ESAT Radio Wed 26 Oct 2016

They’re protesting worsening violence in the east African country.

 
Members of Edmonton’s Ethiopian community are gathering in Churchill Square Thursday at 3 p.m. to demonstrate against growing violence in the east African country.
 
According to human rights groups, hundreds of protesters have been killed this year after a government land grab led to demonstrations. Two weeks ago, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn declared a state of emergency, which critics say only allowed him to restrict people’s freedoms.

A release from Stelios Shaouna, one of the Edmonton organizers, says that people in Ethiopia are currently banned from, among other things, using social media, watching foreign TV, organizing demonstrations or speaking politically.

He adds that he hopes the demonstration adds to global pressure for a change in government. It’s part of a global gathering of the Ethiopian diaspora, and similar demonstrations are happening in Calgary and Vancouver.

A similar rally in March—which called on the federal government to stop sending money to the Ethiopian government—attracted almost 200 people.

 

 

Originally published October 27, 2016 at 2:59 am Updated October 27, 2016 at 5:44 am

 
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (AP) — Two Eritrean pilots have defected with their fighter jets to neighboring Ethiopia, an Eritrean opposition group confirmed Thursday, in a dramatic exit from one of the world’s most closed-off states.

“The two pilots flew their small-sized fighter jets to Mekelle on Wednesday morning,” Nasredin Ahmed Ali, spokesman for the Ethiopia-based Red Sea Afar Democratic Organization, told The Associated Press.

The spokesman identified the pilots as Afeworki Fisehaye and Mebrahtu Tesfamariam and described them as being very experienced with Eritrea’s air force. He said Ethiopian fighter jets accompanied them upon their entry into the country’s air space.

One witness, Abiy Chelkeba, a lecturer at Mekelle University, said Ethiopian jets were flying very low and conducting unusual turns in the northern city Wednesday morning. Local media also reported the defection.

An Eritrean official based in Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, said he was not aware of the defections. Ethiopia’s government spokesman, Getachew Reda, declined to comment.

This is the first time Eritrean pilots have defected to Ethiopia with their jets, but there have been reports of the East African country’s pilots defecting to Saudi Arabia since 2012.

Eritreans are one of the largest groups trying to cross the Mediterranean Sea to Europe, with the U.N. saying more than 47,000 applied for asylum there in 2015.

Eritrea’s government has been under criticism for what a U.N. commission of inquiry has said are numerous abuses including enslavement, rape and torture. President Isaias Afwerki, in power since 1991, is described by rights groups as increasingly repressive in the country of about 6 million.

Ethiopia and Eritrea fought a border war between 1998 and 2000 that killed tens of thousands of people. Border skirmishes occur often, and the two countries have not had diplomatic ties since 1998.

Pilots have used their fighter jets to make high-profile defections in other parts of the world, notably during the Cold War. One North Korean pilot, No Kum Sok, left during a training mission in 1953 and landed at a U.S. military base in South Korea.

Dr Berhanu Nega on Radio France Internationale’s English Africa service

by Samuel Getachew
Huffington Post

To Canada’s Brian Stewart — the veteran journalist who helped uncover the Ethiopian famine of 1984 to the world, long before Bob Geldof made it an infamous milestone in the world of charity-giving and imprinted extreme poverty as synonymous with Ethiopia — the East African country is still a country the world cannot stop worrying about.

Then again, how could the world not do that, when the images of young famine-stricken faces are still fresh in our minds after so many decades? Because of this tragedy, the world has made Ethiopia a popular destination for its pity and charitable gestures; yet extreme poverty still remains high. There are still millions in need of emergency food aid and many suffering from extreme poverty.

The award-winning journalist has since observed, despite some dotted positive advancements, that “Ethiopia cannot yet feed itself without the help of the rest of the world” and the “unpredictability of this help means the threat of severe food crises, even famine, is never far away.” That is a sad reality.

The Economist — the world’s most influential business voice that once bragged about Ethiopia’s new status as “Africa’s fastest growing non-energy economy,” has now begun to write a number of critical articles about Ethiopia. With the Dutch-based flower grower, Esmeralda Farms, recently losing 10 million Euros from its investmentin Bahir Dar because of the recent civil unrest.

How do we advance a nation that can ultimately become self-sufficient, rather than continue to benefit from handouts from western countries?

I wonder what impact this could have on potential investors to Ethiopia. With less potential investors, Ethiopia will likely not be able to afford to offer the social safety net it needs to its most vulnerable citizens. We should never neglect the fact that the role of the government is not to create jobs, but produce an attractive environment for citizens to create jobs, and in return have the government earn healthy tax. This helps to create an equitable and fair environment for all.

As long as I have lived and known Ethiopia, civil unrest, extreme poverty and corruption have always played a role in its conversation. In fact, at times, it feels like our social shortcomings have been entrenched in the fabric of Ethiopia’s citizenship. The fundamental question that we should entertain currently is: how do we advance Ethiopia’s collective interest of a healthy and prosperous nation that can ultimately become self-sufficient, rather than continue to benefit from handouts from western countries?

With Ethiopia currently dominating mainstream news in the pages of the Washington Post and the like’s editorial and opinion pages, should we once again embrace foreign aid or become advocates for trade as the better option? I like to think that the latter is what is needed in Ethiopia.

There is no denying the important role foreign aid plays in the world. During the Ethiopian famines, the Asian tsunami crises, and in broken nations such as Syria and South Sudan, foreign aid has played and continues to play an important and profound role in people’s lives. Charities have always saved lives and given people second, often third and fourth, chances in life. However, they are only effective when used as a Band-Aid solution for short term goals.

Workers move sacks of emergency food supplies in and out of Ethiopia’s largest strategic grain reserve depot in Adama, on Feb. 13, 2016. (Photo: Colin Cosier/AFP/Getty Images)

The difference I have with foreign aid is the very limited role it plays in the long term commitment to helping society become self-sufficient and independent.

At best, foreign aid has created dependency, produced corruption, intensified war and made unhealthy heroes of celebrities. Lest we forget, aid was lethal to Ethiopia during Mengistu Hailimariam’s era, where, according to James Peron, the executive director of the Institute for Liberal Values in South Africa, and as reported by the New York Times, “aid officials believed that Mengistu’s regime sold some of the food aid on the world market to finance the purchase of arms.”

Despite the billions earmarked for the world’s efforts to help Africa unshackle itself from extreme poverty, not much has changed. In fact, according to Gallup World, 10 of the top countries with the highest rate of poor citizens reside in Sub-Saharan African countries, and Ethiopia is one of them.

As the International Monetary Fund pointed out in 2005, in a report titled — “Aid Will Not Lift Growth in Africa” — “donors and campaigners should be more modest in their claims that increased aid will solve Africa’s problems.” It has not. As Nobel Prize-winning economist, Angus Deaton, correctly pointed out — “aid does more harm than good, damaging the opportunities for poor people to grow richer.”

With aid, we will just promote dependency and produce a slew of second class citizens.

Trade is the better option for Ethiopia. According to the European Union, as a result of trade, between 2000 and 2008, “GDP-per capital increased by between $325 and $625 in the least-developing countries.”

As we witness a number of foreign-owned textile and flower companies getting destroyed, I wonder if we are also destroying the foundation of what is essentially helping to change Ethiopia, creating jobs and opportunities. Even if a perfect Ethiopian society were to exist, can that society exist without foreign investment? Even the U.S. economy is sustained because of the direct involvement of foreign investment. In looking at trade, however, we should ask ourselves — what kind of trade is good for Ethiopia? How could we ensure the benefit of trade helps those that need it the most?

With fierce competition for foreign investment, we should never aspire to be like Bangladesh, or the next Walmart of Africa, where cheap and underage labour have become a real and pressing concern. The role of the government is to protect its citizens from exploitation, as its main role to provide the framework needed to produce a society of equals. If governments do not ensure that, we will continue to provide the ingredients for a future civil unrest, which we are seeing in Ethiopia. This will continue to drive away the investors that the country so desperately needs.

In good and open trade, governments should never attempt to produce a handful of the next Bill Gates, but rather a middle class society of millions that can afford to be generous and supplement the social safety net that the vulnerable need and deserve. With aid, we will just promote dependency and produce a slew of second class citizens.

A version of this article first appeared in Ethiopia’s Addis Fortune newspaper.

ESAT Radio Thu 27 Oct 2016

Video: Canada must stand with people of Ethiopia – Parliament of Canada

Professor Ezekeil Gebissa Kettering University
Mr. Jawar Mohammed Executive Director of OMN
15 October 2016
Statement of purpose

We write to express our concern about your recent announcement regarding the “Oromo Leadership Summit” due to take place in Atlanta, Georgia on the occasion of the First Anniversary of the Oromo Protests. We appreciate and value your endeavors to convene this Summit. We share your view that this Summit will set out a vision for the future of the Oromo nation.

This is an ambitious and far-reaching national project and we believe that we need to ‘get it right’. In that regard, we are particularly concerned about the procedural issues in planning to convene the Atlanta Convention. The signatories to this letter have come to learn that enough consultation has not taken place in initiating and planning to convene such a vital Summit.

The ways in which a Summit of this significance is convened, the integrity of its process and its potential to be adequately representative are of critical importance to the Oromo struggle and the future of Oromo people. In what follows, we will set out our concerns in detail and suggest possible steps that can be taken to address them.

Concerns about the process

When dealing with a vital national agenda such as this, the integrity of the process matters as much as the outcome. A representative, consultative, and inclusive process that allows key stakeholders to participate in defining and developing the agenda can bolster the outcome whereas a process that is not adequately consultative, representative, and accountable would certainly undermine it.

To our knowledge, many stakeholders and the wider Oromo Community around the world have not been consulted as stakeholders in the planning of this enormous national undertaking. This raises questions regarding the extent to which the process followed in preparing the ‘concept note’ is democratic and transparent. We believe a democratic and transparent approach is befitting of a major national project.

We are in highly unusual and uncharted terrains and we understand the temptations for expediency and to dispense with what would surely be a painfully frustrating and complex democratic exercise. However, there cannot be a short-cut when it comes to major political decisions that will influence, even determine, the form and content of norms, institutions and values that will govern our future.

This is an enormous undertaking. It needs to be treated with the seriousness it deserves. We recognize the desire to keep up with fast-changing events on the ground. But we must ensure that at least key stakeholders have enough time to weigh in on the proposed documents and that there are sufficient consultations at the grassroots level.

Expediency at the expense of procedural integrity will undercut the legitimacy of the project; when it seems foreseeably effective, it carries the germs of new, perhaps even more ominous threats to the collective interests of our people.

We are concerned that a project that is so contested at this early stage in the process will likely do more harm than good. We are worried that it will cause tremendous damage to the unity and cohesion of our communities and will further erode public trust and confidence in its leaders.

We also note with great concern that another group of Oromos are already planning to organize their own independent summit. Staging two competing summits to consider, discuss and settle the same problem sends the wrong signal to our friends and foes about the Oromo people’s ability to lead the current struggle and the post-EPRDF Ethiopia. Indeed, this will represent a mortal threat to the process and the outcome. There are no reasonable grounds to believe that you — as the sponsors of the Summit— have done all you can to exhaust every available opportunity to reach an amicable settlement with the latter group.

Concerns about the substance of the document:

We recognize that there are diverse views within the Oromo people as far as the substance of the document is concerned. We believe that this is an issue that needs to be decided by a representative convention. However, we feel that some of the language in the document should be reformulated to avoid alienating key allies and endangering the uncommon expressions of solidarity with the various nations and nationalities.

It goes without saying that many Ethiopians and Ethiopia’s foreign backers are looking closely at what Oromos do. It is important that we are always mindful of our audience and anticipate the potential for misunderstanding. We are concerned that four weeks are not enough to craft potentially consequential documents such as the charter envisaged in your release with the seriousness and thoughtfulness it so deserves.

For all the above reasons, we find the proposed project morally and politically indefensible. We find it very difficult to get behind this project in its current form.

Our suggestion for the way forward

There are compelling reasons to rethink and reframe the Georgia convention. To begin with, the broad issues raised and outcomes listed in the ‘concept note’ are unlikely to be addressed in just one gathering. For this reason, we propose two separate conventions: The Georgia Convention and “the Grand Oromo Convention.”

a) The Georgia convention: as planned but confined to the urgent needs of the hour and the Grand Oromo Convention:

§ Resource mobilization, humanitarian response and commemoration. There are pressing humanitarian and medical needs. Hence, it is extremely important to anchor the motivation for the convention on the necessity to tackle the challenges of NOW and on ways to build capacity to keep pace with the fast changing events in Oromia. It’s befitting of an event held on the first year anniversary of a once in a generation protest movement to be devoted to honoring the memories and sacrifices of our martyrs. A focus on resource mobilization and humanitarian response will help identify available resources — material and otherwise — and allow the diaspora communities to reach out to our people at a time of their greatest need.

§ Forge a genuine alliance among Oromo political organizations. Harmony and unity among Oromo Political organizations is desperately needed. It will provide a tremendous morale boost to the movement in Oromia. We believe this matter should be treated with a sense of urgency. The Georgia convention provides a great opportunity to apply maximum pressure on all Oromo political organizations.

§ Set the goals, date, venue and the agenda for a follow-up Grand Oromo Convention. A great deal of background work and deliberation is needed. Ideas need to be formulated, circulated, and thoroughly discussed in a consultative, transparent, representative, and accountable process. Toward this end, the Georgia convention will elect steering committees responsible for overseeing the overall delivery of the Grand Oromo Convention and set priorities and sequence activities necessary to achieve the objective. It will consider the need for the proposed Gumii Council and all other competing proposals. It will identify individuals who will draft the necessary documents and set their terms of reference.

We believe this will ensure public ownership of the process and a broad-based support both within the Oromo communities and our allies. We believe this will help democratize the process, avoid the risk of competing events, and confer legitimacy on the outcome.

• In summary, the Georgia Convention, if managed well, will have a transformative impact on the struggle of the Oromo People. It will create opportunities for Oromo leaders, academics and activists to come together and set out guiding principles and an organizational infrastructure through which resources – material, expertise, financial, personnel, and etc. – are mobilized and channeled to specific targets in a coordinated manner.

b) The Grand Oromo Convention: This will tackle the broader issues outlined in the concept note, specifically the two foundational documents envisaged in your “concept note” and other activities mandated by the Georgia Convention.

This will allow us and other stakeholders an opportunity to weigh in on these foundational documents and forge an all-inclusive Oromo vision for post-EPRDF Ethiopia. We would appreciate the opportunity to help rethink and reframe the approach and possible outcomes of this convention.

Once again we would like to express our appreciation for your conception of this timely “Oromo Leadership Convention” and your endeavor to organize the event. We sincerely hope that you take our concerns and suggestions seriously and make appropriate modifications to the contents of the Concept Note, as well as the structure of the convention and the process of its organization. We believe a democratic and transparent process based on consultations of stakeholders will withstand the test of time.

Conclusion

We do not sign this letter lightly but we feel we are in an extraordinary situation.

Signatories:

1.Awol Kassim Allo

2.Dr. Ayala Gelan

3.Leta Bayissa

4.Geresu Tufa

5.Mohammed Ademo

6.Girma Kenea

7.Siinqee Waasho

8.Edao Dawano

9.Hallelujah Lulie

10.Fatuma Badhasso

11.Dhaqaba Hawas

12.Hashim Adem

ESAT Breaking News Thur 29 Oct 2016

Patriotic Ginbot 7, Oromo Democratic Front, Afar People Party and Sidama People Democratic Movement are reportedly formed “Ethiopian Movement”. The newly formed “Ethiopian Movement” called a public meeting in Washington DC. (ESAT News).

Mahemud E. Tekuya
 
I, undersigned, am an Ethiopian citizen  who has seen only the current regime and has no idea about the past except those written in history books.
 

 
As an Ethiopian who is concerned about the future of his country, I was able to participate on the third, October 22-23, 2016, conference organized by Vision Ethiopia, a non partisan and “neutral” institution working to set roadmap foundation for transition and constitutional making in Ethiopia. I am very happy that I got the opportunity to be part of this conference and privileged to personally meet some of Ethiopian renowned scholars.

The conference provided a forum for discussion and brought different ideas on the table.  Different politicians, activists and religious leaders have mad  speeches, and renowned scholars have presented their research papers concerning the political  future of the country. The overall atmosphere of the event was very interesting and I am glad to be part of this once-in-a-life time opportunity.

Nevertheless,  as an individual belonging to the new generation, I  have the following concerns on the conference in general and the papers presented in particular.

1. Conference
   1. Composition of the conference

The conference was composed only of the 1960-70 generations. It didn’t include the new generation especially the 1990s and nor did it even consider the societal changes and thoughts of this generation. In fact, I was the only participant who appear to be from the new generation.  The new generation must be active in politics and committed to participate on such conferences with national importance.

TPLF/EPDRF has always been working on this generation as part of its divided and rule strategy. Instead of tolerance and celebrating diversity, the  regime has taught this generation to magnify religious and ethnic differences and live in bigotry.  As is obviously for those who use social media, most youngsters are fiercely dehumanizing one another which reveals  the country’s venerable to ethnic cleansing. So, in providing a roadmap for transition, and thereby prevent potential conflict, at most effort shall be exerted to include individuals from this generation.

In addition, the prospective of 1960s elites towards Ethiopia is pretty much different from the new generation. Obviously, the generation who used to live in one flag and think only of Ethiopianism will not think similar to current generation living under ten different flags. Almost all of the 1960s elites oppose ethnic based federalism, yet a considerable numbers of individuals from the new generation are pro- ethnic based federalism . In addition, the same view point difference  existing on the principle of secularism and the role of religion in politics. So, in any forum addressing the potential problems in the post- TPLF/EPDRF Ethiopia, these view point differences should always be consider and brought in the table for discussion.

2. Procedures of the conference

The conference did not give enough time for participants to question and challenge the very validity of the assertions made by the presenters. Nor did it allow us to add points that are missed by the presenters. Yet, the development of the roadmap requires active engagement and contribution of all the participants. Not only the few presenters, but also  the participants of the conference should be given the opportunity to reflect on the ideas brought for discussion.  Otherwise, the participants presence would be meaningless for they could watch the presentation of the scholars live from home.

The organizers did not give emphasis on this and no time even allotted for discussion in the schedule. Sometimes, when individuals, including me, insisted to ask questions, they just allow only one or two individuals to ask their questions in a minute. Given the significance of the conference and considering the complex nature of the ideas presented therein,  the one question and one minute restriction is equal to prohibiting participant not to ask questions  Accordingly, adequate time for question and discussion must be allotted for the future.

1. Papers Presented
   1. Federalism and ownership of Land

Mr. Muluneh Eyole of patriotic Ginobot 7 was one of the presenters. In his presentation, he addressed the existing problems in Ethiopia. Anticipating the immediate downfall of TPLF/EPDRF, he forwarded  recommendations for post- TPLF/EPDRF Ethiopia. He argued that post-TPLF / EPDRF must follow a federal form of overnment structure. Addressing the possibility of ethnic based federalism, he appeared to suggest the mixture of ethnic and geographic federalism for the post-TPLF/EPDRF Ethiopia. In particular, he said that deciding the base on which the regional states to be demarcated shall be left the consent of nation and nationalities of Ethiopia. I am a strong fan of public participation and value the consent of the people. My question is, however, related to  the pragmatic applicability this mixed approach.

Currently, almost all of nation and nationalities of Ethiopia are demanding to have self-rule and exercise the right to self-determination. So also, all of the existing the Regional State except, probably, Amhara will need to maintain their regional autonomy. How will this be different from the existing federal structure except having 80+ regional states? Nothing! Like Mr. Muluneh’s proposal EPDRF has demarcated the regional states of the country not only based on ethnicity but also geographic  and other considerations.  I believe federalism in general and ethnic based federalism in particular is very complex government structure. It is an experiment which needs much research and learning the experience of other country. Instead of looking for a middle ground to encompass the Oromos on his party, as he later confessed, I urge Mr. Muluneh to make more researches on the issue and look at the experience of other country or leave the matter for constitutional expertise.

Apart from this, he also forwarded a recommendation to vest the legislative power on the ownership of the states. He argued that land legislation shall be an exclusive power of the regional states. In this recommendation,  I found Mr. Muluneh, an Economist in profession as he said, forgetting land is a national policy that divided the world into two major ideologies, i.e. socialism and capitalism political economy. Land is one of the most important means of production that requires a nation wide uniform land policy,  recognizing either  private or state ownership, the implementation of which is a sine qua non creating one economic community. If so, how this will be achieve if we have different land policy in one country? In addition, remembering the significance of the moto  “Land to the Tiller”  in the 1960s Ethiopia students movement, and being cognizant to the absence tenure security the existing state ownership of land, I really wondered why Mr. Muluneh failed to propose a nation wide land policy which recognize private ownerships of land.

2. The existing and Post TPLF/ EPDRF Constitution

As the title of the conference, “constitutional making”, implies, constitution is one of the fundamental theme of the conference. Hence, various constitutional related scholarly papers were presented by constitutional experts.  Considering the 1995 FDRE constitution as TPLF constitution, all of the scholars denied legitimacy for the existing constitution. Moreover, emphasizing the complete destruction of the existing constitution, they – in common- recommended the adoption of a new, all inclusive, constitution for the post- TPLF/EPDRF Ethiopia.

Specifically, as recommended by professor Getachew Metaferia, the new constitution shall follow federal structure and clearly allocate the federal and state powers. It shall recognize and grant fundamental rights. It shall maintain separation of power between the three governmental organs, i.e. the legislative, executive and judiciary, and ensure accountability by installing check and balance. In addition, Prof. Getachew added that the new constitution shall establish neutral organs like election board, Human Rights Commission and Ombudsman along with non partisan and all inclusive national military force.

Looking these recommendations in light with the existing, as they call it, TPLF constitution, one may find most of the recommendations incorporated in the constitution.  The FDRE constitution has recognized federal form of government and allocated the power of federal and state government. It vividly give an exclusive residual powers for states after enumerating the powers of the federal government. In addition,  one chapter, chapter three, is devoted for human rights recognizing the so called three generation rights, i.e. 1. Civil and Political Rights, 2. Socio-economic and Cultural Rights, and 3. Development and environmental rights. The constitution has also mentioned horizontal separation of power between the three organs of government and recognized the principle of separation of power. The same goes to the organs and national military force.

Indeed, the pragmatic applicability of these constitutional principles is far from the theory. It’s the usual practice of the federal government to usurp the power of the states. The power of TPLF/EPDRF regime is not  limited, it arbitrary restrict and violate all the rights recognized in the constitution. While the constitution contemplates strict separation of power, the regime totally controls the three organs of the government which adversely affect the very essence of rule of law and independent of the judiciary. The organs like electoral board, Human rights commission and Ombudsman are neither neutral nor have adequate power to properly function. And, as we all know the military, being under the monopoly of TPLF generals, is a partisan military force accountable only to the TPLF/ EPDRF thugs. If that is the case, why not Prof. Getachew and other scholars proposed the pragmatic applicability of the rules of the constitution instead of its  the complete destruction?

Most constitutional scholars and students are of the opinion that the existing constitution is one the right track, but enduring from constitutional and extra-constitutional deficiencies. While Some Scholars  consider the absence of pragmatic applicability of the rules of constitutional as the sole constitutional problem and recommend its strict applicability as solution, others like Dr. Assefa attributed the constitutional problems of Ethiopia both to the constitution itself and it’s application. Identifying the absence of judicial review, the composition of the HOF, the bases regional state formation, absence of constitutionally recognized federal Institutions,  constitutional absurdity on the devolution legislative, executive, judiciary and taxation power between the federal and states and so on as constitutional problems, he recommended the amendments  of the constitution. In addition, others like Adem considering the constitution as the challenge for political diversity, he recommended comprehensive electoral reform with the amendment of the “first past the post” system recognized in constitution. Moreover, he also consider the constitution as foundation for the prevalence  of rule by law, as opposed to rule of law, in the country.

Accordingly, the problem of the papers presented on the conference is that they did not reflect on those agreements. In other words, neither they show why pragmatic applicability of the rules of the constitution and it’s amendment can not be the solutions, nor they indicate the reasons why they opt the complete destruction of the constitution as solution for post-TPLF/EPDRF regime.  I believe the scholars have missed a big opportunity to convince the majority of constitutional students why their position is right and why the TPLF/EPDRF constitution should not be given any legitimacy.

In relation to this, one of the Professors has identified three possibilities of regime change in Ethiopia, i.e. coup d’é·tat, peaceful transition and armed struggle. In his presentation, he preferred the peaceful transition of power from TPLF/FDRE to the people where all, including the regime, political parties and oppositions in the country and living in exile would form a transitional government. If this the most plausible scenario, how would the complete destruction of the constitution be possible? Will it not be amendment of the constitution the more likely scenario?

3. Amhara Nationalism

Amhara nationalism was the other debatable issue on the conference. Most of the 1960s and 1970s participants were not happy about Amhara nationalism. Most individuals from the unity and Patriotic Ginobot 7 were also concerned about the move to organize Amhara. The presenter explicitly made it clear that strong Amhara organization is necessary not for Amharas’ self-determination  or secession but its survival ship.

One of the presenter, Mr. Gizaw Legese has said that Amhara nationalism is an implication of surrendering one self to the Melse Zenawi, confirming his ‘divided rule’ strategy as a winning ideology. In fact, Mr. Gizaw had not been asked about this question and nor was there any relevant point in his presentation which would gave him a reasonable ground to reflect on Amhara Nationalism.  As I suspect, his reaction was intentionally meant to indicate his opposition to the very idea of Amhara nationalism. But, why did he and his generation consider the Amhara nationalism as a sin? Given the existing tribalism and the absence of any organ that will protect the interest of Amhara, isn’t it Amhara nationalism proper? Like other ethnic group organized in their respective nation, isn’t it proper for Amharas to organize themselves?

If the fear is about undermining Ethiopian Unity, Amhara nationalism will not have any effect as clear indicated by the presenter. Moreover, if the expected change comes in either of the aforementioned three possibilities, the need for strong Amhara organization with the required bargaining power is indispensable for protecting the interests of Amhara on the post- TPLF/ EPDRF Ethiopia.

This is the summer the Ethiopian people declared ‘I’ve had it up to here’ and rebelled against Woyane rule. A few things ignited the rage that has now engulfed the whole country. The Addis Ababa Master plan designed to confiscate land though being in the planning stage for a while did not go do well with the poor farmers. It was Abbay Tsehaye’s turn to prove his worth and he failed miserably. TPLF embarked on its killing orgy to quiet the noise. Over a thousand lives, tens of thousands youth in camps and untold property damage the repression did not achieved the intended result.

The issue of Wolkait-Tsegede reared its head at this unfortunate time. Unfortunate for the Tigrai based cabal. Of course Wolkait-Tsegede question became an Amhara issue. It is also true folks began to connect the dots. Before you know it Gondar defied the regime came out waving the real Ethiopian flag and picture of Bekele Gerba the unassuming Oromo leader. Slogans shouted ‘Oromo blood is Amhara blood’. Needless to say TPLF was in disarray.

The customary Erecha festival was the time when things took an ominous turn to the mafia group. Busloads of Amhara elders from Gondar, Bahir Dar and Northern Shoa came to Bishoftu to celebrate with their Oromo cousins. The elders sat down under one tent and affirmed their kinship. That was the straw that broke Woyane back. Their information and propaganda Minister had a meltdown on national TV. The Amhara and the Oromo cannot come together he declared with confidence. The TPLF playbook does not contain instructions on how to deal with the rest of Ethiopians getting together without the Tigrai group lurking in the middle.

Thus they even raised the deadbeat from happy retirement to come and defend ‘Revolutionary Democracy’. Seyoum Mesfin preached in his usual flat monotone manner with theories from centuries back and void of the truth. He managed to put us all to sleep. Abbay Tsehaye in his own bland way tried to paint a good picture, Berket the ill fitting child neither Eritrean or Ethiopian tried to show presence but nothing worked. First round saw Kassu Ilala and Aba Dulla in the mix with Ledetu brought out last in this circus show. None of the above act got traction. The defiance in both Amhara and Oromo regions intensified.

Ethiopians both at home and those dispersed all over the world felt empowered when they saw our Oromo and Amhara cousins standing together. The minority ethnic based regime was feeling the heat. No amount of propaganda was changing the perceptions of a regime cornered. True to nature the Politburo declared State of Emergency and created a parallel government. ‘Command Post’ is in charge of the country and no one knows who under what authority choose three people from the same party to make a life and death decision about our family. Command Post is another name of TPLF Politburo.

The Decree was typical TPLF senseless bravado. Drawn by school children its full reach came trickling by. Even when it was read on National TV the Decree was backdated a day early. The kangaroo Parliament was not even consulted. Well after the fact they collected MP’s from their Teg Bet and made them vote. What was interesting is the fact some from Oromia and Amhara regions stood up and refused to vote on the illegal proclamation. We commend their efforts, all is not lost. As you read this our country is ruled by the TPLF Politburo with not even a hint of shame. Whether you like it or not TPLF have taken over the country. Holding on to that power is an existential question for a few people. As I said the balance was tipping against the mafia and they had to do that to rule another day.

What gives a person a pause is the news about the meeting in London by International Oromo Lawyers Association.  I am glad our Oromo people got together to exchange experiences and get to know each other. The Oromo region of the country has become a killing field and it is natural those that escape the atrocity will get together to help their family and speak out loud to remind the world. Ethiopians inside the country are facing Agazi murderers on a daily basis and their children in the outside are gathering, marching, collecting signatures and keeping hope alive.

I am afraid the London Conference was not designed to find a solution, expose the dire conditions at home and publicly shame the dictatorial regime. No that was not the purpose of this assembly. For some strange reason the organizers including Ato Teshale Aberra a former Chief Justice of Oromia region under the tutelage of TPLF and Ato Jowar Mohamed a social activist and Oromo Network official among other notables decided to use such an empowering conference to throw dirt on their own old Nation. I know it is mind-boggling but that is the route they decided to take at this important time in our history.

Their claim was to give a forum to all that are concerned about Oromia and the future. Normally in such conferences the organizers invite individuals or organized groups to tell the assembled their vision on how things are going to be like when they are made in charge. They usually bring out folks that after careful study and long practice give guidance to their people and help put matters in perspective for the average person to digest. It is considered futile and a waste of valuable time to dwell in the past when the people are clamoring for smart way of doing stuff to get out of a dangerous and deadly situation. One cannot normally go to the length of allocating time and money to waste it on trivia and ‘Mamo Kilo’ story.

They actually gave the microphone to an individual that threatened to dismantle our country so he can build a free Oromo Nation. I agree it is a bizarre notion but he actually said that and those in attendance clapped cheerfully. An individual that has the title PhD in front of his name was happy to say ‘our job is not to act as pillar (Meseso) to hold Ethiopia together. I believe and recognize the right of both gentlemen to express their feelings or wishes whichever way they like. That is not what I am concerned about. What I find strange is why the organizers thought inviting people with such vile and unattainable position would attract others to the cause of freedom and justice.

Both gentlemen and their friends seem to have forgotten they currently reside inside Ethiopia. How they will continue on their Nation building process while everything around them is in disarray is not clear at the moment. Other than espousing some tired ideas about ‘independence’ our honorable friends have not worked out the nuts and bolts of National dissolution or Nation building. Believe me it is not an easy matter. Ask our ancestors.

Some use history as a club to knock down others instead of using history to learn from and build a better future. They go hundreds of years back and argue with passion as if it happened right here in front of our eye. It is when they want to settle score today that they bring out what happened a long time ago. The fact they are becoming what they hated in others does not seem to strike them as a little strange. In Ethiopia this sort of mentality has become a national culture. The Derg swore to get rid of inequality but turned out to be a killing machine. TPLF Woyane came with much fanfare as the savior of the Nation but is now fighting for its life while threatening to hightail it back to Tigrai and leave us fighting each other. So much for ‘I love Ethiopia.’

Looks like our Oromo organizer of the London conference have not heard of what happens when you catch the tiger by the tail. They are trying to duplicate a broken system that is on the verge of collapse. Why Oromo supremacy would work when the Tigrai version failed is a mystery. Today our people are in the process of forming a United Front. Why some fail to see this as a positive sign of maturity and a sure formula to guarantee a lasting peace is a very perplexing matter. One is forced to look deeper and try to determine if TPLF has infiltrated some of the groups. It is worrisome to see all the ugliness of the conference being used by TPLF outlets and Woyane Social Media activists to disparage and put down our movement for freedom.

There is another conference scheduled in Atlanta in a few days time. Would it turn out to be another hate fest and ‘pie in the sky’ storytelling gathering or approach the problem our people are facing in an adult manner and use the opportunity to give hope to our people. It is our collective wish that the organizers rise up above the sloganeering and cheap theatrics that attract the unhinged among us and embark on the road of building one Ethiopian Nation that holds its children in a loving, equal and compassionate manner. We urge you not turn our summer of upheaval into the winter of our discontent. No doubt you will lose but that does not mean there will be winners.

We wish our Oromo people gathering a huge success. Our people are paying a heavy price and this is no time to rain on their parade. This is not time to add to the sadness but a time to give hope. This is not the time to selfishly try to shine the light on oneself but a time to unite together and confront the mafia regime as one. We have them staggering and all we got to do is push them gingerly so their fall does not affect us much. The question is are you going to push or give a shoulder to lean on, you decide my friends, we already have. We are pushing.

“Although it wasn’t the primary reason, the withdrawal of troops from Somalia is an audacious attempt to blackmail the international community.”

“The regime is making a move to withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC).”

Ethiopia’s military participation at the international stage has a long history. Among the highlights is the 1951-1954 mission where Ethiopian troops took part in the Korean War, in which Kagnew battalion, led by Major General Mulugeta Buli, stands tall. The Battalion consisting of 3158 soldiers along with contingents from twenty countries, participated and performed with great distinction with 121 Ethiopian soldiers who died and 536 wounded. When the Korean war ended, the Ethiopians were the only ones with no prisoners of war to collect from the North Korean side because the Ethiopians never surrendered during their four-year mission.[1]  At the end of the war there were American POWs in North Korea and several thousands from other participating countries.[2]

This prestigious and well respected international military tradition of the Ethiopian Army has been tarnished by the current ethno-kleptocratic regime of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front.  Since assuming power twenty-five years ago, the regime has created an army and police force of an ethnic hegemony in which the command and control of all departments and divisions, including chief of staff and high command, are exclusively reserved to ethnic Tigreans.  It is this military, with no internal cohesion and national character, that has been involved in international peacekeeping in number of countries, including in Somalia. The international missions under the TPLF regime are largely motivated by their desire to garner international legitimacy and use the peacekeeping opportunity as a cash cow for the corrupt senior commanders and politicians earning large sums of hard currency. Furthermore, the current army and police have a well documented appalling record of human rights violations against innocent and unarmed civilians demanding their rights in Ethiopia.

On October 26, 2016, the regime’s incoherent Communications Minister, Getachew Reda, announced the withdrawal of the regime’s forces from Somalia citing “lack of support” and said “the international community has a responsibility either to train or support the Somali National Army.”[3] Well, the problem with this argument is, firstly, the Somali government can speak for itself and ask the international community for help. Second, the international community is already assisting the Somali government in training its National Army and Police Force. Therefore, the accusation that the international community is not doing something is unfounded and false. In fact, the international community has invested a significant amount of resources and expertise to stabilize Somalia and establish an inclusive and capable central government. The TPLF regime’s familiar strategy of “Après moi le déluge” is something we have become too familiar within the national political discourse. Now, this same strategy has been attempted vis-à-vis Somalia and Al Shabaab.  As one observer put it, “Although it wasn’t the primary reason, the withdrawal of troops from Somalia is an audacious attempt to blackmail the international community.” The truth is the international community has woken up from its long sleep regarding Ethiopia and the regime’s atrocities and is beginning to stand with the Ethiopian people and support their democratic aspiration.

For the regime, the decision to withdraw its troops from Somalia has two reasons. The first reason is to blackmail the international community by raising a concern that the withdrawal of the regime’s troops will create a vacuum, and thus Al Shabaab will be reconstituting and ultimately taking control of large swath of land in Somalia and possibly spreading into the greater Horn of Africa region. Furthermore, the regime also wants to blackmail the international community that the vacuum will attract extremist groups other than Al Shabaab to take a foothold in Somalia.

The second reason is that the regime doesn’t want the international community to know. Which is the political, economic, social and security crisis in Ethiopia. This fact was openly admitted by the regime itself on October 8, 2016 when it declared a ‘state of emergency”. The popular uprising, which covers a large territory of the country has stretched the regime’s security forces capability of putting down the rebellion. Thus, the practical solution for the regime is to withdraw troops from Somalia and other peacekeeping missions and try to use them to quash the popular uprising, which it tried and failed so far. This is the main reason for the withdrawal although, the regime is trying to spin it use it to blackmail the international community.

Sources close to the regime are also saying that the “regime is making a move to withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC)” following in the footsteps of Burundi, South Africa and the Gambia who announced that they are leaving the international body. This move by the regime should alarm the international community as well as citizens of Ethiopia. Obviously, this is a clear strategy that the regime is trying to pre-empt accountability and international justice for atrocities it has committed over the last three decades. In effect, the regime is taking sides with indicted war criminals, such as Omar Al Bashir of Sudan and others.

Finally, the so-called “war on terror” has been used and manipulated by number of authoritarian regimes especially those in Africa to ally themselves with the western powers and access resources and support from the developed economies. This strategy of jumping into the “war on terror” band wagon is no longer a workable strategy for authoritarian regimes. Moreover, Western policy makers are realizing that the most potent force against terrorism and extremism is viable support for democracy and working with pro-democracy forces to establish institutions that will uphold the values of democracy, rule of law and political and economic freedom.

The writer can be reached at alem6711@gmail.com

[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kagnew_Battalion

[2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Americans_in_North_Korea

[3]http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-37775555

Prof Mammo Muchie’s interview in SABC News on Ethiopia’s recent happenings

By Marthe van der Wolf

ADDIS ABABA — VOA News – Ethiopian human rights activists, members of opposition parties and those working in the media say their freedom of movement has been severely limited since the government declared a state of emergency three weeks ago. Many are afraid to speak out while others had to stop working.

Ethiopia’s government has insisted the six-month state of emergency — declared so authorities can deal with protests in the Oromia and Amhara regions — does not affect the constitutional rights of citizens.

But while things might seem calm in the streets of Addis Ababa, those perceived as challenging the government’s views say they are often blocked from carrying out their activities.

Assefa Habtewold is the chairman of the opposition All Ethiopian Unity Party. He says it has become almost impossible for his party members to operate.

“We cannot go from region to region and visit our members,” said Habtewold. “We cannot conduct meetings with our members at different districts. All this is prohibited. All in all we cannot make a meeting of more than two persons. Totally our movement is halted. Until the end of the state of emergency we cannot do anything.”

The party, like other opposition parties, says dozens of its members have been detained or are being harassed.

Addis Standard, a weekly independent magazine, announced last week it is suspending its print edition. No printing house is willing to print their magazine following the state of emergency, says editor-in-chief Tsedale Lemma.

“It makes everybody hung onto this unspecified fear of what’s going to happen if this material is published,” said Lemma. “Will it be misunderstood, will it be used against me? So this has a huge impact on doing journalism for us. As we have seen it now with Addis Standard, it even extends to vendors, and printers, and pretty much everyone involved in making a print product.”

Tsedale says the magazine will continue online, despite the country’s internet being mostly switched off.

Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, the Oromo, has been demonstrating for nearly a year demanding more freedom, economic inclusiveness and proper compensation for land disputes. Hundreds have been killed during clashes with police.

Africanews

Hailemariam Desalegn, has said they will not support any negative forces to launch attacks on neighbouring South Sudan.

Hailemariam arrived in the South Sudanese capital, Juba, on Friday morning for a one-day official visit. He addressed the country’s parliament and also held bilateral talks with president Salva Kiir.

“We will not support an armed struggling group or anyone who opts for path of war and therefore we will not allow any armed movement which is detracting from peace in our region both in Ethiopia and South Sudan.

‘’(And) will cooperate in a strong army-to-army cooperation where the president has agreed to send his chief of staff quickly to Addis Ababa and they will agree on the common cooperation of making our borders and also inland secure,” the Ethiopian premier is quoted to have said during a joint press conference with Salva Kiir.

His statement is in apparent reference to not entertaining rebel groups in the opposition who have been asked to mount an armed resistance against the South Sudan government.

Former first vice-president, Riek Machar has called for an armed resistance after he fled the country following renewed clashes with forces loyal to President Kiir. He is currently in South Africa seeking medical attention.

Attacks on the country’s highways and on the civilian population has been laid at the doorstep of rebels. The latest is the abduction of 30 school children even though they deny any involvement.

For his part, Salva Kiir said, “We have discussed very important issues and especially the bilateral issues and we have signed several MoUs and these are things to be implemented.

We have agreed on security issues that we will not allow any negative force to use our territory to launch hostile activities on the other.”

Hailemariam is one of the guarantors of the peace deal signed last year and his former foreign minister Seyoum Mesfin was the chief mediator of the deal that allowed former South Sudan first vice-president to return to the capital this year.

Tamagne Beyene’s Response to the London Oromo Conference

Terefe Mekonnen

አያት ቅድመ አያቶቻችን ታላቋ እናት አገራችን ኢትዮጵያ እንዳትፈርስ አጥንታቸውን ከስክሰው፣ ደማቸውን አፍሰው፣ ከሰሜን፣ ከደቡብ፣ ከምስራቅ፣ ከምእራብ ሙስሊም፣ ክርስቲያኑ ኦሮሞው፣ አማራው፣ ደቡቡ፣ ትግሬው፣ ወላይታው፣ አፋሩ፣ ጋምቤላው፣ ኮንሶው፣ ቆቱው ወዘተ አንድ ሆነው ተንከራተው የደምና የህይወት ዋጋ ከፍለው ያቆዩልንን አገራችንን እኛ ካስቆራረስን፣ ካስፈራረስን አጥንታቸው እሾክ ሆኖ ይውጋን!
አንድ ህዝብ፥ አንድ ኢትዮጵያ!!
የጋራ ጠላታችን ወያኔን በተባበረ ኢትዮጵያውያን ተደምስሶ ኢትዮጵያን እንገነባለን!!!

by Prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam
 
Author’s Note: This is the third successive installment in a series I have called “What Do WE Want and Do NOW?”.  The serialized commentaries have three aims: 1) take stock of the impact of the recent uprisings in Ethiopia against the backdrop of the extreme repression (“state of emergency”) unleashed by the Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (T-TPLF); 2) challenge Ethiopians, particularly Ethiopian intellectuals, to think outside the box, indeed with no box at all, about going  forward, and 3) propose some ideas that maybe useful in charting a future course of action given current circumstances.

George Orwell is credited for saying, “In a time of universal deceit – telling the truth is a revolutionary act.”

It is my greatest privilege as an academic and a lawyer to speak truth not only to power, power abusers and misusers, but also to the power-hungry, power-thirsty and even the powerless. We live in an age where political language is used to confuse, to intimidate, to appease and to evade the tough issues. We live in an age where political correctness masquerades as intellectual courage and  intellectual cowardice and narrow-mindedness celebrated as goodwill and  tolerance. I wholeheartedly agree with Orwell’s observation that, “Political language is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind.”

Pure wind and hot air permeate the current dialogues and debates about the situation in Ethiopia. I hear people talking  about the “problems” and the “solutions” in an airtight echo chamber. There are few fresh and creative ideas circulating about what needs to be done and how to get it done. Most of us have become prisoners of  jaded “old thinking” and continue to engage in patterns of thinking that have proven to be destructive and counterproductive.  We have trapped ourselves in our own self-made ideological boxes. We are afraid to think outside the box, let alone bust out of the box and think freely. We find ourselves trapped in a “thinking  bubble”  because we are afraid  of criticism and ostracism. The physical killil (Bantustan, homeland) created for us by the T-TPLF has now insidiously become an intellectual and psychological kilil. We are now not only prisoners of the T-TPLF in an open air prison called Ethiopia, but also T-TPLF prisoners of the mind.

One of the privileges of being an academic and lawyer with no political ambitions whatsoever is that I am unburdened by the demands of political correctness. I call it as I see it. I am sure some will find my ideas  provocative,  challenging, outrageous and even offensive. Others will find them inspirational, stimulating and even fresh and unorthodox. But I do not write for political effect or expediency. I write for one reason only: To speak truth to power, to power abusers and misusers, to the power-hungry and power-thirsty and to the powerless.

Yes, my TRUTH!

(Continues from Part II, available HERE; Part I available HERE.)

V.  Build an “ETHIOPIAN CONSCIOUSNESS MOVEMENT”– Fight with our minds!

As I have argued in Parts I and II, the T-TPLF today operates a kinder and gentler black apartheid system in Ethiopia.  In its essential attributes and consequences, there is little difference between the minority white apartheid system of South Africa and the T-TPLF apartheid system in Ethiopia.

The most important and devastating weapons used in defeating the white minority apartheid system was not AK-47s and grenade launchers but the minds of Black South Africans.

For a long time, the minority whites succeeded in forcing Black South Africans to accept as a fact that being black is the same as being subhuman and inferior. The whites proclaimed that Black South Africans have no human rights and do not deserve any because it is divinely ordained that they shall be ruled by the minority whites. The Dutch Reformed Church of South Africa (the official religion of the National Party that introduced apartheid in 1948), the ideological architects of apartheid and defenders of racial segregation, decreed separation of the races and white supremacy is divinely ordained by God.

While the T-TPLF has not used religion to justify its ethnic supremacy, it has created its own equivalent mythology about its own ethnic supremacy by propagandizing that they are the only ones who are heroic, brave and powerful; only they are the smartest and the brightest; only they are the chosen to rule over the rest of the God-forsaken Ethiopians. They have a birthright to first-class citizenship, and everyone else can compete for third-class citizenship and beyond. (The T-TPLF has reserved second-class citizenship to those who serve them faithfully and loyally.)  The T-TPLF teach their children that members of other ethnic groups in Ethiopia are “donkeys”,  “retards”, “lowlifes” and idiots. (See my August 2016 commentary, “Rise of the “Amhara Retards” and Oromo “Criminals and Terrorists” in 2016?)  The white minority used to call Black South Africans “kaffirs.”

Apartheid rule in South Africa began to unravel when a grassroots anti-Apartheid activist movement evolved into a Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) in the late 1960s.

Following the Sharpeville Massacre in 1960, the jailing of the main leaders of the African National Congress and Pan Africanist Congress and the increased repression by the apartheid regime, a black consciousness movement began to spread. The BCM transformed the way Black South Africans thought about themselves and provided them the intellectual, psychological and spiritual tools to fight the apartheid system.

The BCM promoted  defiant rejection of apartheid in all its forms, particularly among Black workers and the youth. Students and young people began to organize covertly and engaged in leaderless resistance campaigns including protests against Bantu education in Soweto. The BCM stoked protests and resistance in the townships across South Africa making them virtually ungovernable. Apartheid police massacred, jailed and tortured South Africans by tens of thousands, but that only led to more protests. The BCM steeled South Africans and instilled courage and defiance to fight partied and win or die trying. The BCM enabled Black South Africans to operate on the same wavelength and to be on the same page in fighting minority white rule.

I believe an “Ethiopian Consciousness Movement” is very much needed now. The situation is ripe for such a movement because the people have reached a critical moment and mass. As Frederick Douglass, the former slave in America turned abolitionist and freedom fighter said, “The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress.”

An “Ethiopian Consciousness Movement” must be based on the complete and total rejection of the ideology of “kililism” and “developmental democracy”. It must reject in principle and in practice the divisive political strategy of “ethnic federalism”. It must aim to unhinge the infrastructure and foundations of the T-TPLF police state in all of its manifestations. It must also facilitate the creation of a unifying anti-apartheid spirit in which Ethiopians are committed not only to removing a repressive regime but also build a “New Ethiopia” cleansed of ethnic apartheid.

The T-TPLF has declared a state of emergency for itself (Ethiopia has been under a state of emergency for the past 25 years) because it knows the people of Ethiopia have passed the limits of their endurance. There is no going back to doing business as usual. The T-TPLF will try to remain in power in a perpetual state of emergency. But that is only temporary. The T-TPLF declared a state of emergency for one reason only: It had finally come face to face with the Tiger. As President John Kennedy observed in his inaugural speech, “In the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.” The T-TPLF was thrown off the back of the tiger and suddenly found itself looking straight into the eye of the Tiger. The T-TPLF blinked (declared a state of emergency)!

Maximilien Robespierre said, “The secret of freedom lies in educating people, whereas the secret of tyranny is in keeping them ignorant.”

The way out of T-TPLF-imposed ignorance and mental slavery is by raising the awareness of the (young) people and channeling their exuberance and energy into an anti-apartheid movement. The time for building an “Ethiopian Consciousness Movement” has arrived.  Neither the T-TPLF nor its donors, loaners and international poverty pimps are stronger than an idea whose time has come.

There is no need to reinvent the wheel; there is only the need to make it better. As an anti-apartheid consciousness movement, the Ethiopian Consciousness Movement can draw some important lessons and practices from the Black Consciousness Movement of South Africa.

“WE” must initiate and lead the “Ethiopian Consciousness Movement”. All of us.

I will be discussing aspects of the “Ethiopian Consciousness Movement” in coming commentaries.

VI.  We must transform ethnic nationalism into civic nationalism

The politics of ethnic identity seems to be the driving force of politics in Ethiopia today, at least if one is to believe those jabbering in their airtight echo chambers.

I use the word “seems” advisedly. I do not believe the politics of ethnic identity for the ordinary Ethiopian living on less than $2 a day has any practical importance. But ethnic identity politics has 1) been a powerful weapon of divide and rule; 2) provided a new lease on political life to those who have spent their lifetime promoting it but have nothing to show for it;  3) enabled the politically ambitious and calculating to propel themselves into power. Ethnic identity politics has also been the last refuge for those who are unwilling, unable or lack the courage to explore new ideas and practices for the brave new Ethiopia of the 21^st century.

There are those who want to invent the “New Ethiopia” with their minds trapped in the “Old Ethiopia”.

The “identity politicians” do not want a new “New Ethiopia”; what they want is the Old Ethiopia dressed up as new so that they will be in charge and continue with business as usual. Ethnic identity politics is the kind of avaricious thinking that is all too common in Africa today: The other guys have been eating our lunches for too long. It’s NOW time for us to eat!  Each ethnic group waits for its turn to get into power so that they can do to others what others have done to them. The old Golden Rule spiked with a heavy dose of revenge.

My argument is that “WE” must completely abandon identity and ethnic politics.

Identity politics is the weaponization of ethnicity for purely political reasons. When ethnicity becomes the driving force of political ambition, it becomes ethnic nationalism. Identity and ethnic politics always prove to be zero-sum games. One group wins all the time, the other groups lose all the time. T-TPLF rule over the past 25 years is Exhibit I.

Identity ethnic politics by its very nature is exclusionary, not inclusive. It always fails because it fails to be inclusive. It demonizes those who do not share the same ethnic identity.

The idea in ethnic identity politics is that people sharing a common culture, language, traditions, religion, region heritage and could engage in politics and obtain political advantages. Ethnic, religious or linguistic belongingness and heritage  becomes the litmus test for political action and ambition.  The outcome is always predictable in the short- and long-term: destructive competition and endless strife. Common ethnicity may be useful in targeting one’s anger against an actual or perceived oppressor, but it will do very little to address the core political problems of a society.

That is why I am strongly in favor of “civic nationalism” in which people come together to enjoy and defend shared rights. “Civil nationalism” grows out of the needs of common citizenship, not ethncity. People from diverse backgrounds come together voluntarily to promote, defend and advance common civic interests. They are least concerned with the politics of race, color, religion, etc., but collaborate to create  a system and process in which people from diverse backgrounds can share and enjoy a shared set of political values and practices.

When the Americans launched their revolution, their signature document set forth the principles of “civic nationalism. In the Declaration of Independence, they declared, “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness…” That was what the American Revolution was about, even in the face of the fact that the people who made the declaration were slaveholders and women were excluded from the political process.

When the 13 American colonies declared their independence from Great Britain, they learned quickly that they can win prevail against a much superior army if they stayed united. Under extreme wartime emergency, they drafted their first constitution, the Articles of Confederation which was replaced by the U.S. Constitution in 1787.

In the 1787 Constitution, the Americans institutionalized a powerful “civic nationalism: “We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity…”

The French launched their revolution in 1789 with the words “Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité” (liberty, equality, brotherhood).  That slogan soon evolved to become, “Unity, indivisibility of the Republic; liberty, equality or death”. The original conception of “Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité” was incorporated in the Preamble to the 1958 French Constitution and serves as the basis of French “civic nationalism”.

It is not necessary to go back a couple of centuries to find an example of “civic nationalism”. Article 55 (4) of Ghana’s Constitution provides a near-perfect example of civic nationalism:

Every political party shall have a national character, and membership shall not be based on ethnic, religious, regional or other sectional divisions.

My argument is that “WE” should build a civic nationalism based on principles of the rule of law, unity by consent, democratic pluralism, individual rights and choice. I believe individuals acting together create a nation.

I do not subscribe to the whole idea of “nations, nationalities and peoples.”

In my May 2016 commentary  entitled, “Does Ethiopia Need a Constitution?”,  I demonstrated that whole idea of  “nations, nationalities and peoples” was a clever invention by Joseph Stalin in his 1913 tract “Marxism and the National Question” and V.I. Lenin in his 1914 tract entitled “The Right of Nations to Self-Determination”.

Stalin and Lenin understood the implications of the “national question” for their socialist revolution.  They saw Russian Nationalism as the principal enemy to the spread of socialism and communism in Russia and globally. They feared their revolution would be defeated if the Russian Empire could be maintained by reformists in some sort of federal structure organized and managed by a multiplicity of national parties. They believed such a multi-party system would be counter-revolutionary and perpetuate the Russian Empire. Stalin and Lenin believed the destruction of Russian nationalism was an essential precondition for their revolution to succeed.

The irony of history is that the rise of Russian nationalism ultimately caused the collapse of the Soviet Union.

I regard the whole “nations, nationalities, peoples” analysis to Ethiopian politics as 1) historically irrelevant and vacuous, 2) a mere glorification of identity politics by ideologizing it, 3) a discredited thinking that is championed only by those who aim to hide their true ambitions for political power, and 4) an ideological refuge for those who lack the capacity for creative and energetic thinking fit for the 21^st century.

I support and promote “civic nationalism” based on universal ideas of human rights which prescribe universal rights and obligations such as the right to free speech, free press, free assembly, property, due process, personal security, etc. I believe these to be the common heritage of all humanity (Humunity) on the planet.

  VII.  “WE” must know the “enemy” and ourselves.

As I argued in Part II, “WE” do not know who “WE” are. We only know who “THEY” say “WE” are.

“WE” also do not know the “enemy”. But the “enemy” knows who “WE” are.

A great tactician long ago observed, “If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself but not the enemy, for every victory gained you will also suffer a defeat. If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle.”

Such wisdom seems almost commonsensical but escapes most of us.

“WE” do not know who the “enemy” is. If “WE” did, “WE” would do a lot of things differently.

But who’s the “enemy”?

There are those who say the “enemy” is the Ethiopian government.

To me, that is a totally absurd response because Ethiopia does NOT have a government.

I will admit that Ethiopia has been under the thumbs and boots of a gang of thugs wielding absolute power masquerading as a “government”. The  corrupt T-TPLF thugs run the military, the bureaucracy, the economy  and other state institutions.

How can anyone use the word “government” or “democratic government” to describe a regime that claims to have won every single seat (one hundred percent) in a rubber stamp parliament? (Ok! Other than Barack Obama, I mean.)

I coined the word “thugtatorship” for a reason. (See my commentary, Thugtatorship: The Highest Stage of African Dictatorship.)

“WE” must understand that the T-TPLF for what it truly is.

The T-TPLF is a certified terrorist organization listed in the Global Terrorism Database.

The fact that terrorists are clad in designer suits and carry briefcases does not change the fact they are terrorist. It is like the pig in lipstick. You can put lipstick on a pig and put nail polish on its hooves, but at the end of the day it is still a pig. The loaners, donors and international poverty pimps want us to believe that a pig in lipstick is actually a swan floating on a placid lake, a butterfly fluttering in the rose garden or a lamb frolicking in the meadows.

You can put lipstick on a thugtatorship  to make it look like a pretty democracy, but at the end of the day, it is still an ugly thugtatorship! To paraphrase Barack Obama, “You can wrap an old fish in a piece of paper and call it ‘democracy’” but after 25 long years it stinks to high heaven!

The problem with the T-TPLF “enemy” is that the big donors and loaners and international poverty pimps have done everything they can to validate it as a “government”. Obama with a straight face said that the T-TPLF is a “democratic government”. Did he say that beacuse he truly believed the T-TPLF to be democratic? Of course not. He did it out of political expediency. The T-TPLF is a loyal proxy for the U.S. in Somalia and a “gofer” elsewhere. It is like the reverse of the “dog that bites the hand that feeds it” situation. The man with the hand does not want to bite the dog.

“WE” must understand the T-TPLF for what it is. As I like to say, you can take the thug (terrorist) out of the bush (jungle) but you can never take the bush (jungle) out of the thug.

I have heard some saying that the T-TPLF is redeemable; it could embrace the rule of law, human rights, etc. Hope springs eternal; but to me it is nonsense. Preaching the rule of law, human rights and so on to the T-TPLF is like preaching Scripture to Heathen or pouring water on a slab of granite. (I confess I am comforted by the Chinese saying, “Dripping water penetrates the stone.” Of course, I am painfully aware that does not apply to the stone-hearted.)

It is extremely important to know not only the “enemy” but also the “enemy’s friends and supporters”.

The T-TPLF would not be in power for one minute but for the financial, political and diplomatic support it gets from the United States, the U.K., the European Union, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and other Asian countries.  Fighting against the T-TPLF also means fighting against its mighty and powerful supporters. That is a hell of a fight.  But I learned long ago that what matters is “not the size of the dog in the fight, but the size of the fight in the dog.” Anyway, “WE” should never forget that it is a small axe that cuts the biggest trees in the forest.  Touche!

“WE” must never underestimate the “enemy”.

As I have previously written, the T-TPLF is a Beast in the scriptural sense. The T-TPLF leaders are among the most cunning, conniving, wily, scheming, evil, crooked, vicious, diabolical, wicked, shadowy and Machiavellian operators to be found anywhere on the planet. Their capacity for evil is unmatched in the annals of African history. The T-TPLF guys have made a religion out of hate. (See my August 2016 commentary: Ethiopia: Beyond the Politics of Hate”.

But there is also another enemy. The old saying is that when you point an index finger, remember that three fingers are pointing at you.

That enemy is us!

Aaah!

I talked about that “enemy” in my July 2008 commentary “We’ve Met the Enemy!”

I also talked about that enemy in my August 2016 commentary, “Ethiopia: Beyond the Politics of Hate”.

“If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself  but not the enemy, for every victory gained you will also suffer a defeat. If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle.”

  VIII.  “WE” need to enter into a Covenant

“WE” need to work not merely to remove the T-TPLF but to a greater and most sacred goal in the struggle against black apartheid in Ethiopia.

In his inauguration speech in 1994, Mandela promised and urged all South Africans to help build a “rainbow nation”. Mandela declared, “We enter into a covenant that we shall build a society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity – a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.”

I embrace for the New Ethiopia Mandela’s Covenant for the New South Africa.

Mandela’s Covenant for a post-apartheid South Africa is simple and for the ages:

Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world.

“WE” need to come together to create the New Ethiopia.

Every Ethiopian should commit to making a Mandela Covenant for Ethiopia and rescue Ethiopia from being the skunk of the world:

Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land of thirteen-months of sunshine will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world.

“WE” Ethiopians should enter into a Covenant NOW to build a society in which all Ethiopians, Oromos, Amharas, Tigres, Gurages…, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity – a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.

This is the Covenant I have made with the Ethiopian people and will do everything in my power to make it happen…

To be continued next week…

(Nairobi) – An Ethiopian government directive under a state of emergency contains overly broad and vague provisions that risk triggering a human rights crisis, Human Rights Watch said today in a legal analysis. The government should promptly repeal or revise all elements of the directive that are contrary to international law.

On October 9, 2016, the government announced a six-month state of emergencyfollowing the destruction of some government buildings and private property by demonstrators. Over the past year, security forces have killed hundreds of protesters and detained tens of thousands in two regions where there have been numerous protests over government policies.

“Ethiopia’s state of emergency bans nearly all speech that the government disagrees with anywhere in the country for at least six months,” said Felix Horne, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The state of emergency hands the army new sweeping powers to crack down on demonstrators, further limiting the space for peaceful dissent.”

Under the new state of emergency, the army can be deployed country-wide for at least six months. The implementing directive prescribes draconian restrictions on freedom of expression, association, and assembly that go far beyond what is permissible under international law and signal an increased militarized response to the situation. The directive effectively codifies many of the security forces’ abusive tactics that Human Rights Watch has documented since the protests began.

The directive includes far-reaching restrictions on sharing information on social media, watching diaspora television stations, and closing businesses as a gesture of protest, as well as curtailing opposition parties’ ability to communicate with the media. It specifically bans writing or sharing material via any platform that “could create misunderstanding between people or unrest.”

It bans all protests without government permission and permits arrest without court order in “a place assigned by the command post until the end of the state of emergency.” It also permits “rehabilitation” – a euphemism for short-term detention often involving physical punishment. Many of these restrictions are country-wide and not limited to the two of Ethiopia’s nine regions where most of the unrest took place.

Under international law, during a state of emergency a government may only suspend certain rights to the extent permitted by the “exigencies of the situation.” Many of the measures, including the restrictions on freedom of expression, assembly, and association go far beyond what is permitted under international law.

The government reports that since the state of emergency began, 1,600 people have been arrested, including about 50 for closing their businesses. Human Rights Watch also has received unconfirmed reports of unlawful killings, mass arrests, and looting of houses and businesses by the security forces. There have been some armed clashes between security forces and unidentified groups. Mobile phone access to the internet has been blocked since October 5. Addis Standard, a monthly English language magazine and one of the few independent publications left in Ethiopia, announced on October 25 that it was halting publication of its print edition due to state-of-emergency restrictions.

Large-scale, and mainly peaceful anti-government protests have been sweeping through Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region, since November 2015, and the Amhara region since July 2016. Ethiopian security forces have killed more than 500 people during protests over the last year. These protests occurred in a context of the near-total closure of political space.

Protesters have voiced a variety of concerns, including issues related to development, the lack of political space, the brutality of the security forces, and domination of economic and political affairs by people affiliated with the ruling party. The emergency measures send a strong and chilling message that rather than dealing with expressed grievances and ensuring accountability for violence by both government forces and protesters, the government will continue and probably escalate the militarized response.

On October 2, in Bishoftu, a town 40 kilometers southeast of the capital, Addis Ababa, tensions ignited at the annual Irreecha festival – an important Oromo cultural event that draws millions of people each year. Security forces confronted huge crowds with tear gas and fired shots and scores of people then died during a stampede. Since then, alleged demonstrators have damaged a number of government buildings and private businesses perceived to be close to the ruling party, setting some on fire.

The government has in part blamed human rights groups seeking to document violations of international law for the recent unrest. Human Rights Watch has repeatedly called for an independent and credible investigation into the security force response to the protests and to the deaths in Bishoftu.

“Many of the abuses committed by security forces since November 2015 have now been codified under the state of emergency,” Horne said. “Trying to use the legal cover of a state of emergency as a pretext for the widespread suspension of rights not only violates the government’s international legal obligations, but will exacerbate tensions and long-term grievances, and risks plunging Ethiopia into a greater crisis.”

Region / Country

• Africa
• Ethiopia

ESAT Radio 30min 31 Oct 2016