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Obama in Kenya Presidents differ on gay rights.

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BBC News‎

The US and Kenyan presidents differ sharply in their positions on gay rights at a news conference on the first full day of Mr Obama’s visit to …
Obama lectures Kenyan president on gay rights
CNN‎ – 2 hours ago
Despite Agreements, President Obama, Kenyan President Differ on Gay Rights
ABC News‎ – 12 mins ago
More news for Obama in Kenya Presidents differ on gay rights
Despite Agreements, President Obama, Kenyan President …
abcnews.go.com › Politics
12 mins ago – Obama says Kenya should not discriminate based on sexual … Despite Agreements, President Obama, Kenyan President Differ on Gay Rights.
Obama lectures Kenyan president on gay rights … – CNN.com
www.cnn.com/2015/07/25/politics/obama-ke­nya-kenyatta/
2 hours ago – President Barack Obama on Saturday lectured Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta about his country’s gay rights record. … but because they are different, that’s the path whereby freedoms begin to erode,” Obama said at a joint …
Gay rights ‘non issue’, Kenyan president says ahead of …
news.yahoo.com/gay-rights-non-issue-keny­an-president-says-ahead-10261…
4 days ago – Gay rights ‘non issue’, Kenyan president says ahead of Obama visit … for gay rights, so that he can “see and understand the difference between …
Obama Kenya Trip Sets Off Gay Rights Debate in Africa …
www.nytimes.com/…/africa/africans-to-w­elcome-obama-but-not-a-scolding…
4 days ago – In his last trip to Africa, many found the president’s comments on gay rights overbearing and … against gay rights this month, and plan another when President Obama visits. … Has he made a difference in the lives of Africans?
Obama faces gay rights challenge in Kenya – Sarah …
www.politico.com/…/your-obama-seen-as-­promoting-lgbt-rights-in-anti-…
2 days ago – During Obama’s presidency, the United States has generally become … is how Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta referred to LGBT rights ahead of … The origin and severity of those rules and beliefs, however, vary by culture, …
Obama In Kenya: Presidents Differ On Gay Rights – Nairaland
www.nairaland.com/2477040/obama-kenya-pr­esidents-differ-gay
11 hours ago – 1 post – ‎1 author
Obama in Kenya: Presidents differ on gay rights 25 July 2015 Last updated at 17:06 BST The US and Kenyan presidents have differed sharply …
Gay Rights: Obama And Kenyatta Differ In Views On The Issue
www.naij.com › Latest
Gay Rights Is A Non-Issue For Kenya – President Kenyatta Opposes US Counterpart … president Uhuru Kenyatta, Obama spoke about the incidents of “different” …
Kenyan president rebukes Obama’s gay rights message …
thehill.com/…/249192-kenyan-president-­rebukes-obamas-gay-rights-mes…
2 hours ago – Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta said gay rights is a “non-issue” for his … may be people who may have different religious or cultural beliefs.”.
On eve of visit, Obama voices support for Africa gay rights …
www.thestate.com/news/politics-governmen­t/article28415650.html
2 days ago – President Barack Obama voiced strong support for gay rights in Africa on … left, and President Barack Obama, right, in downtown Nairobi, Kenya …. values apply when it comes to different sexual orientations,” Obama said.


A letter to Obama from a 3 year old Ethiopian girl

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25 -7- 2015

Hi my name is emanda habtamu ayalew. I was born in Ethiopia. I am only three years old. Mankind is limited in time but the main thing is do something memorable and do it in the right way … I believe you have now the time to do the bravest decision that ETHIOPIAN people never forget.. IN my little mind I really wish people get their wish at least once in their life like my wish…. I WANT to be with MY DAD, see me growing, watching me every day and telling me what to do or not to do . SO I REALLY APPRECIATE IF YOU HAVE GIVEN A THOUGHT ABOUT POLITICAL PRISONERS IN ETHIOPIA … WITHOUT DOING ANY WRONG, JUST BECAUSE THEY SAY WHAT IS RIGHT , THEY ARE IN JAIL .. I believe any mankind has the right TO LIVE; TO SPEAK, AND EXERCISE THEIR RIGHT … MY DAD (HABTAMU) IS so confident. He talks on what he believes in and what is good for the people and for the future generation …. This doesn’t put him in a terrorist position. The only thing I ask you is to meet them and talk to them in which I WILL TAKE THIS AS MY BIRTHDAY GIFT COZ TODAY IS MY BIRTHDAY …. PLEASE give it a try and see how it works because what would you feel if your kids don’t get a chance to meet you to spend time with you …. I really miss my father and I don’t want to grow in thinking he is not involving in my future life.. I want him to be the first person to take me to school. To show me my classroom and to hold my lunchbox and take me home after school.. I know you CAN MAKE IT HAPPEN.. SUCESSFUL PEOPLE don’t do great thing they only do small things in a great way.. I want them to see that still today there is a bright sun that will come and shine to everyone who waits… MAY GOD bless your visit to ETHIOPIA and wish you all the best in your career and in life.
PLEASE THINK FOR THE FUTURE GENERATION WE FOLLOW YOUR LEAD, SO LEAD US WITH SOME DIGNITY AND RESPECT..
PEACE TO THE EARTH
EMANDA HABTAMU AYALEW

As Obama Visits, Rights Groups Decry Treatment of Media in Ethiopia

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By Anita Powel

VOA News

 

ADDIS ABABA—Journalist Reeyot Alemu said U.S. President Barack Obama is unlikely to see the real Ethiopia during a historic state visit to the East African powerhouse.

Until earlier this month, the award-winning reporter said she experienced the dark side of her country by spending nearly five years in the bowels of an Ethiopian prison.

Reeyot is among at least nine journalists and bloggers who were arrested and charged with terrorism, though she and her lawyer say she did nothing but write critical articles about the government.

While in prison in 2013, she won the UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize.

Jailed journalists

Five others were also released just weeks before Obama’s visit, and their charges were completely dropped. But at least 11 journalists and bloggers remain in prison, according to the the Committee to Protect Journalists.

Reeyot has vowed to continue her work, but told VOA she won’t be among the media horde covering Obama’s trip.

She said she’s been deluged by visitors and well-wishers since her release and needs time to rest and recover.

But Reeyot wishes she could talk to the American president.

“I want to talk to him about Ethiopians’ conditions,” Reeyot told VOA News on the eve of his arrival. “He can’t know about it from government officials.

“He can’t know about it by looking only at the new buildings and the new roads, he must know about it by communicating with the real opposition party leaders, by talking to the private press journalists,” she said.

Ethiopia has in recent years become the darling of the international development community for its effective use of aid money and for its rapid development.

Obama last year described the East African nation as a “bright spot” on the African continent.

“We have seen enormous progress in a country that once had great difficulty feeding itself,” he said.

But critics of the Ethiopian government say that is far from the full picture.

Grim situation

International watchdog Human Rights Watch, which the Ethiopian government accuses of bias, said the situation is grim.

The nation recently held national elections in which the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front won every single seat in parliament.

Opposition groups complained that they were denied equal treatment during the campaign, and claimed they were harassed and intimidated.

“Authorities use arbitrary arrests and politically motivated prosecutions to silence journalists, bloggers, protesters, and perceived supporters of opposition political parties,” Human Rights Watch said in a recent report. “Security forces respond to peaceful protests with excessive force, and detainees routinely allege torture and ill-treatment.”

Reeyot said she’s seen that up close.

‘Human rights violations’

“There are many bad things, human rights violations in Ethiopia,” she said. “For example, if you take my case, I wrote articles that concerned this government. I didn’t do any crime. But they put me in prison and also they didn’t give me medical treatment, they don’t let you read political books, historical books. …

“And there are also many human rights violations, and also my colleagues, many other journalists and opposition party leaders, they beat them, there are many bad things. There is no democracy in Ethiopia. There is no justice. Therefore he must know about it,” Reeyot said.

While the Committee to Protect Journalists commended the decision to release Reeyot and the others, they say the media freedom landscape is still marred with problems.

“Obama’s trip to Ethiopia is partly designed to ‘strengthen democratic institutions’ despite the fact there is no genuine democracy, free press within in the country. Serious discussions with the Ethiopian ruling party must be made to release Ethiopian journalists currently imprisoned on trumped up charges, being one of the leading jailers of journalists on the continent, if the U.S. administration is genuinely seeking a stronger democratic partner,” said CPJ East Africa Representative Tom Rhodes.

A century-old relationship

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Emperor Menelik (L) and Ambassador Robert P. Skinner (R)

Now, it has reached a new high with the visit of US President Barack Obama to Ethiopia. The Reporter has rolled up some historical facts with regard to Ethio-US relations.

Ethiopia’s diplomatic relationship with the United States is of comparatively recent history.  Because of distance and the American isolationist posture from 1776–1941, there was no official contact between the two countries for a long period of time.

The US concentrated on internal economic development, territorial expansionism to the west, and industrialization. However, individual US citizens came to Ethiopia for a variety of reasons. In the late 19th century, Henry M. Stanley, a special correspondent for the New York Herald, accompanied the British expedition under Sir Robert Napier (1868) and witnessed the fall of Makdala and the death of Emperor Tewodros.

Some African-Americans and Afro-Caribbeans who profess Ethiopianism have historically looked up to Ethiopia for inspiration.  Its long history and culture and the divination in  the  Old  Testament  that  “Ethiopia  shall  soon  stretch  forth  her  hands  unto  God” (Psalm  68,  verse  31)  has  made  Ethiopia  attractive  especially  to Diaspora  Africans.

Ethiopia is known and romanticized by some Americans. After the Battle of Adwa, in 1896, for example, a young Haitian, Benito Sylvian, arrived at Emperor Menelik’s court in 1897 and became the Emperor’s aide-de-camp. Similarly, Joseph Vitalien (MD), from the French colony of Guadeloupe, visited Ethiopia and remained here to serve as Emperor Menelik’s personal physician. He helped found two early hospitals in Ethiopia: the Ras Mekonnen Hospital in Harar (1903) and the Menelik II Hospital in Addis Ababa (1909).

William H. Ellis, an African-American cotton grower in Texas, later a Wall Street stockbroker, and an admirer of Emperor Menelik, visited Ethiopia in 1899. Ellis received permission to grow cotton in Southern Ethiopia and establish a textile factory.

In the diplomatic arena, Ellis convinced Menelik to enter into a Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the United States. That served as an impetus for forging an official relationship between the two countries. The American Consul at Marseilles, France, Robert Peet Skinner, in January 1900, during the administration of President William McKinley, suggested that the State Department dispatch a commercial mission to Ethiopia, similar to the trade mission scheduled to visit China.

In 1903, after nine days of meetings in Ethiopia between Emperor Menelik II and Robert P. Skinner, an emissary of President Theodore Roosevelt, formal relations between the two countries commenced which included a grant of “Most Favored Nation” status.

Consul Skinner and his American party arrived in Addis Ababa on December 18, 1903. A 5,000-man guard of honor greeted Skinner, who later described the scene as “bewilderingly beautiful.” Captain George C. Thorpe and 19 Marines pitched their tents at Emperor Menelik’s palace courtyard, which they named “Camp Roosevelt,” and raised the US flag of forty-five stars and thirteen stripes. Thus was formed the first American diplomatic mission to Ethiopia, and its guard. Skinner, however, was housed at the palace of Ras Woldegiorgis, the Emperor’s cousin.

The Americans had arrived with a treaty proposal already prepared in Amharic, and the negotiations took nine days; a day short of what Skinner had expected. The treaty was written in Amharic and French, and the final English version was translated from the French version. The Amharic version of the treaty had been drafted by Professor Enno Littman of Princeton University, an archeologist and professor of Semitic languages.

The US was a latecomer to Ethiopia, as several European powers had their emissaries already posted in Addis Ababa. Emperor Menelik II, despite the antagonism of the European powers, was open to the US and saw it as a counter-force to the Europeans, especially to Britain, France, and Italy, as he was suspicious of their ulterior motives and their colonial history in Africa. Russia also led a campaign against US influence in Ethiopia out of a concern that the US might get a toe-hold in the Red Sea region.

Western technology and medicine, which he wanted to introduce in- to his country, fascinated Menelik, as an enlightened leader, despite the resistance he faced from the nobility and the church. Menelik hoped that the US would assist Ethiopia in its efforts to modernize the country. The diplomatic relationship between Ethiopia and the US was thus on course to be established.

The relationship between Ethiopia and the US, during the reign of Emperor Menelik II, may be summarized as follows: in 1903, a treaty of amity and commerce was signed between Ethiopia and the US, in 1906, American Consul General served in Addis Ababa, from 1906–1909, a Vice Consul was in charge of the US mission to Ethiopia, in 1909, the Mission was run by a resident minister and a consul general; from 1910–1913, a vice consul general ran the office; and in 1913 the US mission was temporarily closed and the British Legation in Addis Ababa looked after American interests.

Ethiopia’s interest in friendship with the US continued under Menelik’s successors. A commercial treaty was signed on June 27, 1914, in Addis Ababa, between “His Royal Highness, Prince Lij Iyasu, Successor of Menelik II, King of Kings of Ethiopia and the United States of America” to regulate and develop commercial relations between the two countries.

The Ethiopian and US treaty, signed by Skinner in 1903, was renewed in 1914 as required under the treaty of 1903. The US Mission to Ethiopia was closed during Woodrow Wilson’s first term in office, coincident with the death of Emperor Menelik II in 1913. The architect of modern Ethiopia, Emperor Menelik had been instrumental in establishing the relationship between Ethiopia and the US as he undertook the modernization of his country and the protection of its sovereignty. The treaty was successfully renewed by John P. Ward.

The American media viewed the growing Ethiopian-American relations as part of the “manifest destiny,” the success of America’s “open door policy for trade”; and as one of the logical outcomes of becoming a world power which “must have a world field for its activities.”

The defeat of the Italians also convinced the rest of Europe to acknowledge Ethiopia’s independence and send emissaries to seek favors from Emperor Menelik II (1889-1913).Thus, it was logical for the US, too, to send delegates to the court of Menelik as a gesture of “good-will,” and in the service of its own self-recognition as an emergent global power.

Aside from ambitions of an emerging world power, American interest in sending a mission to Ethiopia was also driven by the desire to have unfettered access to international commerce. The Ethiopian and American relationship was further strengthened when Ethiopia offered an American company the chance to construct a barrage over Lake Tana. The choice of an American company was motivated because of three major reasons.

One was Ethiopia’s suspicion of European, especially British ulterior motives over the Nile River and adjoining Ethiopian territories. The second was that working with America would bring the latter to Ethiopia’s side in the event of confrontation between Ethiopia and the European powers. The third was Ethiopian leaders’ belief that America posed no threat to Ethiopia—a sentiment which was also well understood by Americans.

Another outcome of Ethiopian-American diplomatic relations was the sending of Ethiopian emissaries and students to the US. Prior to 1903, though Ethiopian emperors or empresses were known to send delegates and students to the various parts of the world, none had been sent to America.

Because of Menelik’s ill-health and the political uncertainty that ensued in the country, sending Ethiopians to America had to wait until his daughter’s (Zawditu) ascension to the throne.

Thus, it was during Empress Zawditu’s (1916-1929) time that Ethiopian students went for the first time to study in the United States. They were Melaku Bayan, Worqu Gobana and Bashahwerad Habtawold. Their sponsor was a Presbyterian missionary, Charles Lambie (MD), who had come to Ethiopia in 1918 upon the request of the Ethiopian government to help curb the influenza epidemic that was ravaging the country.

The Ethiopians were initially sent to the Muskingum College in Ohio, where they stayed from 1922-1929. The arrival of Ethiopian students in 1922 must have been a very unique event at Muskingum. They were introduced to President Warren G. Harding. Because of their uniqueness, the local population referred to them as “the Muskingum boys” or the “princes.” Moreover, because of their strange Ethiopian names, the community also dubbed them with much more convenient ones: “Mathew, Mark and Luke.”

Empress Zawditu also sent Ethiopian emissaries for the first time to the US in June 1919. The envoys included Dajazimach Nadew, Kanitiba Gebru, and Bilata Hiruy. The purpose of the envoys was to congratulate the Allies on their victory in the First World War. Another group of messengers were also sent to the US in 1927. The leader of the mission was the British educated Hakim Worqinah Eshate, alias Dr. Martin. This time, the group was entrusted with the task of negotiating a deal with one of the American engineering companies, J.G. White Engineering, for the construction of a dam on Lake Tana. The delegation, in addition to talking to officials of the company, met with President Calvin Coolidge.

Following this, there were two more Ethiopian delegations to the US prior to the Second World War. These were in 1930 and in 1933. They were led by Kentiba Gebru and the Emperor’s son-in law, Ras Desta Damtaw, respectively. The purpose of the missions was seeking a loan and an American financial advisor, Colson; and to pay a special visit in return for the visit of Murray Jacoby, who was America’s official representative at Haile Sellassie’s coronation in 1930.

It was also during this time that the US Immigration and Naturalization Bureau allotted a quota of 100 for Abyssinians to immigrate to the US. One wonders what prompted the immigration office to provide a quota for Ethiopians at a time when America was following an “isolationist” foreign policy, and closing its doors to immigrants save those from North and Western Europe. It is also unclear whether any Ethiopians used the quota. Immigration and Naturalization figures do not mention Ethiopian immigrants until the 1980s.

After Emperor Menelik, the architect of the Ethio–US relationship was Emperor Haile Selassie who ruled Ethiopia for almost half a century. He was a strong pro-American leader who, like Menelik, sought a durable friendship without a hidden agenda, and an ally who could be counted on.

In the 1930s, Ethio-American relations entered a turning point, at least at an official level: Ethiopia was, once again, threatened with Italian colonial aggression while America’s official interest and involvement in the world beyond its shores dwindled. The existence of an independent black African nation kept the hope for freedom and equality of African-Americans alive. Thus, with the news of the Italian fascist aggression against Ethiopia in 1935, African American interest in Ethiopia became intense.

Accordingly, either to mobilize their support or the support of Americans at large, Emperor Haile Selassie sent Melaku Bayan, a former student in America with a deep sense of Pan-Africanism, to New York, as a representative of his country. There, Melaku established an organization, the Ethiopian World Federation, and a newspaper, The Voice of Ethiopia. While Melaku and his African American wife, Dorothy H. Bayan, served as First Vice-President and Executive Secretary of the organization respectively.

The first Ethiopian leader, who visited the US, was Haile Selassie in 1954 at the invitation of Second World War hero-turned-president Dwight D. Eisenhower.. While visiting the United States, the emperor was cheered by more than a million New Yorkers in a ticker tape parade down lower Broadway and was given honorary degrees by Howard University, Columbia University, McGill University, Laval University, and the University of Michigan (he also visited Harvard and Princeton). In addition to being welcomed by governors, mayors, and public officials, the Emperor had toured, among other places, a Michigan automobile factory, the Chicago stockyards, a US steel plant, the grand Coulee Dam, a California oil refinery, harbor installations in Long Beach, and the 20th Century Fox movie studios in Hollywood. He attended a baseball game at Yankee Stadium, where he donned a fielder’s glove as Casey Stengel presented him with a souvenir baseball. The Emperor’s only contact with rural American was in southern Minnesota, the home of Ambassador Joseph Simonson, who arranged a visit to a farm by the royal party, who were served home-made cookies and lemonade. Major newspapers in the cities Haile-Selassie visited lauded the Emperor in editorials and described him in such glowing terms as “a man of courage, intelligence, and great humanity.” On his tour of the West Coast, the Emperor had been in Seattle, San Francisco, and Los Angeles and had spent the night in Yosemite National Park.

According to Theodore M. Vestal, a Professor of Political Science, the Emperor’s visit was the first part of a two-month-long, 7,000-mile tour of the United States and Canada.

“Haile-Selassie was one of the best-known international celebrities at the time, remembered for his eloquent appeal for collective security to the League of Nations in 1936 when Mussolini’s fascists invaded his nation and for his sending Ethiopian troops to join United Nations forces in the Korean War in 1950-1953. The year 1954 in many ways was the high water mark of Haile-Selassie’s success and prestige (although in the 1960s he would be admired as an elder statesman and chief founder of the Organization of African Unity),” Vestal wrote.

At that time the Emperor had to toil for years before finally negotiating agreements with the United States on military assistance and defense installations that were to make Ethiopia the prime recipient of US military and economic assistance in Africa.

“As rapidly as America had become involved in the business of world hegemony, so had Ethiopia become part of the world economy. The process of linkage had actually commenced in the twenties and thirties, when the general incorporation of Africa into the world economy was happening swiftly because of the postwar consolidation of colonialism. Neither historic Abyssinia nor its empire were immune from this global process: during those two decades Haile-Selassie was busily modernizing and centralizing government and reforming and re-equipping his military,” Harold G. Marcus, in his book, The Politics of Empire Ethiopia, Great Britain and the United States – 1941-1974, wrote.

According to historical records, Haile-Selassie was first invited to the US by President Franklin D. Roosevelt when the two met near Cairo after the Yalta Conference in 1945; however, the trip did not materialize because of the Second World War and the post-war developments.

Like Emperor Menelik, “The Emperor apparently had a standing enchantment with the United States, and he was determined to visit North America. He also harbored the belief that diplomacy was primarily to be conducted between heads of state,” Vestal wrote.

Eventually, on January 12, 1954, the Emperor was invited by Eisenhower [the decorated WWII general who was admired by Haile-Selassie for his role as commander of allied forces], for an official state visit.

Prior to that, Workeneh Eshete, [Dr. Martin Workineh] who led the Ethiopian diplomatic mission to the US in 1927, among other thing delivered an invitation to skilled African Americans form Haile-Selassie [Ras Tafari Mekonnen then] to settle in Ethiopia. A number of African-Americans did travel to Ethiopia, where they played a number of roles in the modernization of the country before the Italian conquest in 1935. And one of the notable African-Americans was Colonel John C. Robinson, a.k.a. Father of the famous Tuskegee Airmen.

In his autobiography, Emperor Haile-Selassie notes that the United States was one of only five countries which refused to recognize the Italian conquest of his country.

US citizens contribution in Ethiopia

US  citizens  have  served  Ethiopia  well  and  some  remained  by  her  side  during darker days, such as during the invasion by fascist Italy. Others contributed to Ethiopia’s development after the Italian force was expelled.  Their support for Ethiopia continued after they returned to the United States.

Ernest Work, from Muskingum College in New Concord, Ohio, served as educational advisor to Emperor Haile Selassie in the 1930s. A professor of history, Ernest Work authored a book just before the Italian invasion of Ethiopia. Writing about the Italo–Ethiopian war, he stated that “the intense rivalries among the European powers [are] exhibited in their insatiate grabbing of the black man’s country.”

Work warned, “If Italy is permitted to succeed in her present designs the black man’s culture will be lost under a veneer of European imposition.”

Another American, Everett A. Colson, who had experience in advising the governments of Haiti and Turkey, was also appointed as financial advisor to Ethiopia and served from 1931 to 1935. Colson’s role in organizing the Ethiopian national bank and in planning currency reform earned him respect from Ethiopians but the British, French, and Italian legations in Addis Ababa attempted to interfere with his operations.

Colson also served as a consultant to the Emperor on foreign affairs during the Emperor’s exile in London during the occupation by fascist Italy. At Colson’s funeral, Emperor Haile Selassie eulogized him, saying that “though Mr. Colson’s grave is in the United States, his loyal services remain engraved in the heart of his Imperial Majesty and the people of Ethiopia”

Another, US citizen known for his service in Ethiopia was John Hathaway Spencer. Within months of establishing Ethio–US diplomatic relations, John H. Spencer was appointed as foreign policy advisor to the Emperor in 1936. Ethiopia appointed American bankers and advisors to make Ethiopia attractive to US investors, to seek political and military alignment with the US, and to assure independence from the European, especially British, tutelage. Spencer witnessed the fall of Addis Ababa in 1936. Spencer served as advisor to the Emperor during his exile in England and prepared the English version of the Emperor’s speech at the League of Nations on June 30, 1936. After fascist Italy was ejected, he returned to Ethiopia and served as principal advisor to the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (1943–1974). At the fall of Emperor Haile Selassie’s government, he left Ethiopia.

Another legendary American known in the relation of these two countries is  Colonel John C. Robinson, recruited by Emperor Haile Selassie to lead his Imperial Air Force in 1934 against an imminent fascist attack by Benito Mussolini, Col. Robinson, nick-named the “Brown Condor” stood up when the entire world failed to take action. He valiantly flew dangerous missions to transport men, supplies and the Emperor himself in the face of fierce resistance from Italian fighter pilots.

Invited back to Ethiopia after Italy was ousted, Robinson brought pilots and technicians from the US to help reorganize aviation in Ethiopia and train the pilots that would serve in the Imperial Ethiopian Air Force and future commercial airlines.

He also later established the successful American Institute school for elementary and secondary students in Addis Ababa. Not only was John Robinson an Ethiopian war hero but he is also considered as the “Father of the Ethiopian airlines “. A reading garden is dedicated inside the US Embassy in Addis Ababa in honor of Robinson.

The relations between the two countries took a wrong turn after the Military Derg overthrew Haile Selaissie and seized power. The bilateral relationship began to cool due to the Derg’s linking with international communism. The ideological difference led to the prohibition all US economic assistance to Ethiopia with the exception of humanitarian disaster and emergency relief. And in July 1980 the US Ambassador to Ethiopia was recalled at the request of the Ethiopian government, and the US Embassy in Ethiopia and the Ethiopian Embassy in the United States were headed by Charges d’Affaires.
After a couple of decades, with the downfall of Mengistu Hailemariam, US-Ethiopian relations improved as legislative restrictions on non-humanitarian assistance to Ethiopia were lifted. Diplomatic relations were upgraded to the ambassadorial level in 1992.

After the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took power the relationship between the superpower and Ethiopia restored. For instance, according to the Department of State, total US government assistance, including food aid, between 1991 and 2003 was USD 2.3 billion.

Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and a few other African leaders of the early 1990s were considered to be the new breed of African leaders–a buzzword widely used in the mid – late 1990s to express optimism in a new generation of African leadership.

It was when US president Bill Clinton made his African journey in March 1998 that he helped popularize this notion when he said he placed hope in a new generation of African leaders devoted to democracy and economic reforms. Although Clinton did not identify the African leaders by name, it is generally assumed that he was referring to, among others, Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Paul Kagame of Rwanda, and Isaias Afewerki of Eritrea. The “new breed” warred against each other and optimism from the side of the West was lost. Furthermore, critics blamed many of these leaders for failing to deliver democracy, peace, and development, and they had an inclination to cling to power–an attribute that was common across post-colonial African leadership.

Still, western countries including the US constantly continued blaming the EPRDF for human rights violations. Now the relationship seems to reach a new level. For the first time in history a sitting US president is going to visit Ethiopia.

Ed.’s Note: This article is a compilation of various works by Getachew Metaferia, Harold G Marcus, Robert D. Schulzinger, Solomon Addis Getahun, and Theodore M. Vestal.

Obama juggles security and rights concerns in Ethiopia visit

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AFP

Addis Ababa: US President Barack Obama heads to Ethiopia Sunday, the first American president to visit Africa`s second most populous nation and a key but much maligned ally in the fight against terrorism.

Obama, who arrived in neighbouring Kenya on Friday, is expected to leave for Ethiopia`s capital Addis Ababa late Sunday for a two-day visit, where he will also be the first US leader address the African Union, the 54-member continental bloc.

“This is the first time a sitting (US) president is visiting Ethiopia,” Ethiopian foreign ministry spokesman Tewolde Mulugeta said. “This will bring the relationship between our two countries to a new high.”

Through the tinted windows of his bomb-proof presidential limousine, nicknamed “The Beast”, Obama will be able to see Addis Ababa`s construction boom of tower blocks, as well as sub-Saharan Africa`s first modern tramway.

Ethiopia has come far from the global headlines during the 1984 famine, experiencing near-double-digit economic growth and huge infrastructure investment — making the country one of Africa`s top-performing economies and a magnet for foreign investment.

The Horn of Africa nation also remains a favourite of international donors — despite concerns over human rights — as a bastion of stability in an otherwise troubled region.

Obama is slated to address leaders at the AU`s gleaming Chinese-built headquarters as he wraps up his Africa trip on Tuesday, with remarks that may touch on Africa`s democratic deficit.

AU Commission chief Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma said it would be an “historic visit” and be a “concrete step to broaden and deepen the relationship between the AU and the US.”

Obama is also expected to meet top mediators pushing peace efforts in neighbouring South Sudan, the world`s youngest nation, which is gripped by a 19-month civil war marked by horrific atrocities.

While Kenya launched one of the biggest security operations ever seen in the capital Nairobi to host Obama, Ethiopia`s powerful security forces meant there was little obvious extra fanfare ahead of his arrival.Ethiopia, like Kenya, has been on the frontline of the fight against the Somali-led and al Qaeda affiliated Shebab — both nations have troops in Somalia as part of an AU and US-backed force, and are key security partners to Washington.

But the visit also comes two months after elections that saw the ruling coalition of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn take every one of the 546 seats in parliament.

The opposition, which lost its only seat, alleged the government had used authoritarian tactics to guarantee victory.

The US State Department notes Ethiopia`s “restrictions on freedom of expression,” as well as “politically motivated trials” and the “harassment and intimidation of opposition members and journalists.”

Ahead of the visit, the White House stressed it frequently addresses issues of democracy and political rights with countries in the region.

Rights groups have warned Obama`s visit could add credibility to a government they accuse of suppressing democratic rights, including the jailing of journalists and critics, with anti-terrorism legislation said to used to stifle peaceful dissent.

In an appeal to Obama ahead of his visit, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) said they were “extremely concerned about the fate of those who remain behind bars”, arguing that “Ethiopia`s fight against terrorism should not come at the price of freedom of information and of the press.”

Amnesty International said Obama should raise with Ethiopia the “profoundly repressive policies” of the government.

“We don`t want this visit to be used to sanitise an administration who has been known to violate human rights,” said Amnesty`s Abdullahi Halakhe, adding he feared Ethiopia would “spin” the visit to its benefit.

“The majority of ongoing conflicts on the continent are linked to issues of political governance,” said Desire Assogbavi, representative of the aid agency Oxfam to the AU.

Obama has travelled to Africa more than any other sitting US president, and talked about the “deep” ties between Africa and the United States before setting off on the trip.

But Assogbavi said that the visit, coming as Obama winds down his time in power, weakens the potential impact he could have.

“Obama is a son of the continent,” Assogbavi said. “We had hoped that this visit might have occurred within the first years of his term, rather than the last minute, to allow time to implement the decisions,” he added.

 

Obama opens talks in Ethiopia

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Sky News 

Barack Obama has opened talks in Ethiopia during the first-ever trip by a US president to Africa’s second-most populous nation.

Obama, who flew in to a rainy Addis Ababa late on Sunday after a landmark trip to Kenya, his father’s birthplace, went into bilateral talks with Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and President Mulatu Teshome, whose position is largely ceremonial.

Ethiopia is a key strategic ally of the United States but much criticised for its record on democracy and human rights. The visit comes two months after Hailemariam’s ruling coalition won every parliamentary seat in elections the opposition said were marked by repression.

Talks were held in the nation’s presidential palace, a sprawling compound in the heart of the capital, which still houses the country’s unique black-maned Abyssinian lions in the grounds, once the symbol of the Lion of Judah, former Emperor Haile Selassie.

A 21-gun salute welcomed Obama as he arrived.

Obama will also hold talks with regional leaders on the civil war in South Sudan in an attempt to build African support for action against the war-torn country’s leaders if they reject an ultimatum to end the carnage by mid-August.

On Tuesday Obama will also become the first US president to address the African Union, the 54-member continental bloc, at its gleaming, Chinese-built headquarters.

AU Commission chief Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma has hailed the ‘historic visit’ and a ‘concrete step to broaden and deepen the relationship between the AU and the US’.

While Kenya launched one of the biggest security operations ever seen in its capital Nairobi to host Obama from Friday evening to Sunday, the habitual reach of Ethiopia’s powerful security forces meant there was little extra fanfare ahead of his arrival in Addis Ababa.

Ethiopia, like Kenya, has been on the frontline of the fight against the Somali-led, al-Qaeda-affiliated Shebab. Both nations have troops in Somalia as part of an AU and US-backed force and are key security partners to Washington.

The US State Department, however, has noted Ethiopia’s ‘restrictions on freedom of expression,’ as well as ‘politically motivated trials’ and the ‘harassment and intimidation of opposition members and journalists’.

Ahead of the visit, the White House stressed it frequently addresses issues of democracy and political rights in the region. Having spoken frankly in Kenya on human rights and corruption, Obama is now expected to address Ethiopia’s – and Africa’s – democracy deficit.

High on the agenda on Monday are talks with leaders from Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda as well as Sudanese Foreign Minister Ibrahim Ghandour to try and build a collective front to end the 19-month civil war in South Sudan, the world’s youngest nation.

– See more at: http://www.skynews.com.au/news/top-stories/2015/07/27/obama-opens-talks-in-ethiopia.html#sthash.ZDl9ni9z.dpuf

In Ethiopia, a cry for basic freedoms – USA Today

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USA Today- ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — Sipping a cool drink in a restaurant in the bustling market district of Shiro Meda, Hikma Lemma wore an excited look when asked about President Obama’s visit.

It’s about time, he said.

“We are happy because President Obama has finally come and we expect him to address the issue of free expression,” said Lemma, 30, a primary school teacher. “But he took too long to come.”

On the streets of the capital, Lemma and others had single message for Obama: make our government respect us and our freedoms.

Human rights groups and locals say the government of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn has used the pretext of the war against terror to clamp down on its opposition, arresting politicians, activists, journalists and critics on trumped up terrorism offenses while violating basic freedoms such as speech and assembly.

Ethiopia jails the most journalists in Africa after Eritrea, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have both expressed concern over speech and press freedoms and the country’s human rights record. And in May, the State Department expressed concern over how the elections that month could result in all seats being won by the ruling party and its partners. The department noted lingering “restrictions on civil society, media, opposition parties, and independent voices and views” in the country.

On the streets and in the restaurants, cafes and shops of Addis Ababa, fear of the government is palpable when speaking to residents.

“Don’t take pictures here,” Lemma said. “We are not ready to be arrested and punished by authorities. We are not politicians, just poor prisoners (of this country) who cannot speak our minds.”

Opposition leaders are also urging President Obama to demand political and speech freedoms when he meets Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn on Monday.

Speaking in his office in the capital, Gizachew Shiferaw, former president of the opposition Unity for Democracy and Justice Party, said opposition leaders are hindered in providing a check on the government. They hold back in speaking their minds for fear of detention.

“I am less politically active as a result of the government’s crackdown on the opposition, independent media, and civil society groups,” Shiferaw said. “We urge the U.S. president to take up this matter as a priority.”

Shiferaw said the Ethiopian government has failed to respect the constitution. As a result, opposition parties are not able to, perform functions such as calling town hall meetings where the public can discuss issues openly and critically, and people can express themselves freely.

“We need the government to respect the constitution,” he added. “We must operate democratically and promote our democratic institutions.”

Kedir Mersia, 24, a student at Addis Ababa University, requested not to be photographed, saying she feared being arrested and victimized by the government for doing so.

“Students have also been arrested and prosecuted for criticizing the government in good faith,” said Mersia. “Our government is very dictatorial and we need Obama to press for freedom of expression.”

Some believe suppression tactics favored by government officials will have long-term consequences for the country.

“They have already closed all independent mass media and jailed many opposition leaders,” said Danel Arias, an employee from a local health center. “Ethiopia will not grow if the government does not allow democratic space.”

Obama Urges Ethiopia to ‘Open Political Space’ (VOA News)

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On The Scene: VOA’s Anita Powell reports from Addis Ababa.

Aru Pande / VOA

President Barack Obama says the United States and Ethiopia are “strong partners” on many issues, but is urging the government to allow journalists and opposition parties to operate more freely.

In a news conference Monday with Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, Obama praised Ethiopia’s economic record, noting the country has lifted millions out of dire poverty, and said Ethiopia has played a vital role in fighting the Somali militant group Al-Shabab.

The U.S. president said he also held “frank discussions” with the prime minister, and that opening space for journalists and opposition voices “will strengthen rather than inhibit” the ruling party’s agenda.

Hailemariam said Ethiopia is committed to improving human rights and governance.

“Our commitment to democracy is real, not skin deep,” he said.

Rights groups have called for Obama to demand reforms from Ethiopia, where the government controls 100 percent of the seats in parliament and keeps a tight leash on the media.

South Sudan

While in Addis Ababa, Obama is meeting with the leaders of Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia and the African Union to discuss the civil war in South Sudan.

At the news conference, the U.S. president said conditions in South Sudan are getting “much, much worse,” and said the United States and East African countries will discuss what can be done to forge a peace deal.

He said South Sudan’s president and opposition leaders have been stubborn and are looking out for their own self-interest rather than the interest of their country.

President Obama is the first sitting U.S. president to visit Ethiopia.

Obama said the U.S. will continue to work to advance Ethiopia’s economic progress, human rights, governance and access to electricity.


Obama differs from his top aides over Ethiopia’s democracy and endorses Ethiopia’s North Korean-type election

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By EDWARD-ISAAC DOVERE

Politico.com

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia – President Barack Obama diverged from top aides and most outside observers here Monday by declaring twice that he thinks Ethiopia’s government was “democratically elected.”

Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn’s party knocked out the last remaining opposition member of the parliament in the June elections, giving it, purportedly, 100 percent of the vote — a figure that American and other international officials have repeatedly condemned as proof the elections were neither fair nor representative.

Standing tensely at his joint press conference with the prime minister at the Jubilee Palace, Obama said “I don’t bite my tongue so much when it comes to these issues.” He ran through a list of areas of planned cooperation that Ethiopia is seeking, including economic investment, geo-thermal energy development, security and counterterrorism.

“Everything I’ve mentioned,” Obama noted, “also depends on good governance.”

But as he did, Obama differed from his top aides, who have expressed impatience with Ethiopia and its elections. By contrast, Obama expressed some understanding for Ethiopia’s travails: “It’s been relatively recently that the constitution was formed and the elections put forward a democratically elected government,” he said.

That’s not what national security adviser Susan Rice said she thinks.

At the White House the day before the president left for Africa, Rice was asked specifically if she considered the Ethiopian prime minister to be “democratically elected.” She said that the purported 100 percent support that Hailemariam supposedly won suggests “some concern for the integrity of the electoral process — at least if not in the outcomes, then in some of the mechanisms that supported the process, the freedom for the opposition to campaign.”

Pressed to clarify whether she thought that made the prime minister a democratically elected leader, Rice smirked and pointed again to the election results: “100 percent.” … Read more on POLITICO

President Barack Obama has praised the work of Ethiopia’s armed forces on what is the first visit by a sitting US president to Ethiopia

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BBC Africa Live: Obama in Ethiopia updates

Its troops had played a key role in weakening the al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabab group in Somalia, Mr Obama said.

He was speaking after talks with Ethiopia’s PM Hailemariam Desalegn, during the first ever visit by a US president to the East African state.

He also called on Mr Hailemariam to improve Ethiopia’s record on human rights and good governance.

“I don’t bite my tongue too much when it comes to these issues,” he said at a joint press conference in the capital, Addis Ababa.

 

Some rights groups have criticised Mr Obama’s visit, warning that it could lend credibility to a government accused of jailing journalists and critics.

A legal case currently being fought through the US courts alleges that agents of the Ethiopian government eavesdropped on the internet activities of a man in the US state of Maryland.

The man, born in Ethiopia and now a US citizen, works for a political opposition group outlawed in his home country.

Barack Obama, right is greeted by Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn. 26 July 2015
Prime Minister Hailemariam said Ethiopia’s relationship with the US had reached “new heights”

Addressing the media, Mr Obama described the Ethiopian government, which won all parliamentary seats in May’s election, as “democratically elected”.

Opposition group have said the poll was rigged.

‘Democracy commitment not skin-deep’

Mr Hailemariam said Mr Obama’s visit had taken a century-long relationship with the US to a “new height”.

“Our commitment to democracy is real, not skin-deep,” he added.

Answering a question about press freedom, Mr Hailemariam said Ethiopia wanted “civilised journalism”, and not reporters linked with “violent terrorist groups”.

Barack Obama in Ethiopia
A 21-gun salute greeted the US president as he arrived for the talks in Addis Ababa

On the security threat by al-Shabab, Mr Obama said there had been a “shrinkage” of the group since the deployment of regional troops to Somalia, its main base.

However, the killing of 15 people in a bomb attack on a hotel in Somalia’s capital, Mogadishu, on Sunday was a reminder that “we have to now keep the pressure on”, he said.

“We don’t need to send our own marines in to do the fighting: The Ethiopians are tough fighters and the Kenyans and Ugandans have been serious about what they’re doing.”

Mr Obama flew to Ethiopia after a two-day visit to Kenya where he had discussed trade and security but also called for greater human rights and warned of the dangers of corruption.

Grey line

At the scene: Karen Allen, BBC News, Addis Ababa

Pedestrians walk past a poster of US President Barack Obama before his arrival in Addis Ababa on 26 July 2015

Compared to the Kenyan leg of his tour, President Obama’s arrival in Ethiopia has signalled a more sombre mood. After talks in the ornate setting of the presidential palace, Mr Obama sought to highlight the areas of agreement with his host and tread cautiously over the delicate issue of democratic rights.

He praised Mr Hailemariam for the country’s contribution to peacekeeping efforts in the region, and said the US wanted to help “sustain momentum” on Ethiopia’s impressive rates of economic growth. Addis Ababa has undergone a massive building boom, thanks in part to substantial Chinese investment

But on the thorny issue of press freedom, much still divides the pair. Mr Obama said it was a “significant topic of discussion”, and insisted that a vibrant and free press would strengthen rather than inhibit Ethiopia’s development. For his part, the prime minister called for “civilised journalism” and said Ethiopian journalists needed training.

Grey line

Mr Obama also referred to the civil war in South Sudan ahead of talks with regional leaders on the issue.

Government and rebels leaders were “extremely stubborn”, and other “tools” would have to be considered if there was no breakthrough in ending the conflict, he added.

The 19-month war in South Sudan has left thousands of people dead and displaced more than two million.

On Tuesday, Mr Obama will also be the first US leader to address the 54-member African Union in Addis Ababa.

[/video

Video – President Obama And PM Hailemariam Desalegn Joint Press Conference

Queen Elizabeth visit to Ethiopia in 1965

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In 1965, Emperor Haileselassie hosted Queen Elizabeth II of EnglandVideo credit Fisseha A. Atlaw

“Royal Tour of Ethiopia”.Intertitle: “A film record of the Queen and Duke’s visit to Ethiopia”.This item is identical to newsreel story “Royal Visit to Africa” (also in 65/12) until 01:20:43. Additional shots not seen in this story follow: Various shots of Queen Elizabeth II and Emperor Haile Selassie visiting some waterfalls, Duke of Edinburgh (Prince Philip) is also present. Various shots Queen, Duke and Emperor watching tribal elders perform ceremony from dias. Various shots Queen visiting large church, where men are in ornate robes and women wear white headdresses. Various shots Queen in Eritrea where crowds dance in street and brass bands play. Queen drives through a city in open topped car,

Ethiopian bloggers speak out on imprisonment to CBS

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CBS NEWS July 27, 2015, 6:30 PM

CBS News Chief White House Correspondent Major Garrett interviewed two journalists, 30-year-old Edom Kassaye and 28-year-old Zelalem Kibret, who were recently released after spending more than a year in prison. They were part of a group of bloggers called Zone 9, six of whom were arrested on terrorism charges after criticizing government policy. Below is a transcript of part of their conversation.

MAJOR GARRETT: How long were you in prison?

EDOM KASSAYE: I’ve been in one year, two months and 15 days.

ZELALEM KIBRET: Same.

GARRETT: Why were you arrested?

KIBRET: Yeah, that’s our confusion, too. We blog. We were just law-abiding citizens. We respect the law. We didn’t violate any single law, and we didn’t trespass anything, but we end up in jail. Why, until now, is confusing. That’s why I say I don’t know the reason for my arrest.

GARRETT: Same for you? (Points at Kassaye)

KASSAYE: Yes, first they say, ‘We need you for questioning in the police station.’

GARRETT: And once you got in, you didn’t get out?

KASSAYE: Yes, of course.

GARRETT: You were accused of what, exactly, in the context of terrorism?

KIBRET: Yeah, our criminal charge says we were preparing and attempting of doing an act of terrorism. That’s what the charge says. And the specific charge is to disrupt public safety and health.

GARRETT: By writing about the government?

KIBRET: Sure.

CBS NEWS

GARRETT: When you were in prison, what happened to you?

KIBRET: Personally, I was pushed to sign a self-incriminating statements. But I refuse. I was insulted, I was locked in a room for 24/7. A room which had no natural light at all. So they were just pushing me and forcing me to confess what they want.

GARRETT: When you say ‘pushed,’ do you also mean abused?

KIBRET: Yes, if beatings and such insults are abuse, I was abused.

GARRETT: You were beaten?

KIBRET: Sure.

GARRETT: When you were released, was that a surprise to you?

KASSAYE: So, it was shocking, and then even very shocking when I heard that I am released, and my friends are there in prison back. Why me? I was very shocked.

GARRETT: Was it sad for you to walk out, knowing your friends were still in jail?

KASSAYE: It was the worst moment, actually. It was very sad. Because you knew that other friends of mine are in prison and they deserve to get freedom, but they are back.

KIBRET: And it was shocking and just, I was feeling that I am betraying them.

GARRETT: You felt that you were betraying them? By walking free?

KIBRET: Sure, sure.

GARRETT: You feel guilty about that?

KIBRET: Sure, sure I feel guilt.

GARRETT: Have either of you since you were released written anything?

KASSAYE: I’m afraid.

GARRETT: Do you have any sense at all why you were released? Do you believe at any level, large or small, the presence of the American president, Barack Obama, had anything to do with you being released?

KASSAYE: If that is so, there are other friends of ours who are in prison. So they need their freedom, also.

© 2015 CBS Interactive Inc. All Rights Reserved.

http://www.cbsnews.com/news/ethiopian-bloggers-speak-out-on-imprisonment/

Obama closes Africa trip with speech to African Union (AP / Evan Vucci)

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President Barack Obama offers a toast during a state dinner hosted by Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn at the National Palace in Addis Ababa on July 27, 2015. Obama is the first sitting U.S. president to visit Ethiopia.

(AP / Evan Vucci)

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia – President Barack Obama is closing out a historic return to the land of his father’s birth with a speech to the African Union.

Obama begins his day Tuesday with a tour of a food manufacturing plant in Ethiopia. The East African nation is one of the largest recipients of U.S. emergency and development food aid, and the country participates in a U.S. government program to combat hunger worldwide.

Ethiopia is also the home of the African Union, and Obama will address the entire continent from the organization’s new headquarters in the capital.

It will be the first time that a sitting American president addresses the African Union.

Susan Rice, Obama’s national security adviser, said the AU plays a lead role on an array of global issues, including peace and security, health and agriculture. She said Obama wanted to visit the AU and address the continent because the U.S. has come to work very closely with the union on many of these issues.

Obama will also meet one-on-one with Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, chairperson of the African Union Commission. She was among regional leaders Obama met with Monday to discuss the civil strife in neighbouring South Sudan.

Obama’s speech Tuesday will close a five-day, two-nation tour of Africa that began Friday when he landed in Kenya, where his late father was born.

The president travelled to Kenya to attend a U.S.-sponsored business development summit, but the trip was also a homecoming of sorts. The country considers Obama a local son and Kenyans have been waiting years to welcome him back as president of the United States. Many lined the streets in Kenya and Ethiopia to watch his motorcade drive by.

Obama also spent time catching up with relatives on his father’s side of the family who live in Kenya, including his sister, Auma Obama, and a grandmother.

In both countries, Obama challenged the country’s leaders to clean up their governments to help attract investment.

He also pressed them to uphold human rights, including gay equality, and basic democratic freedoms.

Obama became the first sitting U.S. president to visit both countries.

He arrives back in Washington early Wednesday.

 

አዋዜ (ALEMNEH WASSE NEWS) – President Obama’s visit to Ethiopia


Remarks by President Obama and Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn of Ethiopia in Joint Press Conference (the White House)

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the WHIT HOUSE 

National Palace
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

1:47 P.M. EAT

PRIME MINISTER HAILEMARIAM: Members of the press, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to once again welcome His Excellency, the President of the United States of America, to Ethiopia. We are honored to receive a sitting U.S. President for the first time in the history of our century-long diplomatic relations. But again, we believe it’s fitting and appropriate in the light of the fact that Ethiopia is the Cradle of Mankind, the beacon light for African independence, and an inspiration for all the black people’s struggles, and the political capital of Africa.

Ethiopia is the birthplace of coffee — (laughter) — and with so many firsts to its name, and as such a first and historic visit by the first U.S. President of African origin, I believe it’s a well-deserved one. His visit comes at a time when both Africa and Ethiopia are registering impressive growth, making important strides. For Ethiopia, the economy has registered double-digit growth for the last 12 years, uninterruptedly.

His visit also comes at a time when we’re working hard in improving governance and fighting insecurity, conflicts and terrorism. His visit could not have come at a better time, as the leader of the most powerful nation on Earth, diplomatically, economically, and more importantly, in science and technology and education — the very things Africa and Ethiopia need in abundance if they are to sustain their growth. President Obama’s visit represents a new height in our bilateral relations.

This morning, we have had extensive bilateral discussions with President Obama on a range of topics. We have discussed ways of further deepening our bilateral relations and our cooperation on a number of issues. Among the areas we have discussed, we talked at length about the U.S. support in helping expand trade and investment in Ethiopia.

As you know, the U.S. is Ethiopia’s strategic partner in many fields. And the steady of flow of quality investment from the United States, as much as we crave it, though the recent beginning is so encouraging, has often been in short supply. We have discussed, among other things, how to encourage U.S. investors to come to Ethiopia in large numbers, where there are numerous competitive and comparative advantages they can benefit from.

We have discussed how best we can take advantage of President Obama’s signature Power Africa initiative, which is, in our case, has already seen significant progress made with 1,000 megawatts geothermal contract to be signed this afternoon.

We have also discussed ways of scaling up the successful projects that President Obama launched four years ago in his flagship Alliance for Food Security program, and launching of similar initiatives.

We have also discussed and reached an understanding on coordinating our efforts in the global effort to fight climate change, and to work together for the success of the COP 21 negotiations in Paris. Likewise, we have exchanged ideas on ways the U.S. can champion the Addis Ababa action agenda during the negotiations of the sustainable development goals in New York next September. We have also agreed to work on global health epidemics.

We have raised a number of issues on how the U.S. can support the strengthening of Ethiopia’s democratization process. My government has expressed its commitment to deepen the democratic process already underway in the country, and work towards the respect of human rights and improving governance.

We have reiterated once again that our commitment to democracy is real, not skin-deep. We have both noted that we need to step up efforts to strengthen our institutions and build our capacity in various areas. We believe that U.S. support in this regard as age-old democracy will contribute to ensuring that our system becomes robust. We have agreed to continue our engagement despite minor differences here and there with regard mainly to the speed with which our democratization process is moving.

Finally, we have discussed a range of issues related to cooperation on security and peace-building in the region and on the pivotal role the U.S. can and does play. We have agreed to work closely on South Sudan to bring lasting peace to the conflict-ridden country. We have both agreed to work together in building peace in Somalia by helping create stable institutions and by strengthening the Somali security forces in their quest to be in charge of the peace of their own country.

We have agreed to intensify the campaign against terrorism in the region, and we both noted with satisfaction the progress AMISOM forces and Somali National Army are making, with the support of the U.S. and other partners, in their fight against al-Shabaab.

We have agreed to deepen our intelligence cooperation both bilaterally as well as regionally. We have both noted and underscored that this cooperation is essential to curb the menace posed by terrorism. The terrorist attack that was launched in Mogadishu yesterday is a stark reminder that we need to work even more in this respect.

In conclusion, we have agreed to continue working together for better results in all aspects of our cooperation.

Mr. President, I now call upon you to give your remarks.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, thank you, Mr. Prime Minister. Good afternoon. Dehna walach-hu. Prime Minister Hailemariam, we appreciate your kind words and for the welcome that you’ve extended to our delegation.

We’ve had very productive meetings here today. And after our bilateral, I had a chance to see the famous lions that live on the grounds. I’m considering getting some for the White House. (Laughter.) Although I’ll have to make sure that my dogs are safe. (Laughter.)

To the people of Ethiopia, thank you for the warmth and enthusiasm of your welcome and the spirit of friendship that you’ve shown me since I’ve been in Addis. I am proud to be the first U.S. President to visit Ethiopia, and, tomorrow, the first U.S. President to address the African Union. So my visit reflects the importance the United States places on our relationship with Ethiopia and all the nations and peoples of Africa.

As you noted, Ethiopia and the United States share a long friendship. Our people have worked together, traded with each other, and stood alongside one another for more than 100 years. The United States is strengthened by the contributions of Ethiopian Americans every day — and that’s particularly true in our nation’s capital, Washington, D.C., which has the largest Ethiopian community outside of Ethiopia — or at least outside of Africa.

And we welcome Ethiopian students to study in the United States. Through our Young African Leaders Initiative, we’re helping to empower dynamic young Ethiopians with the tools that they need to make a difference in their communities. Ethiopia also hosts one of the largest Peace Corps programs in the world and has welcomed thousands of young Americans over the years.

So the connections between our peoples are both deep and enduring. And today, the Prime Minister and I spoke about how we can strengthen the cooperation between our nations.

First, we’re going to continue working together to advance Ethiopia’s economic progress. Ethiopia has one of the fastest-growing economies in the world and one of the largest economies in Africa. And we want to sustain that momentum, because a growing and inclusive economy in Ethiopia means more opportunities for the Ethiopian people and more trade and investment between our nations, which, in turn, helps to create American jobs.

With the renewal of the African Growth and Opportunity Act, we’ll work to further open American markets to Ethiopian products and help expand private sector investment in Ethiopia. Through our Power Africa initiative, we’re working to unlock Ethiopia’s potential for geothermal energy with the nation’s first private sector energy agreement. And this will help the government meet its ambitious goal of significantly increasing access to electricity across Ethiopia and help open the market to developing Ethiopia’s other vast renewable energy sources.

Second, we’re stepping up our cooperation on development, where Ethiopia has proven itself a global leader. To many people around the world, their image of Ethiopia remains stuck in the past — remembering drought and famine. But in the past 15 years, Ethiopia has lifted millions of people out of poverty. We’re working closely together to improve food security, to help farmers plant drought-resistant and higher-yield crops. We’re building resilience to climate change. Fewer people are suffering needlessly from preventable diseases like malaria. More children are getting an education. Of course, there are still too many people, particularly in the rural areas, living in deprivation, so we have to keep moving on the progress that’s been made.

Prime Minister Hailemariam has demonstrated his commitment to eliminating extreme poverty. Ethiopia recently hosted the International Conference on Financing for Development, which secured a global consensus about how the nations of the world will deliver on our promises, especially to those most in need. Your Prime Minister played a vital role in forging that consensus, and Ethiopia is now helping to shape a new set of sustainable development goals for the world.

Third, our security cooperation is pushing back against violent extremism. Ethiopia faces serious threats, and its contribution to the African Union mission in Somalia have reduced areas under al-Shabaab control. But, as the Prime Minister noted, yesterday’s bombing in Mogadishu reminds us that terrorist groups like al-Shabaab offer nothing but death and destruction and have to be stopped. We’ve got more work to do.
This past week, Ethiopian troops have helped retake two major al-Shabaab strongholds. We have to now keep the pressure on.

Ethiopia is a major contributor, as well, to U.N. peacekeeping efforts; it contributes more troops than any other country in Africa. And we’re working together to improve the ability of Ethiopian peacekeepers to respond rapidly to emerging crises, before they spiral into widespread violence.

Ethiopia has also been a key partner as we seek to resolve the ongoing crisis in South Sudan. Later today, the Prime Minister and I will meet with leaders from across the region to discuss ways we can encourage the government and opposition in South Sudan to end the violence and move toward a peace agreement. I want to thank Ethiopia for the sanctuary it provides hundreds of thousands of refugees who have fled South Sudan and conflicts throughout the region.

And finally, I would note that everything I’ve mentioned –sustained and inclusive growth, development, security gains –also depends on good governance. We had a frank discussion. In a global economy that’s increasingly driven by technology and the Internet, continued growth in Ethiopia depends on the free flow of information and open exchanges of ideas. I believe that when all voices are being heard, when people know that they’re included in the political process, that makes a country stronger and more successful and more innovative. So we discussed steps that Ethiopia can take to show progress on promoting good governance, protecting human rights, fundamental freedoms, and strengthening democracy. And this is an area where we intend to deepen our conversations and consultation, because we strongly believe in Ethiopia’s promise and its people.

Ethiopia is a strong partner with the United States and a leader on so many vital issues in the region. And it has the opportunity now to extend its leadership in ways that benefit all of Ethiopia’s people and that sets a positive example for the region. It’s hard work, but my message today to the people of Ethiopia is that, as you take steps moving your country forward, the United States will be standing by you the entire way.

So, Prime Minister, thank you for your hospitality and for the important work that our nations do together. Ameseginalehu. (Applause.)

Q Thank you very much, Mr. President and Mr. Prime Minister. Mr. President, you mentioned earlier that combatting terrorism is one of the areas in which Ethiopia and the U.S. are partnering. However, organizations based in the U.S. and Eritrea are (inaudible) in Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism efforts. How will your government assist Ethiopia in this regard?

And secondly, in regards to trade and investment cooperation, how committed is your government to transform the aid-based Ethiopia-U.S. relations to a mutually beneficial trade and investment cooperation? Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, on the first issue, this was part of our conversation both with respect to security, but also with respect to good governance and human rights issues. Our policy is that we oppose terrorism wherever it may occur. And we are opposed to any group that is promoting the violent overthrow of a government, including the government of Ethiopia, that has been democratically elected.

I also shared with the Prime Minister our interest in deepening intelligence cooperation. And we’ve had some fruitful discussions about ending the flow of foreign financing for terrorism. Our cooperation regionally is excellent. I know that there are certain groups that have been active in Ethiopia that, from the Ethiopian government’s perspective, pose a significant threat. Our intelligence indicates that while they may oppose the government, they have not tipped into terrorism. And we have some very clear standards in terms of how we evaluate that.

But what I indicated to the Prime Minister is, is that in our consultations and deepening intelligence cooperation, we will look and see what evidence we have, where there are real problems, and where we see genuine terrorist activity. That’s something that we are going to want to cooperate with and stop.

So a lot of this has to do with how we define a particular group’s activities. If they are just talking about issues and are in opposition and are operating as political organizations, we tend to be protective of them even if we don’t agree with them. That’s true in the United States; that’s true everywhere. And we think that’s part of what’s necessary for a democracy. If they tip into activities that are violent and are undermining a properly constituted government, then we have a concern.

And so this will be a matter of facts — what are the facts with respect to this issue — in determining how we can work together.

On shifting development models, part of what I’ve been preaching ever since I came into office, and what we’ve been putting into practice as I travel across the continent of Africa, but this is also true in Latin America, it’s true in Asia — in this modern world, it is not enough just to provide aid. Sometimes aid is critical. I mean, we’re very proud of the work that we’ve done to provide health aid that has saved millions of lives with respect to HIV/AIDS. We are very proud of our ability to mobilize humanitarian assistance when there’s a drought and the potential for starvation. Those are still necessary. But what we also believe is that we are your best partners and your best friends when we are building capacity.

So instead of just giving a fish, we teach you how to fish. And whether it’s the work we’re doing in agriculture, or on energy, our goal is not to simply provide something and then we go away, and then later on, we need to give you something more. Our goal is to help you advance your development agenda so that it’s Ethiopian businesses and Ethiopian technical experts, and Ethiopian scientists, and Ethiopian agricultural workers who are continually building capacity and increasing development inside the country.

And on that, we can be a very effective partner. And that, then, allows us also to trade and engage the private sector in this process.

So, on Power Africa, for example, we are providing billions of dollars from the U.S. government, and we’re leveraging the Swedish government and World Bank to create a fund that helps to facilitate transactions. But what we’re also doing is working with the Ethiopian government to leverage that money so that the private sector says, we’d like to invest in Ethiopia, as well, and helping advise the Ethiopian Energy Ministry and technical experts on what may be the best models for reaching rural areas, for example — which may not always involve big power plants but might involve off-grid, smaller models of development that are sustainable and are not dependent on constant financial flows from the West, but instead build up local capacity and are best suited for the particular environment where electricity is needed.

So that, I think, is going to be true in health, energy, agriculture. The more that Ethiopians are able to grow rapidly on their own, then our relationship becomes one of mutual interest, mutual respect. And Ethiopia then becomes a leader, and it can then help other countries that are not as advanced on the development scales. And then we can partner with you to help Somalia as it’s rebuilding after decades of failed governance.

MR. EARNEST: Our next question will come from Kevin Corke with Fox News.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. I’d like to ask you about balance. And you often speak about the importance of rewarding good governance, and so I’m wondering how do you balance your obvious concerns about human rights here in Ethiopia with a desire for increased economic partnership and strengthening regional security cooperation? And if I could follow up — have you ruled out, or would you consider increased military involvement by the United States in East Africa to battle al-Shabaab? And if so, what lessons could be learned from the battle against ISIS, for example, that might be relevant here?

And, Mr. Prime Minister, thank you for your great hospitality in your beautiful country. I’d like to ask you about perception. For all the incredible things that are happening here in Ethiopia — a strengthening economy, great investment right now in renewable energy infrastructure — there is still a perception, sir, that human rights abuses are tolerated here, and that could really be affecting international investment in your economy. Are you concerned about that? If so, how can concerned, and what might you be doing, sir, to change that perception? Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, as I said in my opening remarks, this was a significant topic of conversation. We are very mindful of Ethiopia’s history — the hardships that this country has gone through. It has been relatively recently in which the constitution that was formed and the elections put forward a democratically elected government. And as I indicated when I was in Kenya, there is still more work to do, and I think the Prime Minister is the first to acknowledge that there’s more work to do.

The way we think about these issues is we want to engage with governments on areas of mutual concern and interest — the same way, by the way, that we deal with China and deal with a range of other countries where the democratic practices or issues around freedom of the press and assembly are not ones that align with how we are thinking about it, but we continually bring it up and we indicate that this is part of our core interest and concern in our foreign policy. That’s true here as well.

My observation to the Prime Minister has been that the governing party has significant breadth and popularity. And as a consequence, making sure to open additional space for journalists, for media, for opposition voices, will strengthen rather than inhibit the agenda that the Prime Minister and the ruling party has put forward.

And I think our goal here is to make sure that we are a constructive partner, recognizing that Ethiopia has its own culture and it’s not going to be identical to what we do, but there are certain principles that we think have to be upheld.

The one thing that I’ve tried to be consistent on, though, is to make sure that we don’t operate with big countries in one fashion and small countries in another. Nobody questions our need to engage with large countries where we may have differences on these issues. That’s true with Africa as well. We don’t improve cooperation and advance the very interest that you talk about by staying away. So we have to be in a conversation. And I think the Prime Minister will indicate that I don’t bite my tongue too much when it comes to these issues, but I do so from a position of respect and regard for the Ethiopian people, and recognizing their history and the challenges that they continue to face.

With respect to our military assistance, keep in mind that we have been active in the fight against al-Shabaab for a long time now. And we’ve been partnering with Ethiopia and Kenya and Uganda and the African Union and AMISOM. And that’s something that I think those other countries would agree has been a very effective partnership. Part of the reason that we’ve seen the shrinkage of al-Shabaab’s activities in East Africa is because we have our military teams in consultation with regional forces and local forces, and there are certain capacities that we have that some of these militaries may not, and I think there’s been complementarity in the work that we’ve done together.

So we don’t need to send our own Marines, for example, in to do the fighting. The Ethiopians are tough fighters. And the Kenyans and Ugandans have been serious about putting troops on the ground, at significant sacrifice, because they recognize the importance of stabilizing the region.

That’s why, in the past, I’ve said, for example, that the work that we’re doing in Somalia is a model. Some in the press have noted that al-Shabaab is still here, and they say, well, how can that be a model if you still have bombs going off? The point that I was making at that time is not that defeating any of these terrorist networks is easy, or that the problems in Somalia are completely solved. The point I was making was that a model in which we are partnering with other countries and they are providing outstanding troops on the ground — we’re working with, in this case, the Somali government, which is still very much in its infancy, to develop its national security capacity
— so that we’re doing things that we can do uniquely but does not require us putting boots on the ground — that’s the model that we’re talking about.

And Ethiopia is an outstanding partner in that process. They have one of the most effective militaries on the continent. And as I noted in my earlier remarks, they are also one of the biggest contributors to peacekeeping. And so they’re averting a lot of bloodshed and a lot of conflict because of the effectiveness of their military, and we want to make sure that we’re supporting that.

PRIME MINISTER HAILEMARIAM: We fully understand that the perception and the reality does not, in many cases, match as far as Ethiopia is concerned. Therefore, we want to work on this issue; it’s our concern. But something has to be understood that this is a fledgling democracy, and we are coming out of centuries of undemocratic practices and culture in this country. And it’s not easy within a few decades — in our case, only two decades of democratization — that we can get rid of all this attitudinal problems, and some challenge we face. But we feel that we are on the right track, and there is a constitutional democracy which we all are obliged to observe for the sake of our own people and prosperity.

So I think this is a way that we have to work on. That’s why I said in my speech that we have to learn the best practices of the United States and age-old democracies, because this is a process of learning and doing, and I think we fully understand that. And, of course, we also know our limitations and we have to work on our limitations to make ultimately to the betterment of our own people. So I think that is a concern that we have to work on.

Q My question for you, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn is, what do you expect from the United States and the rest of the international community in terms of supporting the peace and security efforts in the Horn of Africa, as well as how successful was your bilateral discussion with President Obama, specifically in regards to economic ties?

And, President Obama, my question for you is, what are your thoughts specifically on the IGAD Plus peacekeeping efforts in South Sudan?

PRIME MINISTER HAILEMARIAM: As far as the economic cooperation is concerned, I mentioned that Ethiopia is one of the vibrant economies, which is rising. And we need — you know, we don’t want to put all our eggs in one basket. We need a comprehensive quality investment from every corner of the globe. And specifically, at this time, we agreed that the President is going to support us, his government is going to support us in bringing quality investment to Ethiopia.

We have longstanding relations, diplomatic relations, but the investment flow doesn’t match that long history of cooperation between Ethiopia and the United States. So I think there is room. Recently, we have a number of renowned companies from the United States showing up to invest in my country. But we also understand that we have to improve our investment climate and environment where there are stifling issues here and there, bureaucratic bottlenecks, that has to be addressed. And we are on stop of them and we can address them. I think by doing so, we can attract more foreign direct investment from the United States.

As far as the security cooperation in concerned, I think we believe that Africans should take our own responsibility by our own hand. We need support from the United States, but it doesn’t meant that the United States is going to replace us in picking our own agenda in Africa.

That’s why Ethiopia is contributing peacekeeping force — a number which the President has mentioned. And we’re also working on increasing the capability of our troops in peacekeeping. But the most important thing is we have to engage the people of Africa and their respective countries to make peace and the governance system that helps the people to engage.

So I think we are on the right track. And we can make changes in Somalia and, I am hopeful, also in South Sudan. And I think in many cases, this shouldn’t mar the picture of Africa where, in large, Africa is now rising, and Africa is showing — becoming the next growing tide for economic development and cooperation. So I think we are on the right track in this cooperation.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: IGAD has been a vital partner to the international community in leading discussions between Mr. Kiir, Mr. Machar, the government opposition figures in South Sudan. Unfortunately, the situation continues to deteriorate. That’s not because IGAD has not tried hard enough. I know that between Prime Minister Hailemariam and other partners in IGAD, there has been a lot of time and a lot of effort to push the parties together.

Nevertheless, the situation is deteriorating. The humanitarian situation is worsening. The possibilities of renewed conflict in a region that has been torn by conflict for so long and has resulted in so many deaths is something that requires urgent attention from all of us, including the international community.

That’s why, after this press conference, we’ll be consulting with leaders from the other countries who have been involved in IGAD to see how the United States, IGAD, and the international community can work to bring a peace agreement and a structure to fruition sometime in the next several weeks. We don’t have a lot of time to wait. The conditions on the ground are getting much, much worse. And part of my interest in calling together this meeting was to find out how we can help.

Up until this point, it’s been very useful to have the African countries take the lead. As Prime Minister Hailemariam stated, the more that Africans are solving African problems, the better off we’re going to be. But we also think that we can be a mechanism for additional leverage on the parties, who, up until this point, have proven very stubborn and have not yet risen to the point where they are looking out for the interests of their nation as opposed to their particular self-interests. And that transition has to take place, and it has to take place now.

MR. EARNEST: The final question will come from Darlene Superville with the Associated Press.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. I wanted to follow up on the Sudan question. As you go into this meeting that you just mentioned, are you expecting any breakthroughs that will get both sides to agree to a peace deal by the August 17th deadline? And if there is no agreement, what further steps would you be willing to take to bring that about?

And if I could ask about Iran. Would you kindly bring us up to date on the administration’s lobbying of Congress to get approval for the deal? And would you include your reaction to Republican presidential candidate Mike Huckabee saying that the deal is the equivalent of marching the Israelis toward “the door of the oven”?

Mr. Prime Minister, thank you for your hospitality. Would you also add your thoughts on the situation in Sudan and how to bring peace over there? The second question I have for you is, the Committee to Protect Journalists ranks your country as the second-worst jailer of journalists in Africa. Just before President Obama arrived here, some journalists were released. Many more are still being detained. Would you explain what issues or objections you have to a free press? Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: On South Sudan, the goal here is to make sure that the United States and IGAD are aligned on a strategy going into this endgame on peace talks. So my hope is that, as a result of these consultations, that we agree on how urgent it is and what each of us have to do to actually bring a deal about.

I don’t want to prejudge what I’ll hear from the President of Uganda, for example, until I actually hear from him. But the good news is that all of us recognize that something has got to move, because IGAD has now been involved with consultations with these individuals for a very, very long time, and our special envoys that have been involved in this for years now have concluded that now is the time for a breakthrough. And if we don’t see a breakthrough by August 17th, then we’re going to have to consider what other tools we have to apply greater pressure on the parties.

And that’s something I think the parties will certainly hear from us. Our hope is that the message we deliver is similar to the message that they get from the IGAD countries and others who are interested in the issue.

With respect to Iran, I won’t give a grade to our lobbying efforts. In fact, I’m not even sure I’d characterize it as lobbying. What we’re doing is presenting facts about an international agreement that 99 percent of the world thinks solves a vital problem in a way that will prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, and does so diplomatically.

And essentially what we’ve been seeing is Secretary of State John Kerry, Secretary of Energy Ernie Moniz — who is an expert on nuclear issues — just providing the facts, laying out exactly what the deal is, explaining how it cuts off all the pathways for Iran to get a nuclear weapon; explaining how it puts in place unprecedented verification and inspection mechanisms; explaining how we have snapback provisions so that if they cheat, we immediately re-impose sanctions; explaining also how we will continue to address other aspects of Iranian behavior that are of deep concern to us and our allies — like providing arms to terrorist organizations.

So the good news, I guess, is that I have not yet heard a factual argument on the other side that holds up to scrutiny. There’s a reason why 99 percent of the world thinks that this is a good deal — it’s because it’s a good deal. There’s a reason why the overwhelming majority of nuclear scientists and nonproliferation experts think it’s a good deal — it’s because it’s a good deal. It accomplishes our goal, which is making sure Iran does not have a nuclear weapon. In fact, it accomplishes that goal better than any alternative that has been suggested.

And you’ve heard me, Darlene, stand up in front of the press corps and try to get a good argument on the other side that’s based in fact as opposed to rhetoric. And I haven’t gotten one yet. So if you’re asking me, how do you think our argument is going, it’s going great. Now, if you’re asking me about the politics of Washington and the rhetoric that takes place there, that doesn’t always go great.

The particular comments of Mr. Huckabee are, I think, part of just a general pattern that we’ve seen that is — would be considered ridiculous if it weren’t so sad. We’ve had a sitting senator call John Kerry Pontius Pilate. We’ve had a sitting senator who also happens to be running for President suggest that I’m the leading state sponsor of terrorism. These are leaders in the Republican Party. And part of what historically has made America great is, particularly when it comes to foreign policy, there’s been a recognition that these issues are too serious, that issues of war and peace are of such grave concern and consequence that we don’t play fast and loose that way. We have robust debates, we look at the facts, there are going to be disagreements. But we just don’t fling out ad hominem attacks like that, because it doesn’t help inform the American people.

I mean, this is a deal that has been endorsed by people like Brent Scowcroft and Sam Nunn — right? — historic Democratic and Republican leaders on arms control and on keeping America safe. And so when you get rhetoric like this, maybe it gets attention and maybe this is just an effort to push Mr. Trump out of the headlines, but it’s not the kind of leadership that is needed for America right now. And I don’t think that’s what anybody — Democratic, Republican, or independent — is looking for out of their political leaders.

In fact, it’s been interesting when you look at what’s happened with Mr. Trump, when he’s made some of the remarks that, for example, challenged the heroism of Mr. McCain, somebody who endured torture and conducted himself with exemplary patriotism, the Republican Party is shocked. And yet, that arises out of a culture where those kinds of outrageous attacks have become far too commonplace and get circulated nonstop through the Internet and talk radio and news outlets. And I recognize when outrageous statements like that are made about me, that a lot of the same people who were outraged when they were made about Mr. McCain were pretty quiet.

The point is we’re creating a culture that is not conducive to good policy or good politics. The American people deserve better. Certainly, presidential debates deserve better. In 18 months, I’m turning over the keys — I want to make sure I’m turning over the keys to somebody who is serious about the serious problems the country faces and the world faces. And that requires on both sides, Democrat and Republican, a sense of seriousness and decorum and honesty. And I think that’s what the voters expect, as well.

PRIME MINISTER HAILEMARIAM: As regards to South Sudan, I cannot agree more with the President. But we should also recognize that this process has taken a long, long negotiation period. And, on the other hand, people are suffering on the ground, and we cannot let this go unchecked. And I think the meeting which we are making this afternoon has a strong signal and message that has to be passed to the parties in South Sudan to see that that they’re (inaudible) first.

So I think this is very much essential. And I fully recognize what the President has said, and we’ll see how it happens.

As far as Ethiopia is concerned, we need journalists. We need more of them and quality of them, because we have not only bad stories to be told, but we have many success stories that has to be told. And so we need you. This is very important. But we need ethical journalism to function in this country.

And there is limitation capacity in all aspects of our works, there is also capacity limitations in journalism and that way. Maybe those of you who are in developed nations, you can help our journalists — domestic journalists — to increase their capacity to work on ethical manner. But the only thing as a leader of this nation we do not want to see is journalism has to be respected when it doesn’t pass the line; that working with violent terrorist groups is not allowed — even in the United States. And we need civilized journalism as a culture and as a profession.

So I think my government is committed to this issue, that we need many young journalists to come up and help this country to understand what’s going on. And for us, it’s very important to be criticized because we also get feedback to correct our mistakes and limitations. So we need journalists. And I think this is our view. And rest assured that we’ll continue to do so, because the media is one of the institutions that has to be nurtured for democratic discourse. And so that’s why we agree that institutional capacity-building in all aspects of democracy in this country is essential.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:

Thank you very much.

END
2:36 P.M. EAT

US lawsuit details to breadth of hacking by Ethiopian government amid the first visit of Obama there

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By Observer Staff Reporter

WA — As Leader Obama people stress to discuss human-rights in his initial official trip to Ethiopia, a suit that is unique back home is demanding perhaps the Cameras country can spy on a by transforming his pc into a huge producing system.

The national case alleges Ethiopian government providers gobbled up weeks of a Md gentlemanis Skype calls and the Net pursuits of his household. However the guy, blessed in Ethiopia and now a U.S. resident, isn’t needed to get a transgression. Rather, a political resistance party banned in his residence state is helped out by him.

The supposed invasion was researched after the software left out bread crumbs, underscoring a larger structure: the usage of commercial coughing application by governments that were overseas, sometimes using poor human-rights documents, to digitally snoop on the opponents.

Whitehouse press secretary Josh Earnest mentioned the other day that the U.S. INCHESoften offered to Ethiopia’s authority our concerns in such parts as place for civil society, visibility, media flexibility and also the governmental opposition.”

Human-Rights Watch and also businesses that were other advised after visiting Kenya, Obama, who arrived on Sunday in Ethiopia, to put the “pressing human rights issues” in appointments to Nigeria and Ethiopia “in your discussions’ lead.”

Ethiopia has sought hacking on application from atleast two companies that are independent, e-mails and court records demonstrate. The legality of such engineering in different countries — as well as a U.S. federal judge ‘s imminent selection on perhaps the Baltimore personis could continue — may elevate foreign policy implications for governments worldwide.

The federal government has had to manage other nations hacking into American pcs and limiting files that is personal. Five navy hackers that were Asian this past year incurred regarding breaking major organizationsI devices and siphoning off business secrets.

Solicitors for your Baltimore plaintiff, who goes by Kidane in court documents to guard them from retaliation, state application named FinSpy produced solution music recordings of his Skype calls, copied amounts of his e-mails and signed Website researches done by his middleschool-era daughter regarding school.

” doesn’t allow it to be legal, because authorities all over the world engage in spying,” stated Cardozo, a staff attorney using the Bay Area-dependent Digital Frontier Foundation, which can be addressing Kidane. “so when spies get found, you’ll find implications.”

If it wanted to weigh-in on the event a national judge in Washington questioned the U.S. government. Ethiopia needs the lawsuit dismissed, indicating when conducting these pursuits, authorities include immunity. The EFF certainly will function as the basis of a U.S. suit, regardless of who partcipates in it and claims the event is essential for demonstrating warrantless wiretapping is illegal.

Researchers us unpleasant hacking application to assemble evidence regarding legal prosecutions or, at times, spy on international adversaries. The FBI for example, in 2007, delivered a Connected Press history into a 15- yearold believe in Washington state who was arrested of earning blast dangers; the account covered solution application that served disclose his spot.

In letting oppressive authorities gain access to that technologies Human rights and free click recommends have bristled. Ethiopia is ranked by the nonprofit Independence Residence to be one of the toughest places regarding push liberties, and stated the nation’s 2009 zero -terrorism legislation has-been utilized broadly against editors.

A lawyer for that authorities that was Ethiopian introduced the AP’s questions regarding the event. An consultant said last week he dropped to supply brands or telephone statistics for all those within the government who might and got no further details.

Received FinSpy labored silently behind-the-scenes as meant, Kidane may have never been to courtroom. But when forensics specialists reviewed Kidane’s computer, they found remaining- behind pieces of guidance and files for your eavesdropping program for connecting to an Ethiopian computer server.

After an opposition boss was delivered into exile – Kidane got involved with a pro- Ginbot SEVERAL was called by democracy group by providing specialized and administrative assistance. Humanrights Watch states the nation uses draconian regulations to repress opposition activists and pundits, although the group is called a terrorist organization by Ethiopia.

That’s how Kidane feels his pc was commandeered — by mistake. Somebody else infected their own computer and was the original target of the e-mail disease but forwarded it to Kidane. However officers that were Ethiopian made a decision to trigger an application licenses to carry on checking his actions anyhow.

Gamma Party, before rewriting down it in to a distinct business named FinFisher the company that created the FinSpy application, has said governments were marketed only to by it. Hackers in 2014 explained they distributed its files and hacked on Gamma, exhibiting additionally, it sold to nongovernments.

In 2013, experts from Person Lab in the University of Toronto’s Munk College of International Affairs found that 25 nations number computers regarding FinSpy, that may dodge antivirus protections to take data, record keystrokes, eavesdrop on Skype calls and convert microphones and webcams into detective units.

During the time, the team Reporters Without Borders branded Gamma one of its five INCHcorporate enemies of the Internet.” Not Gamma nor its spinoff responded from the AP to many e-mail seeking opinion since Friday.

Ethiopia additionally compensated corporation Coughing Staff that was German for software that was equivalent against unspecified locates, and professionals there desired to impose the united states at the least $330,000 due to their services, according-to leaked emails posted online.

Homeowner Research likewise said that hackers who infected a U.S. worker of Ethiopian Tv couple of years before recently launched a fresh round of attacks applying espionage software that was improved previously this year. Ethiopian authorities previously refused claims that were these.

Shortly after the report, many inside the business became nervous. ” people adequate destruction was induced by The clumsy and ungainly using our answer,” authored Daniele Milan.

Nevertheless the relationship ongoing, additionally e-mails show, amid one proposition that might possess restricted their commitment into a yr for INCHconsidering their behavior.” Those emails were among over 1 trillion lost in earlier September, disclosing Coughing Team caused authoritarian authorities in the Centre Distance and pitched their software to departments.

A spokesman for Hacking Group established in a statement Sudan, Russia, South Korea as well as the business distributed application compared to that country among others. The business stated people income were INCHEStotally within the regulation and regulation since it applied at the time any purchase was produced.”

Ethiopian Opposition Group Threatens Armed Resistance

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Ethiopian opposition figure Berhanu Nega, has moved from the US to Eritrea.

Douglas Mpuga /VOA

July 25, 2015 2:35 PM

Ethiopia’s opposition Ginbot 7 Movement for Unity and Democracy has decided to use armed resistance in addition to peaceful resistance against the government in Addis Ababa. This follows the move of the group’s leader from the United States to Eritrea.

Berhanu Nega travelled to Ethiopia’s northern neighbor following the merger of his Ginbot 7 with the Ethiopian People’s Patriotic Front. “It’s true he travelled to Eritrea, he went on July 17, 2015,” said the spokesman for the group, Dr. Tadesse Biru.

“He is the leader of an organization that strives to bring about democratic order in Ethiopia, and he went to fulfil his leadership role,” he explained in reference to Dr. Berhanu, who was sentenced to death in absentia while living in the US.

Ethiopia’s government classes Ginbot 7 as a terrorist group. It comprises former members of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, an opposition grouping that made unprecedented gains against the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front in 2005 elections.

Tadesse confirmed the merger of Ginbot 7 with the Ethiopian People’s Patriotic Front this year. On armed resistance, he said: “We do have a kind of blended strategy to challenge the government in Addis Ababa. We have been trying to stage civic disobedience; we tried peaceful resistance starting in 2005.”

But, a non-violent solution, he said, has been closed by the government in Ethiopia, and the group has been forced to consider all possible avenues including civic disobedience and armed resistance.

Tadesse emphasized, however, that the group is still open to a non-violent settlement. “We are always open to possibilities of a peaceful resolution. The group emerged from a peaceful movement but now we are forced to consider armed resistance. It’s not our choice but there is no other feasible option to challenge the government in Addis Ababa.”

He said civil disobedience will continue, but will be complemented by ‘non-peaceful resistance, like it was done in South Africa’.

Some observers say the move of the group to Eritrea could renew tensions between the Horn of Africa nations, which fought a two-year war that ended in 2000.

The spokesperson dispelled such fears, saying nothing will happen since the two countries had no friendly relationship anyway. “Eritrea has provided us an opportunity to organize our movement there, that’s all. I don’t think it will in any way affect the relationship – it has not been good.”

As to the strength of the group’s armed force, Tadesse said: “yes, there is a small group that has been training in Eritrea, and there is a movement developing.”

Officials in Addis Ababa have dismissed the group’s move. A special adviser to the Prime Minister was reported saying Ginbot 7 is militarily weak and Berhanu’s move to Eritrea is a “publicity stunt.”

Obama says Ethiopia should not jail journalists, restrict opponents

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Reuters

U.S. President Barack Obama said on Tuesday that Ethiopia “cannot unleash the full potential of its people” if it jails journalists and restricts legitimate opposition groups.

Ethiopia’s government has acknowledged it had more work to do to develop its democracy but also says any journalists it has detained committed crimes.

In a speech at the African Union, Obama also said Central African Republic leaders needed to commit to inclusive elections and a peaceful transition of power. Elections in October will mark a return to democratic rule after the Seleka rebels toppled President Francois Bozize in March 2013, sparking a conflict.

U.S. President Barack Obama addressed the African Union in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa,

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July 28, 2015. SIMON MAINA/AFP/
Getty Images

U.S. President Barack Obama delivered a keynote speech Tuesday at African Union headquarters in Mandela Hall in Ethiopia’s capital city of Addis Ababa. It was the first time a sitting American president addressed the 54-member continental bloc, and the historic speech marked the end of Obama’s five-day, two-nation tour of East Africa.

The full text of Tuesday’s remarks, provided by the U.S. Embassy, follows below:

Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Madam Chairwoman, thank you so much for your kind words and your leadership. To Prime Minister Hailemariam, and the people of Ethiopia — once again, thank you for your wonderful hospitality and for hosting this pan-African institution. (Applause.) To members of the African Union, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen — thank you for welcoming me here today. It is a great honor to be the first President of the United States to address the African Union. (Applause.)

I’m grateful for this opportunity to speak to the representatives of more than one billion people of the great African continent. (Applause.) We’re joined today by citizens, by leaders of civil society, by faith communities, and I’m especially pleased to see so many young people who embody the energy and optimism of today’s Africa. Hello! Thank you for being here. (Applause.)

I stand before you as a proud American. I also stand before you as the son of an African. (Applause.) Africa and its people helped to shape America and allowed it to become the great nation that it is. And Africa and its people have helped shape who I am and how I see the world. In the villages in Kenya where my father was born, I learned of my ancestors, and the life of my grandfather, the dreams of my father, the bonds of family that connect us all as Africans and Americans.

As parents, Michelle and I want to make sure that our two daughters know their heritage — European and African, in all of its strengths and all of its struggle. So we’ve taken our daughters and stood with them on the shores of West Africa, in those doors of no return, mindful that their ancestors were both slaves and slave owners. We’ve stood with them in that small cell on Robben Island where Madiba showed the world that, no matter the nature of his physical confinement, he alone was the master of his fate. (Applause.) For us, for our children, Africa and its people teach us a powerful lesson — that we must uphold the inherent dignity of every human being.

Dignity — that basic idea that by virtue of our common humanity, no matter where we come from, or what we look like, we are all born equal, touched by the grace of God. (Applause.) Every person has worth. Every person matters. Every person deserves to be treated with decency and respect. Throughout much of history, mankind did not see this. Dignity was seen as a virtue reserved to those of rank and privilege, kings and elders. It took a revolution of the spirit, over many centuries, to open our eyes to the dignity of every person. And around the world, generations have struggled to put this idea into practice in laws and in institutions.

So, too, here in Africa. This is the cradle of humanity, and ancient African kingdoms were home to great libraries and universities. But the evil of slavery took root not only abroad, but here on the continent. Colonialism skewed Africa’s economy and robbed people of their capacity to shape their own destiny. Eventually, liberation movements grew. And 50 years ago, in a great burst of self-determination, Africans rejoiced as foreign flags came down and your national flags went up. (Applause.) As South Africa’s Albert Luthuli said at the time, “the basis for peace and brotherhood in Africa is being restored by the resurrection of national sovereignty and independence, of equality and the dignity of man.

A half-century into this independence era, it is long past time to put aside old stereotypes of an Africa forever mired in poverty and conflict. The world must recognize Africa’s extraordinary progress. Today, Africa is one of the fastest-growing regions in the world. Africa’s middle class is projected to grow to more than one billion consumers. (Applause.) With hundreds of millions of mobile phones, surging access to the Internet, Africans are beginning to leapfrog old technologies into new prosperity. Africa is on the move, a new Africa is emerging.

Propelled by this progress, and in partnership with the world, Africa has achieved historic gains in health. The rate of new HIV/AIDS infections has plummeted. African mothers are more likely to survive childbirth and have healthy babies. Deaths from malaria have been slashed, saving the lives of millions of African children. Millions have been lifted from extreme poverty. Africa has led the world in sending more children to school. In other words, more and more African men, women and children are living with dignity and with hope. (Applause.)

And Africa’s progress can also be seen in the institutions that bring us together today. When I first came to Sub-Saharan Africa as a President, I said that Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions. (Applause.) And one of those institutions can be the African Union. Here, you can come together, with a shared commitment to human dignity and development. Here, your 54 nations pursue a common vision of an ‘integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa.’

As Africa changes, I’ve called on the world to change its approach to Africa. (Applause.) So many Africans have told me, we don’t want just aid, we want trade that fuels progress. We don’t want patrons, we want partners who help us build our own capacity to grow. (Applause.) We don’t want the indignity of dependence, we want to make our own choices and determine our own future.

As President, I’ve worked to transform America’s relationship with Africa — so that we’re truly listening to our African friends and working together, as equal partners. And I’m proud of the progress that we’ve made. We’ve boosted American exports to this region, part of trade that supports jobs for Africans and Americans. To sustain our momentum — and with the bipartisan support of some of the outstanding members of Congress who are here today — 20 of them who are here today — I recently signed the 10-year renewal of the African Growth and Opportunity Act. (Applause.) And I want to thank them all. Why don’t they stand very briefly so you can see them, because they’ve done outstanding work. (Applause.)

We’ve launched major initiatives to promote food security, and public health and access to electricity, and to prepare the next generation of African leaders and entrepreneurs –investments that will help fuel Africa’s rise for decades to come. Last year, as the Chairwoman noted, I welcomed nearly 50 African presidents and prime ministers to Washington so we could begin a new chapter of cooperation. And by coming to the African Union today, I’m looking to build on that commitment.

I believe Africa’s rise is not just important for Africa, it’s important to the entire world. We will not be able to meet the challenges of our time — from ensuring a strong global economy to facing down violent extremism, to combating climate change, to ending hunger and extreme poverty — without the voices and contributions of one billion Africans. (Applause.)

Now, even with Africa’s impressive progress, we must acknowledge that many of these gains rest on a fragile foundation. Alongside new wealth, hundreds of millions of Africans still endure extreme poverty. Alongside high-tech hubs of innovation, many Africans are crowded into shantytowns without power or running water — a level of poverty that’s an assault on human dignity.

Moreover, as the youngest and fastest-growing continent, Africa’s population in the coming decades will double to some two billion people, and many of them will be young, under 18. Now, on the one hand, this could bring tremendous opportunities as these young Africans harness new technologies and ignite new growth and reforms. Economists will tell you that countries, regions, continents grow faster with younger populations. It’s a demographic edge and advantage — but only if those young people are being trained. We need only to look at the Middle East and North Africa to see that large numbers of young people with no jobs and stifled voices can fuel instability and disorder.

I suggest to you that the most urgent task facing Africa today and for decades ahead is to create opportunity for this next generation. (Applause.) And this will be an enormous undertaking. Africa will need to generate millions more jobs than it’s doing right now. And time is of the essence. The choices made today will shape the trajectory of Africa, and therefore, the world for decades to come. And as your partner and your friend, allow me to suggest several ways that we can meet this challenge together.

Africa’s progress will depend on unleashing economic growth — not just for the few at the top, but for the many, because an essential element of dignity is being able to live a decent life. (Applause.) That begins with a job. And that requires trade and investment.

Many of your nations have made important reforms to attract investment — it’s been a spark for growth. But in many places across Africa, it’s still too hard to start a venture, still too hard to build a business. Governments that take additional reforms to make doing business easier will have an eager partner in the United States. (Applause.)

And that includes reforms to help Africa trade more with itself — as the Chairwoman and I discussed before we came out here today — because the biggest markets for your goods are often right next door. You don’t have to just look overseas for growth, you can look internally. And our work to help Africa modernize customs and border crossings started with the East African Community — now we’re expanding our efforts across the continent, because it shouldn’t be harder for African countries to trade with each other than it is for you to trade with Europe and America. (Applause.)

Now, most U.S. trade with the region is with just three countries — South Africa, Nigeria and Angola — and much of that is in the form of energy. I want Africans and Americans doing more business together in more sectors, in more countries. So we’re increasing trade missions to places like Tanzania, Ethiopia Mozambique. We’re working to help more Africans get their goods to market. Next year, we’ll host another U.S.-Africa Business Forum to mobilize billions of dollars in new trade and investment — so we’re buying more of each other’s products and all growing together.

Now, the United States isn’t the only country that sees your growth as an opportunity. And that is a good thing. When more countries invest responsibly in Africa, it creates more jobs and prosperity for us all. So I want to encourage everybody to do business with Africa, and African countries should want to do business with every country. But economic relationships can’t simply be about building countries’ infrastructure with foreign labor or extracting Africa’s natural resources. Real economic partnerships have to be a good deal for Africa — they have to create jobs and capacity for Africans. (Applause.)

And that includes the point that Chairwoman Zuma made about illicit flows with multinationals — which is one of the reasons that we’ve been a leading advocate, working with the G7, to assist in making sure that there’s honest accounting when businesses are investing here in Africa, and making sure that capital flows are properly accounted for. That’s the kind of partnership America offers.

Nothing will unlock Africa’s economic potential more than ending the cancer of corruption. (Applause.) And you are right that it is not just a problem of Africa, it is a problem of those who do business with Africa. It is not unique to Africa — corruption exists all over the world, including in the United States. But here in Africa, corruption drains billions of dollars from economies that can’t afford to lose billions of dollars — that’s money that could be used to create jobs and build hospitals and schools. And when someone has to pay a bribe just to start a business or go to school, or get an official to do the job they’re supposed to be doing anyway — that’s not ‘the African way.’ (Applause.) It undermines the dignity of the people you represent.

Only Africans can end corruption in their countries. As African governments commit to taking action, the United States will work with you to combat illicit financing, and promote good governance and transparency and rule of law. And we already have strong laws in place that say to U.S. companies, you can’t engage in bribery to try to get business — which not all countries have. And we actually enforce it and police it.

And let me add that criminal networks are both fueling corruption and threatening Africa’s precious wildlife — and with it, the tourism that many African economies count on. So America also stands with you in the fight against wildlife trafficking. That’s something that has to be addressed. (Applause.)

But, ultimately, the most powerful antidote to the old ways of doing things is this new generation of African youth. History shows that the nations that do best are the ones that invest in the education of their people. (Applause.) You see, in this information age, jobs can flow anywhere, and they typically will flow to where workers are literate and highly skilled and online. And Africa’s young people are ready to compete. I’ve met them — they are hungry, they are eager. They’re willing to work hard. So we’ve got to invest in them. As Africa invests in education, our entrepreneurship programs are helping innovators start new businesses and create jobs right here in Africa. And the men and women in our Young African Leaders Initiative today will be the leaders who can transform business and civil society and governments tomorrow.

Africa’s progress will depend on development that truly lifts countries from poverty to prosperity — because people everywhere deserve the dignity of a life free from want. A child born in Africa today is just as equal and just as worthy as a child born in Asia or Europe or America. At the recent development conference here in Addis, African leadership helped forge a new global compact for financing that fuels development. And under the AU’s leadership, the voice of a united Africa will help shape the world’s next set of development goals, and you’re pursuing a vision of the future that you want for Africa.

And America’s approach to development — the central focus of our engagement with Africa — is focused on helping you build your own capacity to realize that vision. Instead of just shipping food aid to Africa, we’ve helped more than two million farmers use new techniques to boost their yields, feed more people, reduce hunger. With our new alliance of government and the private sector investing billions of dollars in African agriculture, I believe we can achieve our goal and lift 50 million Africans from poverty.

Instead of just sending aid to build power plants, our Power Africa initiative is mobilizing billions of dollars in investments from governments and businesses to reduce the number of Africans living without electricity. Now, an undertaking of this magnitude will not be quick. It will take many years. But working together, I believe we can bring electricity to more than 60 million African homes and businesses and connect more Africans to the global economy. (Applause.)

Instead of just telling Africa, you’re on your own, in dealing with climate change, we’re delivering new tools and financing to more than 40 African nations to help them prepare and adapt. By harnessing the wind and sun, your vast geothermal energy and rivers for hydropower, you can turn this climate threat into an economic opportunity. And I urge Africa to join us in rejecting old divides between North and South so we can forge a strong global climate agreement this year in Paris. Because sparing some of the world’s poorest people from rising seas, more intense droughts, shortages of water and food is a matter of survival and a matter of human dignity.

Instead of just sending medicine, we’re investing in better treatments and helping Africa prevent and treat diseases. As the United States continues to provide billions of dollars in the fight against HIV/AIDS, and as your countries take greater ownership of health programs, we’re moving toward a historic accomplishment — the first AIDS-free generation. (Applause.) And if the world learned anything from Ebola, it’s that the best way to prevent epidemics is to build strong public health systems that stop diseases from spreading in the first place. So America is proud to partner with the AU and African countries in this mission. Today, I can announce that of the $1 billion that the United States is devoting to this work globally, half will support efforts here in Africa. (Applause.)

I believe Africa’s progress will also depend on democracy, because Africans, like people everywhere, deserve the dignity of being in control of their own lives. (Applause.) We all know what the ingredients of real democracy are. They include free and fair elections, but also freedom of speech and the press, freedom of assembly. These rights are universal. They’re written into African constitutions. (Applause.) The African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights declares that “every individual shall have the right to the respect of the dignity inherent in a human being.” From Sierra Leone, Ghana, Benin, to Botswana, Namibia, South Africa, democracy has taken root. In Nigeria, more than 28 million voters bravely cast their ballots and power transferred as it should — peacefully. (Applause.)

Yet at this very moment, these same freedoms are denied to many Africans. And I have to proclaim, democracy is not just formal elections. (Applause.) When journalists are put behind bars for doing their jobs, or activists are threatened as governments crack down on civil society — (applause) — then you may have democracy in name, but not in substance. (Applause.) And I’m convinced that nations cannot realize the full promise of independence until they fully protect the rights of their people.

And this is true even for countries that have made important democratic progress. As I indicated during my visit to Kenya, the remarkable gains that country has made with a new constitution, with its election, cannot be jeopardized by restrictions on civil society. Likewise, our host, Ethiopians have much to be proud of — I’ve been amazed at all the wonderful work that’s being done here — and it’s true that the elections that took place here occurred without violence. But as I discussed with Prime Minister Hailemariam, that’s just the start of democracy. I believe Ethiopia will not fully unleash the potential of its people if journalists are restricted or legitimate opposition groups can’t participate in the campaign process. And, to his credit, the Prime Minister acknowledged that more work will need to be done for Ethiopia to be a full-fledged, sustainable democracy. (Applause.)

So these are conversations we have to have as friends. Our American democracy is not perfect. We’ve worked for many years — (applause) — but one thing we do is we continually reexamine to figure out how can we make our democracy better. And that’s a force of strength for us, being willing to look and see honestly what we need to be doing to fulfill the promise of our founding documents.

And every country has to go through that process. No country is perfect, but we have to be honest, and strive to expand freedoms, to broaden democracy. The bottom line is that when citizens cannot exercise their rights, the world has a responsibility to speak out. And America will, even if it’s sometimes uncomfortable — (applause) — even when it’s sometimes directed toward our friends.

And I know that there’s some countries that don’t say anything — (laughter) — and maybe that’s easier for leaders to deal with. (Laughter.) But you’re kind of stuck with us — this is how we are. (Applause.) We believe in these things and we’re going to keep on talking about them.

And I want to repeat, we do this not because we think our democracy is perfect, or we think that every country has to follow precisely our path. For more than two centuries since our independence, we’re still working on perfecting our union. We’re not immune from criticism. When we fall short of our ideals, we strive to do better. (Applause.) But when we speak out for our principles, at home and abroad, we stay true to our values and we help lift up the lives of people beyond our borders. And we think that’s important. And it’s especially important, I believe, for those of us of African descent, because we’ve known what it feels like to be on the receiving end of injustice. We know what it means to be discriminated against. (Applause.) We know what it means to be jailed. So how can we stand by when it’s happening to somebody else?

I’ll be frank with you, it can’t just be America that’s talking about these things. Fellow African countries have to talk about these things. (Applause.) Just as other countries championed your break from colonialism, our nations must all raise our voices when universal rights are being denied. For if we truly believe that Africans are equal in dignity, then Africans have an equal right to freedoms that are universal — that’s a principle we all have to defend. (Applause.) And it’s not just a Western idea; it’s a human idea.

I have to also say that Africa’s democratic progress is also at risk when leaders refuse to step aside when their terms end. (Applause.) Now, let me be honest with you — I do not understand this. (Laughter.) I am in my second term. It has been an extraordinary privilege for me to serve as President of the United States. I cannot imagine a greater honor or a more interesting job. I love my work. But under our Constitution, I cannot run again. (Laughter and applause.) I can’t run again. I actually think I’m a pretty good President — I think if I ran I could win. (Laughter and applause.) But I can’t.

So there’s a lot that I’d like to do to keep America moving, but the law is the law. (Applause.) And no one person is above the law. Not even the President. (Applause.) And I’ll be honest with you — I’m looking forward to life after being President. (Laughter.) I won’t have such a big security detail all the time. (Laughter.) It means I can go take a walk. I can spend time with my family. I can find other ways to serve. I can visit Africa more often. (Applause.) The point is, I don’t understand why people want to stay so long. (Laughter.) Especially when they’ve got a lot of money. (Laughter and applause.)

When a leader tries to change the rules in the middle of the game just to stay in office, it risks instability and strife — as we’ve seen in Burundi. (Applause.) And this is often just a first step down a perilous path. And sometimes you’ll hear leaders say, well, I’m the only person who can hold this nation together. (Laughter.) If that’s true, then that leader has failed to truly build their nation. (Applause.)

You look at Nelson Mandela — Madiba, like George Washington, forged a lasting legacy not only because of what they did in office, but because they were willing to leave office and transfer power peacefully. (Applause.) And just as the African Union has condemned coups and illegitimate transfers of power, the AU’s authority and strong voice can also help the people of Africa ensure that their leaders abide by term limits and their constitutions. (Applause.) Nobody should be president for life.

And your country is better off if you have new blood and new ideas. (Applause.) I’m still a pretty young man, but I know that somebody with new energy and new insights will be good for my country. (Applause.) It will be good for yours, too, in some cases.

Africa’s progress will also depend on security and peace — because an essential part of human dignity is being safe and free from fear. In Angola, Mozambique, Liberia, Sierra Leone, we’ve seen conflicts end and countries work to rebuild. But from Somalia and Nigeria to Mali and Tunisia, terrorists continue to target innocent civilians. Many of these groups claim the banner of religion, but hundreds of millions of African Muslims know that Islam means peace. (Applause.) And we must call groups like al Qaeda, ISIL, al-Shabaab, Boko Haram — we must call them what they are — murderers. (Applause.)

In the face of threats, Africa — and the African Union –has shown leadership. Because of the AU force in Somalia, al-Shabaab controls less territory and the Somali government is growing stronger. In central Africa, the AU-led mission continues to degrade the Lord’s Resistance Army. In the Lake Chad Basin, forces from several nations — with the backing of the AU — are fighting to end Boko Haram’s senseless brutality. And today, we salute all those who serve to protect the innocent, including so many brave African peacekeepers.

Now, as Africa stands against terror and conflict, I want you to know that the United States stands with you. With training and support, we’re helping African forces grow stronger. The United States is supporting the AU’s efforts to strengthen peacekeeping, and we’re working with countries in the region to deal with emerging crises with the African Peacekeeping Rapid Response Partnership.

The world must do more to help as well. This fall at the United Nations, I will host a summit to secure new commitments to strengthen international support for peacekeeping, including here in Africa. And building on commitments that originated here in the AU, we’ll work to develop a new partnership between the U.N. and the AU that can provide reliable support for AU peace operations. If African governments and international partners step up with strong support, we can transform how we work together to promote security and peace in Africa.

Our efforts to ensure our shared security must be matched by a commitment to improve governance. Those things are connected. Good governance is one of the best weapons against terrorism and instability. Our fight against terrorist groups, for example, will never be won if we fail to address legitimate grievances that terrorists may try to exploit, if we don’t build trust with all communities, if we don’t uphold the rule of law. There’s a saying, and I believe it is true — if we sacrifice liberty in the name of security, we risk losing both. (Applause.)

This same seriousness of purpose is needed to end conflicts. In the Central African Republic, the spirit of dialogue recently shown by ordinary citizens must be matched by leaders committed to inclusive elections and a peaceful transition. In Mali, the comprehensive peace agreement must be fulfilled. And leaders in Sudan must know their nation will never truly thrive so long as they wage war against their own people — the world will not forget about Darfur.

In South Sudan, the joy of independence has descended into the despair of violence. I was there at the United Nations when we held up South Sudan as the promise of a new beginning. And neither Mr. Kiir, nor Mr. Machar have shown, so far, any interest in sparing their people from this suffering, or reaching a political solution.

Yesterday, I met with leaders from this region. We agree that, given the current situation, Mr. Kiir and Mr. Machar must reach an agreement by August 17th — because if they do not, I believe the international community must raise the costs of intransigence. And the world awaits the report of the AU Commission of Inquiry, because accountability for atrocities must be part of any lasting peace in Africa’s youngest nation. (Applause.)

And finally, Africa’s progress will depend on upholding the human rights of all people — for if each of us is to be treated with dignity, each of us must be sure to also extend that same dignity to others. As President, I make it a point to meet with many of our Young African Leaders. And one was a young man from Senegal. He said something wonderful about being together with so many of his African brothers and sisters. He said, ‘Here, I have met Africa, the [Africa] I’ve always believed in. She’s beautiful. She’s young. She’s full of talent and motivation and ambition.’ I agree.

Africa is the beautiful, talented daughters who are just as capable as Africa’s sons. (Applause.) And as a father, I believe that my two daughters have to have the same chance to pursue their dreams as anybody’s son — and that same thing holds true for girls here in Africa. (Applause.) Our girls have to be treated the same.

We can’t let old traditions stand in the way. The march of history shows that we have the capacity to broaden our moral imaginations. We come to see that some traditions are good for us, they keep us grounded, but that, in our modern world, other traditions set us back. When African girls are subjected to the mutilation of their bodies, or forced into marriage at the ages of 9 or 10 or 11 — that sets us back. That’s not a good tradition. It needs to end. (Applause.)

When more than 80 percent of new HIV cases in the hardest-hit countries are teenage girls, that’s a tragedy; that sets us back. So America is beginning a partnership with 10 African countries — Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe — to keep teenage girls safe and AIDS-free. (Applause.) And when girls cannot go to school and grow up not knowing how to read or write — that denies the world future women engineers, future women doctors, future women business owners, future women presidents — that sets us all back. (Applause.) That’s a bad tradition — not providing our girls the same education as our sons.

I was saying in Kenya, nobody would put out a football team and then just play half the team. You’d lose. (Applause.) The same is true when it comes to getting everybody and education. You can’t leave half the team off — our young women. So as part of America’s support for the education and the health of our daughters, my wife, Michelle, is helping to lead a global campaign, including a new effort in Tanzania and Malawi, with a simple message — Let Girls Learn — let girls learn so they grow up healthy and they grow up strong. (Applause.) And that will be good for families. And they will raise smart, healthy children, and that will be good for every one of your nations.

Africa is the beautiful, strong women that these girls grow up to become. The single best indicator of whether a nation will succeed is how it treats its women. (Applause.) When women have health care and women have education, families are stronger, communities are more prosperous, children do better in school, nations are more prosperous. Look at the amazing African women here in this hall. (Applause.) If you want your country to grow and succeed, you have to empower your women. And if you want to empower more women, America will be your partner. (Applause.)

Let’s work together to stop sexual assault and domestic violence. Let’s make clear that we will not tolerate rape as a weapon of war — it’s a crime. (Applause.) And those who commit it must be punished. Let’s lift up the next generation of women leaders who can help fight injustice and forge peace and start new businesses and create jobs — and some might hire some men, too. (Laughter.) We’ll all be better off when women have equal futures.

And Africa is the beautiful tapestry of your cultures and ethnicities and races and religions. Last night, we saw this amazing dance troupe made up of street children who had formed a dance troupe and they performed for the Prime Minister and myself. And there were 80 different languages and I don’t know how many ethnic groups. And there were like 30 different dances that were being done. And the Prime Minister was trying to keep up with — okay, I think that one is — (laughter) — and they were moving fast. And that diversity here in Ethiopia is representative of diversity all throughout Africa. (Applause.) And that’s a strength.

Now, yesterday, I had the privilege to view Lucy — you may know Lucy — she’s our ancestor, more than 3 million years old. (Applause.) In this tree of humanity, with all of our branches and diversity, we all go back to the same root. We’re all one family — we’re all one tribe. And yet so much of the suffering in our world stems from our failure to remember that — to not recognize ourselves in each other. (Applause.)

We think because somebody’s skin is slightly different, or their hair is slightly different, or their religious faith is differently expressed, or they speak a different language that it justifies somehow us treating them with less dignity. And that becomes the source of so many of our problems. And we think somehow that we make ourselves better by putting other people down. And that becomes the source of so many of our problems. When we begin to see other as somehow less than ourselves — when we succumb to these artificial divisions of faith or sect or tribe or ethnicity — then even the most awful abuses are justified in the minds of those who are thinking in those ways. And in the end, abusers lose their own humanity, as well. (Applause.)

Nelson Mandela taught us, ‘to be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others.’

Every one of us is equal. Every one of us has worth. Every one of us matters. And when we respect the freedom of others — no matter the color of their skin, or how they pray or who they are or who they love — we are all more free. (Applause.) Your dignity depends on my dignity, and my dignity depends on yours. Imagine if everyone had that spirit in their hearts. Imagine if governments operated that way. (Applause.) Just imagine what the world could look like — the future that we could bequeath these young people.

Yes, in our world, old thinking can be a stubborn thing. That’s one of the reasons why we need term limits — old people think old ways. And you can see my grey hair, I’m getting old. (Laughter.) The old ways can be stubborn. But I believe the human heart is stronger. I believe hearts can change. I believe minds can open. That’s how change happens. That’s how societies move forward. It’s not always a straight line — step by halting step — sometimes you go forward, you move back a little bit. But I believe we are marching, we are pointing towards ideals of justice and equality.

That’s how your nations won independence — not just with rifles, but with principles and ideals. (Applause.) That’s how African Americans won our civil rights. That’s how South Africans — black and white — tore down apartheid. That’s why I can stand before you today as the first African American President of the United States. (Applause.)

New thinking. Unleashing growth that creates opportunity. Promoting development that lifts all people out of poverty. Supporting democracy that gives citizens their say. Advancing the security and justice that delivers peace. Respecting the human rights of all people. These are the keys to progress — not just in Africa, but around the world. And this is the work that we can do together.

And I am hopeful. As I prepare to return home, my thoughts are with that same young man from Senegal, who said: Here, I have met Africa, the [Africa] I’ve always believed in. She’s beautiful and young, full of talent and motivation and ambition. To which I would simply add, as you build the Africa you believe in, you will have no better partner, no better friend than the United States of America. (Applause.)

God bless Africa. God bless the United States of America. Thank you very much, everybody. Thank you. (Applause.)

 
 
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