANDM. Tedros is currently campaigning to serve as director of the World Health Organization (WHO), and would be the first African to hold such office if he gets elected in April 2017.

Another major change people familiar with the reshuffling expect is the departure from clusters under the rank of deputy prime ministers. There have been three clusters run by Demeke Mekonnen, the deputy prime minister, and Debretsiyon G. Michael (PhD) as well as Aster Mamo. The latter two have been responsible for economic and finance; and good governance and reform clusters. In the new administrative structures to be revealed Nov. 1, there will probably be no clusters, sources disclosed.

Hailemariam Desalegn has announced on tuesday  appointment of 21 new ministers  amid a political chaos which have led to the declaration of a state of emergency.

There are no fresh faces among the appointed ministries.

Foreign Minister Tedros Adhanom is replaced by the controvercial Workneh Gebeyehu Gebre Kidan.  Defence Minister Siraj Fegessa – who is overseeing the state of emergency – remains in his position.

Below is the new list posted on FanaBC:

Cabinet members who remained in their previous posts:-

1. Deputy Prime Minister Demeke Mekonnen

2. Siraj Fegessa – Minister of Defense

3. Kassa Tekleberhan- Minister of Federal Affairs and Pastoral Area Development

4. Dr Debretsion Gebremichael –Minister of Communication and Information Technology

5. Ahmed Abitew –Minister of Industry

6. Getachew Ambaye- Attorney General

7. Abdulfetah Abdulah – Minister of Labor and Social Affairs

8. Dr Yinager Dese- Commissioner of National Planning Commission

9. Asmelash Woldesilasie – Chief Government Whip

Newly appointed cabinet members

1. Dr Workneh Gebeyehu – Minister of Foreign Affairs

2. Tagese Chafo- Minister of Public Service and Human Resource Development

3. Dr Abreham Tekeste- Minister of Finance and Economic Cooperation

4. Dr Bekele Gulado- Minister of Trade

5. Professor Fekadu Beyene- Minister of Livestock and Fishery

6. Dr Eyasu Abrha- Minister of Farming and Natural resources

7. Dr Engineer Getahun Mekuria- Minister of Science and Technology

8. Ahmed Shide- Minister of Transport

9. Dr Ambachew Mekonnen- Minister of Urban Development and Housing

10. Engineer Aisha Mohammed- Minister of Construction

11. Dr. Engineer Sileshi Bekele- Minister of Water, Irrigation and Eelectricity

12. Motuma Mekassa- Minister of Mines Petroleum and Natural Resources

13. Dr Gemedo Dale- Minister of Environmental, Forest and Climate Change

14. Dr Shiferaw Tekelemariam – Minister of Education

15. Professor Yifru Berhane- Minister of Health

16. Dr Girma Amente- Minister of Public Enterprise

17. Dr Hirut Woldemariam- Minister of Culture and Tourism

18. Demitu Hambissa- Minister of Women’s and Children’s Affairs

19. Ristu Yirdaw- Minister of Youth and Sports

20. Kebede Chane- Minister of Ethiopian Revenues and Costumes Authority

21. Dr Negeri Lencho- Minister of Government Communication Affairs Office

Ethiopian cab drivers protest against the TPLF regime in Washington DC

By Aaron Maasho | ADDIS ABABA / REUTERS
 
Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn swore in a group of technocrats and new finance and foreign ministers on Tuesday in a reshuffle meant to respond to grievances behind six months of violent protests.
The reshuffle swapped out half of his 30-member cabinet and brought in technocrats to take over important portfolios including trade, health, water and electricity, farming and the environment.
The cabinet is one of Ethiopia’s most ethnically diverse and includes nine newcomers from the Oromiya region, the center of protests over land grabs and political rights in which hundreds have died and foreign-owned businesses have been destroyed.

After declaring a six-month nationwide state of emergency on Oct. 9, the government said it had to broaden democracy in a country with not a single opposition deputy in its 547-member parliament.

In a speech ahead of the swearing-in ceremony, Hailemariam told lawmakers that naming a new cabinet “on the basis of competence” was at the heart of his reforms.

“An effort was made to select candidates that were best suited to deliver results. It is part of measures to address maladministration,” he said.

Hailemariam, 51, promoted former state minister of finance Abraham Tekeste to finance minister to take over from Abdulaziz Mohammed, whose stint lasted just over a year.

The finance ministry is in charge of implementing a five-year development plan unveiled last year that targets annual economic growth rates of around 11 percent, and boosting manufacturing output by up to 24 percent a year for that period.

Workineh Gebeyehu, a former transport minister, was appointed foreign minister to replace Tedros Adhanom, who is campaigning to lead the World Health Organization (WHO).

Ethiopian and foreign rights groups say at least 500 people have been killed in violence triggered by protests in the Oromiya region.

Demonstrations were initially sparked by a development scheme for the capital that opponents said would lead to land seizures in Oromiya, which surrounds Addis Ababa.

That plan was subsequently shelved, but protests then broadened to include demands for more political rights and unrest has spread to other areas, including parts of the northern Amhara province.

Watchdogs often criticize the government of stifling dissent. Last month, Ethiopia’s ceremonial president called for amendments to the election law to allow “alternative voices” to be heard.

(Editing by Elias Biryabarema; Editing by Tom Heneghan)

ESAT Radio Tue 01 Nov 2016

Another T-TPLF disinformation campaig
 
by Prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam
 
Hailemariam Desalegn, the Puppet Prime Minister (PPM) of the Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (T-TPLF) yesterday announced a “significant reshuffle” of his cabinet. The reshuffle is intended to soften the blowback from the  “state of emergency” the PPM declared a couple of weeks ago.
 
The “cabinet reshuffle” is yet additional evidence that the T-TPLF is in the throes of its own state of emergency as it tries to crane its neck and look vacantly at a rapidly disappearing sunset over the horizon.
 
Cabinet reshuffling is nothing new. It is an old game dictators play whenever they  they feel the heat from the people. They believe they can fool the people by playing a game of musical chairs with their ministers.

When the T-TPLF  declared a “state of emergency”, they knew the jig is up. They are done. Finished. Washed up. Kaput.

When a regime declares a state of emergency, it is declaring to the world that it can no longer control events and things are completely out of hand.

A state of emergency is the last refuge of a knocked out, washed up and dying regime.

But the T-TPLF wants to convince the world that is not down for the count.

The T-TPLF pretends it is rolling with the punches. The massive uprising have not laid a glove on it. It is bobbing and weaving.

The T-TPLF thinks it can “float like a butterfly and sting like a bee. The hands can’t hit what the eyes can’t see.”

The fact of the matter is the T-TPLF is down for the count; and OUT!

But the T-TPLF has to put on a show and pretend it is not losing face. They want to strut around and show they are still in charge. They are still running the show. The state of emergency has put them back in the saddle. It’s back to business as usual.

The T-TPLF is acutely aware of its shortcomings and weaknesses. It knows that its bluster about its military might and how smart they are and how dumb everybody is  that does not amount to a hill of beans. They have seen how the unstoppable waves of uprisings in the country could sweep them into the dustbin of history in a flash flood of popular anger.

But the T-TPLF is desperate and does not know what to do.

They want to roll out a new game. But not really a New Game. They want a game of cabinet reshuffle.

But the T-TPLF guys have yet to learn a simple lesson: “You can fool some of the people some time, and some of the people all the time, but you can’t fool all of the people all of the time.

The T-TPLF cannot fool anyone with its “cabinet reshuffle”.

But after declaring a state of emergency and jailing tens of thousands of innocent people, what else can they do?

How about stretching out an olive branch to the opposition and the rest?

How about a cabinet reshuffle as a last ditch effort to get back in the game and continue with business as usual?

But the T-TPLF ain’t foolin’ nobody, except themselves.

Supposedly the major changes in the “cabinet shuffle” include the appointment of five ministers who are not T-TPLF members, consolidation of certain offices and giving up the foreign ministry (held by a T-TPLFer for the past 25 years) to a non-T-TPLF member.

The current “foreign minister” Tedros Adhanom must be doing cartwheels with joy. He can now gracefully jump the sinking T-TPLF ship and jockey for the top job at the World Health Organization. (See my June 2016 commentary, “Guess Who’s Coming to Who in 2017”.)

Of course, all of the “new” ministers have been vetted for their loyalty and gratitude to the T-TPLF.  They have been waiting in the wings like buzzards over carrion. They are not chosen for their fierce independence and courage to challenge the T-TPLF bosses. They are chosen because they are loyal and domesticated T-TPLF lapdogs.

The T-TPLF believes by throwing in a few Oromo and Amhara names in the cabinet reshuffle they can hoodwink Oromos and Amharas.

It’s the age old game of tokenism. A token Oromo here and token Amhara there will make the T-TPLF certifiedly democratic. Give me a break!

I ask a simple question: Does replacing Tweedle Dee with Tweedle Dum make a difference?

Apparently, PPM Hailemariam is also setting up “Center for Democratic System Development Affairs Coordination” to function directly under his office in the reshuffle.

That’s like the wolves and hyenas setting up a center for the advancement and welfare of antelopes and zebras. Give me another break!

But! But! But! Nothing is happening to the guys controlling and running the intelligence, police, security and military services. Who could they possibly be?

But sacking “ministers” mired in corruption will not satisfy the millions demanding change. The people of Ethiopia want a new government in a new election, not old and recycled minsters in a “new” reshuffled cabinet.

The T-TPLF ruling strategy and the so-called “cabinet reshuffle” reminds me of Lord Frederick Lugard, the father of  indirect rule in Nigeria (and throughout the British colonies in Africa for that matter.)

Lugard came up with a clever strategy that allowed Britain to rule (northern) Nigeria through local rulers (emirs, caliphs, etc.,) that it had defeated. If the local emirs, etc., accepted British authority and cooperated with British officials in implementing colonial policies, the British would confirm them in office. Although the emirs retained their caliphate titles and so on, they were ultimately accountable to a lowly British district officer who had final authority. If the emirs don’t play the game, the British high commissioners would depose them with a swift kick to the rump and appoint their preferred lackeys.

That has been pretty much the T-TPLF game. They appoint those individuals and groups they have defeated and impose their rule on the people through them. They will dump any lackey showing the slightest trace of suspicion about their loyalty or obedience to them.

All of the “cabinet reshuffle” is window dressing and one element of  the T-TPLF’s grand disinformation campaign.

But why did PPM Hailemariam go through the shuffling motions?

There is a short and long version answer to the question.

The short version is that the “cabinet reshuffle” is part of a superficial disconcerted effort by the T-TPLF to reassert authority, demonstrate that it is still the boss and try to co-opt and indenture opposition leaders, dissidents and civil society leaders.  The T-TPLF does not know what else to do.

The T-TPLF also sees a looming threat of economic collapse and meltdown if the uprising continues and foreign investors beat feet. “Ethiopia’s tourism sector is suffering. The impact of a year of violent protests and state of emergency has led to a decline in tourists visiting the country.” One can snag a flight from Washington, D.C. to  Ethiopia for less than $600. Investors are fleeing Ethiopia like bats out of hell. (What an apt metaphor!) The T-TPLF is thinking about a tanking economy tanking it out of power.

The long answer marshals a variety of reasons:

First and foremost the “cabinet reshuffle” is a publicity stunt and disinformation. The T-TPLF has been hammered for its brutal crackdowns and “state of emergency.” The T-TPLF has become, to borrow a word used by Mandela to describe the minority apartheid regime, the “skunk of the world”. Even the U.S. Embassy had to issue a “travel warning” stating, “U.S. citizens to defer all non-essential travel to Ethiopia due to ongoing unrest that has led to hundreds of deaths, thousands of arrests, as well as injuries and extensive property damage, especially in Amhara and Oromia States.” The T-TPLF needs some distraction from its heavy-handed crackdown on peaceful protesters and the clampdown on all media.

Second, the T-TPLF wants to finesse its all-too-willing to be finessed loaners, donors and international poverty pimps that it is seriously moving towards political openness, accommodation and even power-sharing.

Third, the T-TPLF wants to be seen palling around with so-called opposition and civic society leaders and even dissidents. Let bygones be bygones. We’re all friends.

Fourth, the T-TPLF aims to blunt the massive popular uprising demanding its removal from power by performing a smoke-and-mirrors change of government. The T-TPLF has lived high on the hog for 25 years; but they refuse to move on. (I did not say there are others waiting in the wings for their turn to eat.)

Fifth, the T-TPLF aims to signal that they are ready for major changes and that they have been reformed, humbled and chastened by the intensity of the recent massive uprisings. (Just like the reformed wolf guarding the sheep.)

Sixth, the T-TPLF aims to use the “cabinet reshuffle” to communicate to Ethiopians the usual suspects (bad T-TPLF guys) are gone and no longer have power. The T-TPLF hardliners have been thrown under the bus and things will be much better.

Seventh, the T-TPLF wants to appease the Oromos and Amharas by handing them ministries. Big _ _ Deal!

Eight, the T-TPLF aims to blunt the energy of the active youth engaged in agitation and political mobilization. The one and only thing the T-TPLF fears above all else is the power of Ethiopia’s Youth! Ethiopia’s youth are the only force directly challenging the T-TPLF. They must be defeated at all costs and destroyed.

I ask a simple question: Can hyenas destroy Cheetahs. Only in their dreams!

Ninth, the T-TPLF aims to dispel the image in the “cabinet reshuffle” that it is  Hailemariam who is running the show. Hailemariam is nobody’s puppet!

I ask a simple question: Does the tail wag the dog? Does the puppet handle the puppet master?

Tenth, the T-TPLF wants to prove to the world that is alive and kicking and back in the saddle.

I ask a simple question. What happens to those “who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger”?

The fact of the matter is that the T-TPLF will use every trick in the book to cling to power. They think they are so smart and every one so dumb, nobody will figure out their broke-ass zero sum game.

Shuffling a corruption-riddled cabinet is like shuffling the same deck of cards over and over. It don’t mean diddley.

As candidate Obama used to say back in 2008, “You can wrap an old fish in a piece of paper called change. It’s still gonna stink.”

You can reshuffle the T-TPLF from here to kingdom come and call it change. It’s still gonna stink!

The T-TPLF’s theory of government is that unwrapping an old fish and putting a new wrapper called change on it is actually change.

I ask a simple question: Does moving the sauce pan from one stovetop to another make the sauce tastier?

The fact of the matter is that the T-TPLF state-within-the-state, the shadowy puppet-masters, are still sitting in the dark calling the shots. Nothing is happening to them guys. They are just watching sitting in the shadows.

To paraphrase, Gen. Douglas MacArthur, T-TPLF ministers do not go out into pasture and enjoy their stolen loot, they just slither back into the shadows and pull the strings of their puppets.

To believe the T-TPLF will change in a “cabinet reshuffle” is like believing a spotted hyena can change its spots.

DONI, ETHIOPIA — In Ethiopia, millions of dollars in investment went up in smoke as protesters attacked foreign companies in the Oromia region. The violence prompted the declaration of a state of emergency last month. But one foreign company managed to stave off an attack with the help of community elders.

Since he came to Ethiopia 13 years ago, the owner of Maranque Plants, Marc Driessen, had never feared for the future of his company, located about 80 miles south of Addis Ababa.

But that changed on October 4. Driessen saw several neighboring companies in flames. The noise of the mob was growing louder and he knew his company, where he grows cuttings for export, was next.

Marc Driessen is the owner of Maranque Plants and narrowly escaped an attack by an angry group of Ethiopian protesters, Oct. 4, 2016, in the Oromia region, Ethiopia.

“We saw the protesters here in front of the gate, with sticks and knifes. And it was really frightening to see them come this way,” he said.

Anti-government demonstrations started in the Oromia region a year ago, but it was only recently that protesters also turned against foreign-owned companies.

More than ten foreign companies have been attacked since September. Protesters say the government gives land to foreign investors without proper compensation for smallholder farmers who are forced to vacate their land.

Workers at Maranque Plants are harvesting the cuttings produced for export in the Oromia region, Ethiopia.

Maranque Plants employs 1,200 people, mostly women. Buziye Mekonnen is one of the many harvesters there. Throughout the day, friends and family called her to warn protesters could attack.

Buziye and the other women were sent home. But Buziye was still scared, as her husband also works at Maranque Plants.

She said they were scared from the moment they heard another company was burned down. And what would they do, she asked, if this company was burned down because then there would be no other job opportunity for them.

Buziye Mekonnen is a harvester at Maranque Plants. On the day of the attack she was sent home but feared for the future of her employment.

Despite having one of Africa’s fastest growing economies over the past decade, unemployment in Ethiopia is high and over a quarter of the population is living below the poverty line.

As nearby farms were being burned and looted, Driessen got lucky. Community elders arrived at his gate on motorbikes. They spoke to the angry crowd.

Community elder Shumi Telila said he told the protesters they should not burn the place as their issue was about good administration and not with the company.

Community Elders Shumi Telila (left) and Ahmed Hamda (right) intervened when protestors were about to attack Maranque Plants, a foreign owned company, Oct. 4, 2016, in the Oromia region, Ethiopia.

Telila said since then, the elders have stayed in touch with Driessen and community members to discuss issues.

Some in Ethiopia worry the unrest will stall the foreign direct investment that has fueled the nation’s growth.

Production at Maranque Plants is now back to normal, but Driessen said he is still afraid the turmoil is not over.

“We have talked with our clients about what we are going to do in the coming months and what we did is that the unique varieties that are produced by us are also now going to be produced in Uganda so that our clients can maintain their continuity in case of problems,” said Driessen.

Production is back to normal at Maranque Plants in the Oromia region, Ethiopia, after being almost attacked by protesters on Oct. 4, 2016.

No foreign companies have been attacked since the government declared a 6-month state of emergency October 9. The government said this week that it released about 2,000 people detained over the violence.

Ethiopia’s government said it will do whatever it takes to restore confidence for foreign investors.

But rights groups and opposition leaders warn that addressing protesters’ grievances is the only way to stabilize the country in the long term.

IBTimes UK interviews Jawar Mohammed as Ethiopia bans Oromia Media Network under state of emergency.

November 3, 2016

Jawar Mohammed, political analyst and executive director of the Oromia Media Network (OMN), believes the Ethiopian government would kill him, should he return to his homeland.

Mohammed,30, is an ethnic Oromo. He grew up in Dhummuga, a small town located in Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest state. During his childhood, Mohammed went to school in Asela and Adama and left his homeland in 2003 on a schoolarship to study in Singapore.

He later moved to the US to study political science at Stanford University and Human Rights at the Columbia.

“I came here as a student, not as a refugee. But right now, I am probably the most wanted person by the Ethiopian government and I think the government is willing to kill me if they have a chance,” Mohammed, who is based in Minneapolis, alleged during a phone interview with IBTimes UK.

“Every time I appear on television, for the last few months, the government is all over the place condemning me and calling me a terrorist, an agitator and an enemy of the state.”

Oromo people ‘are making history’

In October, Ethiopia declared a six-month-long state of emergency following unrest in Oromia, and occasionally in Amhara.

The response to the protests, labelled as the biggest anti-government unrest Ethiopia has witnessed in recent history, has resulted in the death of more than 500 people since November 2015, a figure the government later confirmed.

In Oromia, people demonstrated against perceived disenfranchisement and lack of inclusion in the political process as the government is dominated by the Tigray minority. They also called for an end to land grabbing, claiming Oromo farmers are forcibly evicted from their farms.

Mohammed is a strong supporter of the protests as he believes Ethiopia “needs a regime change and the installation of a government elected by the people.”

“Oromo people are making history, they have been fighting for freedom, dignity and self-determination for almost 50 years now. In the last couple of years they struggled intensified, has become more strategic, coordinated and unified, it has weakened the government and has inspired other people in Ethiopia and the region,” he said.

Under the state of emergency, Ethiopia banned certain media outlets, including OMN.

“The government believes OMN and social media, Facebook particularly, are used to mobilise, agitate, coordinate people. The government sees this as a way to undermine their control over the population,” Mohammed claimed.

Mohammed believes it is too dangerous for him to go to Ethiopia right now. However, he said he is planning to return. “Going back is not an potion at the moment, but in the future, I will return and fight with my people.”

Government’s position

When contacted by IBTimes UK for comments on the allegations, a spokesperson for the Ethiopian embassy in London dismissed Mohammed’s claims as “unsubstantiated information”.

The diplomat also alleged Mohammed and other members of the diaspora community could have links to the Oromo Liberation Front, which the Ethiopian government labelled as a terrorist organisation that carried out violent acts in Ethiopia, Somalia and Kenya.

Created in 1973,OLF stemmed from the discontent among people over a perceived marginalisation by the government and to fight the hegemony of the Amhara people.

OLF – still active today – calls for the self-determination of the Oromo people. The group has always denied allegations of violence , claiming its mission is to terminate “a century of oppression” against the Oromos.

by Melanie Lidman

Though Catholics make up less than 1 percent of the population in Ethiopia, Catholic sisters have always had a strong presence in the country, especially in the area of children’s orphanages. The Missionaries of Charity sisters alone had 19 orphanages, including hundreds of children in their central orphanage in the capital of Addis Ababa. Many other congregations, including the Daughters of Charity, the largest congregation in Ethiopia, also had dozens of orphanages.

From 2003 to 2011, 1 in 13 children adopted internationally was from Ethiopia. During that period, only Russia and China had more international adoptions. In 2009, Ethiopia’s peak year for international adoptions, 1 in 7 children adopted internationally was from Ethiopia.

According to UNICEF, Ethiopia has more than 4.5 million orphans under the age of 18 in a country of 90 million people — half of them children. UNICEF counts children with just one parent as “orphans” and children with no parents as “double orphans.” The fact that 10 percent of the under-18 population is orphaned is due to a variety of circumstances, including the HIV/AIDS crisis, drought, war and poverty. The high number of orphans, and the state’s inability to provide care for them, meant that Ethiopia was a popular place for international adoptions.

But in 2011, Ethiopia did an abrupt about-face. It announced it would be cutting international adoptions by 90 percent, as well as closing orphanages. Part of this was due to concerns of “baby buying.” International adoption fees in Ethiopia are usually around $25,000, and this has conversely created a market of rural villagers in dire economic straights giving up their children, either willingly or unwillingly, in hopes of cash payments from the adoption agencies or middlemen. This is unfortunately a common issue for developing, rural countries around the world. It’s one of the reasons why the Hague Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption tries to create accountability that the children put up for adoption are truly orphans. Ethiopia has not signed on to the Hague Adoption Convention.

Later in 2011, a freak case captured the headlines, further decreasing Ethiopian international adoption. Thirteen-year-old Hana Williams, who had been adopted from Ethiopia three years earlier, was beaten and starved to death in Washington state by her fundamentalist adoptive family. While the case was not indicative of the thousands of successful adoptions that take place each year from Ethiopia, the issue embarrassed the Ethiopian government. Two months after Williams’ death, the government started announcing orphanage closures, especially orphanages geared towards international adoption.

Before the severe cut in adoptions, “We used to have 400 kids in Addis Ababa,” said one Missionary of Charity sister who refused to give her name, citing a congregational policy not to seek media attention.

“If we stopped, it means everyone stopped,” she said. “Lots of organizations, as they were closing, brought their kids to us, because we were the last ones to close.” She said that was because the Missionaries of Charity had a good reputation in Ethiopia, and especially with the government.

“The government wants to close all the private orphanages so they can run them [themselves],” the sister added. “They claim people were making money selling kids. There were ‘chickachick’ — illegal things going on — but not at Missionaries of Charity orphanages,” she said, using common Amharic slang.

“Now we are not taking any more kids,” she added. They still have a number of children in their care, but it is temporary. “We are trying, at least, to find their relatives, siblings or aunts or uncles that can care for them,” she said.

Ethiopia’s move away from institutional orphanages and international adoption is part of a global trend that places greater emphasis on keeping the child close to home. Mini Bhaskar, a social welfare specialist with UNICEF Ethiopia, said her agency has adopted the Guidelines for the Alternative Care of Children, which the U.N. released in 2009. “Among the core principles of alternative care, [it] notes the need to keep the child as close as possible to his/her community of origin and recognizes that formal care and informal care by relatives or others are valuable care options,” she said.

One such measure the government promotes is guddifecha, Bhaskar said, a term in the Oromia region for informal adoption by other family members, though it is practiced widely elsewhere under different names. In guddifecha, a relative or neighbor will take in an orphaned child, either on a temporary or permanent basis. The practice only works when the strong social networks of the community are intact. Families scattered over large distances, as is increasingly happening due to globalization, weakens the ability of communities to find their own local solutions for orphans through kinship care.

Besides promoting guddifecha, the government is employing other options, including a small but growing foster care system. Ethiopian foster families, screened by the government’s social services branch, can end up adopting orphaned children.

While guddifecha is a good solution for some orphans, other children simply do not have the support or social network to stay in their home communities. In an effort to minister to these most vulnerable children, sisters in Ethiopia are now running what they call “semi-orphanages.” Semi-orphanages are temporary group homes for children. The child lives at the semi-orphanage, generally for a period of less than two years, while social workers or religious leaders locate family or community members who will agree to care for the child.

Since the relatives or neighbors are often impoverished, they may need extra support as a way to mitigate the costs of caring for an additional child. Some sisters in other countries are pioneering projects whereby these adoptive families are folded into economic empowerment programs.

In Adigrat, in the northern part of Ethiopia, the Sisters of St. Lucy Filippini, known as the Filippini Sisters, care for 22 children at a semi-orphanage. On a recent spring day, the children were excitedly running to their rooms after coming back from spending Easter holidays in their villages. Part of the semi-orphanage approach is having the children return to their families or communities on holidays to ensure they stay integrated with their roots.

“They have relatives, perhaps one parent, but they are unable to care for them at this time,” explained Sr. Letteselassie Alemayohu, the regional superior. In Adigrat, the children at the semi-orphanage live in two big rooms and study at the school the sisters operate next door. In the evenings, they have activities, such as embroidering scarves and pillowcases.

Since the semi-orphanages program is new, it’s hard to judge the long-term effects compared with international adoption. The concern is that some children may fall through the cracks of the system, forced to return prematurely to situations in their home communities that are not stable enough. Social welfare services, both governmental and non-governmental, are already strained and cannot adequately follow up with every child to ensure they are safe and healthy.

Bhaskar, of UNICEF Ethiopia, stressed that the most important thing is that all children can find “appropriate and stable family-based solutions … to enable the child to grow up in a loving, caring and supporting environment.”

[Melanie Lidman is Middle East and Africa correspondent for Global Sisters Report based in Israel.]

Ethiopia Hotel and the adjacent Bego Adragot building are to be torn down within the next month. Belayneh Kinde, the import export mogul, bought Ethiopia Hotel in 2010 for 92 million Br. He now has plans to tear down the three star hotel and erect a new 60 storey building.

Ethiopia Hotel was one of the earliest hotels built in Ethiopia. It was built to receive guests while Ethiopia was hosting the meetings of the Organisation of the African Unity during the reign of Emperor Haileselassie I. At that time Ethiopia Hotel, along with Ras Hotel, was the most modern hotel in the country.

The Bego Adragot building, building adjacent to Ethiopia Hotel, is also to be removed. It was one of the earliest modern buildings in Ethiopia, built more than 80 years ago, during the Italian invasion. The building, which is situated opposite the National Theatre, is an example of the architecture of a bygone era. The brick arches and the arcade of the building exhibits the craft of the Italian architects then dwelling in Addis Ababa.

Residents of the building and owners of the various bars, cafes, restaurant and a supermarket on the building have been ordered to leave the building by November 19th. The chairman of the local woreda told Fortune that the people living in the building will be given condominiums as replacements. There have been arguments as to whether Ethiopia Hotel and the Bego Adragot building are heritage buildings that should be preserved.

Source: Addis Fortune

ESAT Radio Thu 03 Nov 2016

News Tracker: past stories on this issue

South Sudan crisis deepens as once-stable areas fall into violence – UN relief chief

Ethiopia Hana Responded to Dr Tsegaye SBS Amharic

The recent protests in the Oromo and Amhara regions of Ethiopia have questioned the legitimacy of the ruling party of Ethiopia, the Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), and many opposition groups and concerned Ethiopians are calling for a transitional government and a new constitution. While opposing groups are advocating for differing versions of political structures (ex: unitary, federal, or a mix of the two), they all seem to have a common interest in a democratic political system. However, no one seems to be calling for the restoration of the monarchy, an institution that has long been part of the country’s tradition and history. From its legendary origin of Queen Makeda and King Solomon to its likely root of the Damot (or Damat) kingdom of ancient Ethiopia and to its successor states centered in Tigray and Shoa, the history of the Solomonic dynasty had long been associated with the history of Ethiopia. This age-old monarchy, if restored, may help to maintain and foster national unity.

In his study of democracy, Seymour Martin Lipset (1959) observed that of the 12 democratic countries of the time, ten had monarchies as heads of states. These democracies were located mostly in Western Europe and included Great Britain, the Netherlands, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark. Lipset argued that the democratic regimes in Western Europe acquired legitimacy because they preserved the traditional monarchies as head of states, which had the support of the conservative groups including the aristocracy, landlords, and the clergy. Consequently, constitutional monarchies, according to Lipset, have helped to legitimize the democratic system by fostering unity among diverse groups, the groups of the past (conservatives) and of the present (progressives).

In the case of Ethiopia, the revolution ended Emperor Haile Selassie’s reign due to its failure to make political and socioeconomic reforms. The aristocracy is also gone, either it was killed during the revolution, died out of age, or could not maintain its status. The landlord class has also been wiped out by the revolution. The only conservative institution remaining from the old order is the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Prior revolutions have also ended monarchies in France (1789), Russia (1917), and China (1911) for similar reasons. Yet the end of the Solomonic dynasty may not be a foregone conclusion. As Arnold Toynbee has argued, Ethiopia has been more of a peculiar country. For instance, it was the only country that had avoided European colonialism in Africa (save Liberia). It was also the only country in the northeast Africa that preserved its Monophysite Christianity by avoiding Islamic Jihad in the seventh century A.D. (cited in Trimingham, 1952). We might also add that the Solomonic dynasty was restored in 1270 A.D. after having been interrupted by the Zagwe rulers between the 11^th and 13^th centuries. The dynasty was also re-restored in 1855 after giving way to the era of the princes lasting for about 100 years. Will history repeat itself? Will the weight of Ethiopia’s long and rich history sway the opinions of all or most Ethiopians to seek the restoration of the monarchy one more time?

Should there be a popular interest in it, the Solomonic dynasty could be restored in Ethiopia as a national constitutional monarchy, for absolute autocratic systems are increasingly becoming a thing of the past. The principal function of a constitutional monarchy would be to serve as a symbol of national unity and would only have ceremonial duties. Indeed, the only way one can make the monarchy compatible with modern ideas of equality and liberty (also known as democracy) is to make sure that it is constitutional and that it is involved very little, if at all, in day-to-day politics. Such an institution would not need an ‘emperor’ but a ‘king’, for the former implies the presence of an empire or more than one king in the country.

It may be anticipated, however, that some Ethiopians or groups are opposed to the return of the Solomonic monarchy. For instance, they may believe that the time of the monarchy has gone.  Given the revolutionary upheaval that the country had to go through between 1974 and 1991 and the popularity of modern republics, these individuals and groups may not see the need for restoring the monarchy. However, the political history of the country since 1974 suggests that republican Ethiopia has not been without major, if not catastrophic, problems. During the Derg regime, hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians had died and a generation of intellectuals was lost. Under EPRDF, Ethiopian unity is at stake and in danger. Regional and ethnic identities are increasingly becoming more important than the overarching Ethiopian nationalism.

In addition, some groups from ethnic groups like the Oromo may feel that the Solomonic monarchy may not represent the cultural values of all of the Ethiopian people. It is true that the dynasty has been historically associated with the Amhara and Tigrean peoples of north central Ethiopia. Yet there had been marriages between the Solomonic line of rulers and people belonging to the Oromo ethnic group from as far back as 300 years ago. Emperor Bekaffa, who ruled Ethiopia between 1721 and 1730 and from the Solomonic line of rulers, is believed to have married an Oromo. The couple’s son, Emperor Iyasu II (1730-1755), was also married to an Oromo. More recently, Emperor Haile Selassie’s wife, Empress Menen Asfaw, was partly an Oromo. She was the granddaughter of Nigus Michael (formerly Muhammed Ali). Emperor Haile Selassie himself is believed to have an Oromo blood on his father side. His grandfather is believed to be Fitawrari Wolde Mikael Gudessa. Moreover, Emperor Haile Selassie’s granddaughter, Princess Seble Desta, was married to an Oromo, Dejazmach Kassa Wolde Mariam. And Prince Sahile Selassie, Emperor Haile Selassie’s son, was married to an Oromo, Princess Matsente Habte Mariam. In other words, the Oromo have every right to claim and nurture the Solomonic dynasty. As Donald Levine (1974) has aptly put it, Ethiopia is an evolving multiethnic society, and the Oromo have been instrumental in such an evolution.

Moreover, the religion of the Solomonic line of rulers had been Christianity. So, would Ethiopian Muslims support the restoration of the monarchy? The Solomonic line of rulers and the leaders of Muslim kingdoms and principalities in Ethiopia, of course, had had a long history of conflict and peaceful coexistence in the country. For instance, when medieval Ethiopian rulers, such as Emperor Amde Tsion I (1314-1334), realized that the Adal (or Afar) Muslims were too proud and brave to be completely subdued, they had to give them regional autonomy. In addition, whenever Ethiopia needed new bishops from Alexandria, Egyptian sultans had consistently encouraged medieval Ethiopian emperors to respect the religious rights of Ethiopian Muslims. The Ethiopian emperors had often consented to do so. More importantly, it should be noted that ordinary Ethiopian Christians and Muslims have shown extraordinary civility and tolerance to each other over a long period of time. This is especially true since the turn of the twentieth century. Still, it is an open question as to how Ethiopian Muslims would feel with the idea of restoring the Solomonic dynasty. One thing is true: there has to be religious freedom in Ethiopia for the monarchy, if restored, to be accepted by diverse religious groups in the country.

Now, it is only fitting to repeat Dr. Getachew Mekasha’s advice stated in his 1991 essay published in Ethiopian Review. In his wisely titled essay, The True Test for Democracy Still Ahead, Dr. Getachew argued that if democracy was to exist in Ethiopia right after the fall of the Derg regime, the monarchy needed to be restored. Of course, Dr. Getachew’s advice was not heeded at the time. It may not be too late now, however.

If the Solomonic dynasty is restored, the monarchy will likely be an asset, not a liability, to the Ethiopian people. Specifically, the Solomonic line of rulers could serve as unifying symbols and father figures of the country’s diverse peoples. As cultural and historical figures to look up to, the monarchs could also help to revitalize the increasingly declining traditional Ethiopian values, such as trust, decency, and respect. Moreover, the monarchy could provide legitimacy to the political system of the country. This is especially true if the political system of Ethiopia is democratic.

Sources Consulted:

1. Gizachew Tiruneh. (2015). The Rise and Fall of the Solomonic Dynasty of Ethiopia: Is the Kebra Nagast a Time-Bound Document? Los Angeles: Tsehai Publishers.

2. Levine, Donald. (1974). Greater Ethiopia. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

3. Lipset, M. Seymour. (1959). “Some Social Requisites of Democracy,” American Political Science Review. 53 (1): 69-106.

4. Munro-Hay, Stuart. (1991). Axum: An African Civilization in Late Antiquity. London: Edinburgh University Press.

5. Sergew Hable Sellassie. (1972). Ancient and Medieval Ethiopian History to 1270. Addis Ababa: United Printers.

6. Taddesse Tamrat. (1972). Church and State in Ethiopia. New York: Oxford University Press.

7. Trimingham, J. (1952). Islam in Ethiopia. New York: Oxford University Press.

Gizachew Tiruneh, Ph. D

There is a lot going on behind the scenes than what is being discussed publicly about the crisis in Ethiopia. There are several curious events that need to be brought out in public for all to clearly understand the development of the Ethiopian crisis. We need to ask and answer fundamental questions such as what prompted the events of the crisis? Or for those who are familiar with Marxist socialist principles, we need to outline the objective conditions. Who are the parties and individuals involved in the crisis? Or who are the subjective determinants? We may also have to focus on what does the crisis implies for the near and long term future of the country?
 
Although I do not claim to have all the necessary information to answer the above questions, I will try to present the underlying issues and the key protagonists below. That said, I boldly venture to state that I find it improbable that the crisis in Ethiopia is driven exclusively by events in Ethiopia and Ethiopians alone. I say this because it has been nearly a quarter century since the Ethiopian government implemented principles and policies that appear to be the underlying causes of the crisis. So what changed, why now? Who, besides the ordinary people subjected to the brutal treatments of the Ethiopian government, had had enough?  Could it be powers that hitherto tolerated the brutal treatments by the Ethiopian government turned on the government?

The answer to these complicated questions, in part, is that geopolitical circumstances have changed and that the Ethiopian administration may now be perceived as a risk instead of an asset for the certain super powers. Specifically, is the United Stated government or an agency thereof such as the CIA destabilizing the TPLF government? What factors prompt for such an act to be even considered? The answer, as difficult as it could be and as speculative as it nearly always appears,  is that almost nothing ever happens in US-dependent countries, such as Ethiopia, without the implicit or explicit compliance of the United States.

To that end, I state that it appears that some in the US administration were not comfortable in tolerating the Ethiopian administration continue its practices. They may have come to believe that such practices were counter to the long term US political and strategic interests. Furthermore, any contemplated changes may have anticipated the upcoming changes in US administration to give support to Obama’s dubious legacy of democratization in Africa?

One critical factor leading to my speculation is that since early June, there has been a concerted effort by US agencies such as the USAID, Dept. of State and others to obtain scholarly and popular views on a wide variety of issues concerning Ethiopia in general and in particular the process of democratization and participation in a democratic transformation of one sort or another.  Key Ethiopian leaders as recognized by the US and even the EU have been on occasion invited to appear and discuss what is to be done. This effort may have been mingled with the usual cover of summer travels of intellectuals coming to the US to present their academic views at open and public venues. But, in some cases these appearances were not public and the presentations were classified.

However, going over the many so-called Ethiopian intelligentsia or leaders, I can name some prominent persons such as Prof. Birhanu Nega of GINBOT 7, Prof. Merera Gudina of the Oromo People’s Congress (OPC), Prof. Getachew Begashaw– Vision Ethiopia and Former EPRP Leader, Eng Yilkal Getnet –Semayawi  (Blue) party chairman, Dr. Aregawi berehe—Former TPLF and author of “A Political History of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front”, Mr. David H. Shinn– former  Ambassador to Ethiopia, Mr. Herman Jay Cohen– Former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Mr. Iyasu Alemayehu– Leader EPRP have appeared at meetings where US officials had been present, even the late former Eritrean ambassador Girma Asmerom had his views on Ethiopia heard. I am sure there are several others that I have missed. What precisely prompted these gatherings is not known to me. Nevertheless, I suspect a US administration endeavor to focus on Ethiopia’s leadership and governmental apparatus was underway. Moreover, in other previous circumstances these kinds of gatherings often reflected recognizable US Policy shifts.

Speculation aside, there have been significant issues on which the direction taken by the TPLF government did not match that of the United States.  Chief among them was the growing dependence on china instead of the US in philosophy and investments. Furthermore, TPLF leaderships’ unabashed exuberance for Chinese policies and practices did not go unnoticed. China’s influence in Africa appears to ascend just as US outlook towards Africa’s profitability was also growing. The competition for African resources is becoming intense and china appears to win it even when governments like that of Ethiopia are enamored by China’s potential while collecting US economic assistance.

Before, I move on and discuss the role of China and the US in Ethiopian economic and politics; I would like the reader to know that China and Africa enjoy a history of traditional friendship. However, the relationship has not lasted as long as that of the Africa’s relationship with the west, particularly the United States.  Similarly, Ethiopia has had diplomatic relationship with China since the 1970’s. Needless to say, until recently the China-Ethiopia relation has not been as long or as deep as that with the United States.

The Chinese and Ethiopia

After the ascent of the TPLF to power in Ethiopia, the government of Ethiopia has been copying most political and economic transformations that China has experienced in its heyday as a growing global economic and political power.  The affinity shown by the TPLF to China’s approach in economic transformation and governance has been such that a leading international magazine has called Ethiopia as “Africa’s China”. The web site of the Chinese embassy in Ethiopia unabashedly brags that Ethiopia is indeed “China’s successful little brother”. The embassy further notes that China has often expressed its appreciation and admiration for Ethiopia, just as an elder brother would for a younger brother who has become a success. According to the embassy this is so because Ethiopia has presented a lot of opportunities for China, which has openly stated that Ethiopia is its best bet because of its low-cost labor and stability.

Meanwhile TPLF has had an alluring love affair with Chinese-style political and economic organization and administration.  Any success being experienced by Ethiopia in economics and infrastructure development was unabashedly attributed and fancied by TPLF to its policies and its similarities to China’s, especially in governance. As evidence, both Chinese and Ethiopians appear to have been fairly closed societies that opened up to foreign investment and strict political order in order to have faster economic achievements. Each has been hailed internationally for its unprecedented economic growth. The milestones Ethiopia has passed clearly show the political will toward ensuring that the country benefit from a booming economy – through infrastructure, an open market, investment opportunities. Early on, Ethiopia’s only investors were India, China and Turkey.

To add to this curious love affair, From Dec 1 to 5, 2015, Chinese President Xi Jinping paid a state visit to Zimbabwe and South Africa and chaired the Johannesburg Summit of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FACOC), which supports new international relations between China and Africa based on mutual benefits. The Chinese and African leaders agreed to lift the Sino-African relationship to a comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership featuring political equality and mutual trust, win-win economic cooperation and civilization exchanges, close ranks and help each other in security, and cement unity on international affairs with the entire Africa.

In short, China wants to be the model and power of Africa’s next transformations. This also means that the strategic alliance and influence over African nations by nations like the US, Germany, France and the west is seriously being challenged. China thus presents itself to many African governments as an alternative to the benefits of their association with the traditional west. To sweeten the pot, The Chinese leader Xi had recently announced the “10 major plans” in cooperation with Africa in the coming three years, covering the areas of industrialization, agricultural modernization, infrastructure, financial services, green development, trade and investment facilitation, poverty reduction and public welfare, public health, people-to-people exchanges, as well as peace and security. The three year budget covered some $60 billion of funding to guarantee implementation of the plans, which injected more impetus for vital Sino-African relations.

China has been particularly focused on Ethiopia, which for a brief while was the fastest growing economy in sub-Saharan Africa. Much of this growth has been driven by China, whose total investment in the country has reached almost $17 billion. In fact, Ethiopia is one of China’s six special economic zones in Africa. In addition, China is wielding soft power as in for instance, a Confucius Institute, a Chinese government-affiliated language and culture center established in Addis Ababa. China has also expanded the number of scholarships for Ethiopian students studying in China as well as volunteers from the Chinese mainland, in a program similar to America’s Peace Corps.

After the demise of the ideological leader of TPLF’s Ethiopia– Meles Zenawi–, his followers have become even more enamored by his link with China. During his latest visit to China, Prime Minister Haile mariam Desalegn met and held discussions with Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang, whereby they deliberated on ways of an even closer association. The Chinese ambassador to Ethiopia asserted that “In the area of business-to-business cooperation, even though our relation dates back 45 years ago, and the Chinese business community is the late comer, over the last 20 years; one can see the full spread of Chinese businesses everywhere; not only in the capital city but also in the country sides.” The ambassador also noted that the people-to-people exchanges between the two countries have also grown in the areas of culture and education underscoring the very active grooming and training of TPLF cadres by China.

The west (United States) and Ethiopia

Just as the growing importance of the Chinese in Ethiopian affairs is becoming more and more apparent, the relationship between the ruling Ethiopian regime and Western countries has been deteriorating particularly due to the role played by the Ethiopian diaspora in exposing the undemocratic measures employed by the TPLF in administering the country, the threat posed by ethnic fractionalization on regional and national peace.  This was recently highlighted by the explosive and destructive protests across the nation. The primary interest of western countries had been Ethiopia’s cooperation in securing neighboring states in Africa as well as combating terrorism and piracy that risked an even bigger de-stabilization across Africa.

In effect, the west used Ethiopian military capabilities to prevent or lessen its own involvement across the many unstable frontiers of Africa such as Somalia, Central African Republic, South Sudan, the red sea, etc.  In exchange Ethiopia received economic and military assistance that prevented hitherto well known calamities such as famines, coups, and wars among neighboring countries.

Until the end of the Cold War in the late-1980s, U.S. policy in East Africa and the Horn tried to balance regional security concerns with support for economic development and mitigating food shortages and famines. The primary goal of U.S. policy in the region was to minimize Soviet influence and that of China, Eastern Europe and Cuba. As the Cold War came to an end, the United States added to its policy agenda the objectives of encouraging democratic governance and improving human rights practices.

In the post-Cold War era, the primary U.S. human rights and governance concerns in the region have been the lack of transparent elections that allow meaningful participation by the opposition; the arrest of prominent opposition political leaders and journalists; corruption and discrimination against marginalized groups.

However, the United States demonstrated relatively little interest in the region until the 1998 al-Qaida attacks on the U.S. embassies in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Since then, and especially after the Sept. 11, 2001, al-Qaida attacks on the U.S., counterterrorism has dominated the U.S. policy agenda in the region, though not to the exclusion of other priorities.

The United States has been the single largest source of emergency food aid in times of need, for instance, and has done more to combat HIV and AIDS than any other country. It has also maintained significant development aid programs in most countries in East Africa and the Horn. All of these programs have, however, been implemented with an eye on the impact of both international terrorism and political instability to U.S. interests in the region and even the homeland. The United States Leans on Ethiopia for Security obligations while the government of Ethiopia wants US Money but is ever cozier with Chinese type control over its people and Chinese influence.

In conclusion, what this analysis is asserting is that it is not the people of Ethiopia who after so many years of subjugation that all of a sudden decided to go against a proven merciless power like the TPLF but that US tolerance of Chinese influence on TPLF had reached its limits. To that end, several so-called opposition groups were gathered and disbursed to accomplish the goal of teaching TPLF a lesson and accommodate a government perhaps more democratic while maintaining closer ties with US and performing its obligatory service in support of US policy.

[1] The name of the Author is fictitious to protect his privacy