By Juliet Eilperin July 21

Republican Sen. Jeff Flake of Arizona, who has demonstrated a willingness to defy his own party on issues such as immigration and relations with Cuba, will join President Obama on a trip to Africa later this week.

Flake, who chairs the Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee on African affairs, confirmed in an interview Tuesday that the White House had invited him to travel with the president to Kenya and Ethiopia. But he emphasized that he wasn’t expecting any special treatment.

“I am coming along,” he said. “I don’t know which plane I will be on, whether I’ll be in the luggage compartment or on some ancillary plane.”

The president rarely takes lawmakers along for foreign trips, though he did invite Democratic Reps. Gerald Connolly, (Va.), Jim Himes, (Conn.), Eddie Bernice Johnson, (Tex.) and Mike Quigley, (Ill.) aboard Air Force One for his trip to attend the Group of Seven summit in Germany in June just before a critical trade vote in the House.

Flake — who served as a Mormon missionary in South Africa and Zimbabwe in the early 1980s, and lived in Namibia in the late 80s while working as the executive director of the Foundation for Democracy — said it made sense that the administration would extend the invitation because he has worked on Africa policy since joining the Senate.

“It tends to be less partisan than a lot of the foreign policy issues,” he said.

[READ: Obama’s Africa trip shows tough balancing act on human rights]

The president’s trip, which begins Thursday and ends Wednesday, July 29, will cover a range of issues including U.S. business investment on the continent, efforts to counter Islamic extremists there and aid programs aimed at expanding Africa’s power sector. Roughly 600 million Africans lack access to reliable electricity.

Flake supports the administration’s Power Africa program, under which the federal government has joined with private firms and international institutions to pledge $26 billion in electricity investment on the continent.

“The biggest need that Africa has is power, he said. “They need stable, cheaper power than they have now.”
Flake said he hopes to pass legislation authorizing the program so it can last beyond the administration, but said he and other Republicans remain concerned the White House is so focused on expanding renewable power it is blocking support for fossil fuels investment in Africa.

“We can’t assume that these countries have skipped the Industrial Revolution, and are where we are,” he said. “We need to cut them some slack, in terms of where they’re expected to be.”

Flake’s decision to travel with the president — especially to Kenya, the home of Obama’s father and the country where some conservatives insist the president was born — might inflame conservatives. But the senator said he’s become accustomed to such criticism.

“Who knows, probably some of the same groups I get flak from for working with the president on Cuba and immigration” will attack me, Flake said.

By Njonjo Kihuria

Our writer Njonjo Kihuria delves into President Barack Obama’s Africa policy and argues that the chance for the leader of the free world to do something for the continent is now

President Barack Obama will not bring his ‘brothers’ in Kogelo ‘viatu vya America’ (shoes from America) and even the possibility of his visiting that remote town are next to zero. Obama is coming to Kenya as the leader of the free world and not as a half Kenyan who first came to the land of his father as an adult. Residents of the small village in Nyanza or Kenyans in general should not expect much from him in terms of personal goodies.

Despite the euphoria with which his presidency was received in the continent, Obama paid little, if any attention, to Africa in his first term in office. Like one writer put it, “President (Obama’s) inattention to the continent (Africa) is ironic for someone who has often wrongly been accused of being African rather than American”. Writing on ‘President Obama’s failed Africa policy’, American Lionel Beeher says when Obama comes to Kenya this week, he will not be able to point to any significant foreign policy successes on the continent, unlike his predecessor, George W. Bush, whose President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (Pepfar) “was broadly hailed”.

The administration of George Bush also supported the fight against malaria and apart from his fervently pro-democracy policy towards the continent, Bush supported trade, investment and development including the promotion of the Millennium Challenge Corporation and Africom. But Beeher, quoting one Yochi Dreazen, wrote in his recent article, “Africom, is just a command in name only; it has no troops, tanks or aircraft of its own”, due to budgetary shortfalls.

While Bush tried to push western style democracy down the throats of Africans and pegged his administration’s support to it, Obama was rather aloof to Africa in his first term and only visited Egypt and Ghana, despite the high expectations by the people of the continent. He has really done little for Africa in education, eradication of terrorism, food security or in solving conflicts in such regions as South Sudan, Egypt and Libya. “Our grand strategy resembles more a reactive whack-a-mole game rather than any kind of preventive approach to manage festering conflicts,” wrote Beeher.

According to a Brookings Institution document titled, ‘Foresight Africa: top priorities for the continent in 2015′, “It appears that the US security engagement in Africa lacks an overall strategy framework and as a result is made up of a series of loosely connected programmes and initiatives that are successful to varying degrees”.

The report recommends that the Obama administration do more to rationalise and enhance the US engagement in Africa’s security challenges in 2015 and review its strategic approach to responding to these challenges.

In 2012, Obama’s administration issued the US strategy towards sub-Sahara Africa, since then the American government has developed a series of initiatives, which could change the negative perception of Obama in Africa.

One of these initiatives is ‘Power Africa’, a public-private sector partnership meant to provide electricity to some of the many Africans living in darkness. Originally the programme enjoyed the support of 12 American agencies and the commitment of the US government to the tune of $7 billion (Sh700 billion) in direct loans and guarantee facilities. It was supposed to supply 20 million homes and businesses with electricity but last year, Obama tripled the target from 10,000 to 30,000 megawatts of electricity generation. This would increase the number of beneficiary households and businesses to 60 million.

Kenya was one of the original partner countries and while the jury on the success of the US programme is still out there, the country has embarked on an ambitious initiative to provide citizens with electricity by lowering the connection fees from Sh75,000 to Sh15,000 in the last two years.

Power Africa could however be to Obama what the African Growth and Opportunity Act (Agoa) trade programme was to President Bill Clinton and Pepfar was to Bush. Agoa introduced trade as a key stimulus for the economic development of Africa. Agoa provides duty free access to the US market for 6,400 products from 40 African countries. Earthier this month, President Obama signed the bill that extended the non-reciprocal trade preference programme for another 15 years. This makes trade and investment a secure priority in the US-Africa relations and enhances Obama’s credibility in Africa.

Given that the US has not signed Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) with its largest African trading partners including Kenya, South Africa, Nigeria and Angola, the US trade ties with the continent are in most cases dependent on Agoa.

Obama will also be credited for participating in the US-Africa business forums, one in Tanzania in July 2013 and the other in Washington in August last year.

Obama’s private sector driven ‘Feed the Future’ food security initiative provides leadership training for young Africans to assist African countries in the implementation of their national food security strategies. His Young African Leaders Initiative (Yali) has received $38 million (Sh3.8 billion) funding from the US Agency for International Development to build regional leadership centres in Kenya, Ghana, South Africa and Senegal, funds that will be matched by investments doubling that amount from American and African companies.

Although Obama will score some points for his response to the Ebola crisis, it will remain at pains to explain the nine months delay in responding to the crisis. Beeher argues that despite the noble intention of the US in intervening following the Ebola outbreak, it (America) left a number of health care facilities that were barely used which was a costly misallocation of resources.

To fully define his legacy in Africa, the Brookings report advises that, among other initiatives, Obama’s administration ensures the pending ‘Energize Africa Act’ is passed to guarantee continued funding of ‘Power Africa’ and its existence after Obama leaves office. The institution also calls on America to foster trilateral cooperation in specific areas among US, Chinese and African companies. “The president should convene an African Leaders Forum in Africa that would focus on the gains made by Power Africa, Feed the Future, Yali and hopefully renewed and strengthened Agoa.” He is also advised to make an address to the African Union, something that would be historical and have special resonance for millions of Africans. His defense secretary should also initiate ministerial dialogue with his African counterparts.

President Barack Obama
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20500

Dear President Obama:

Greetings! Mr. President.
I was ecstatic when I heard you will be travelling to Ethiopia in late July “for bilateral meetings with both the country’s government and the leadership of the African Union.” Such a meeting is long overdue.

I have no doubts the people of Ethiopia will welcome you with open arms and affectionate hearts. I may be biased but I believe Ethiopians are the most hospitable people in the world.

The last time I was just as ecstatic was exactly 6 years ago in July 2009 when you spoke in Accra to members of Ghana’s Parliament.

Your words in Accra were stirring and uplifting not only to me but also to tens of millions of Africans yearning to breathe free on the continent.

You told it like it is and should be:

Make no mistake: History is on the side of these brave Africans, not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power.  Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.

Development depends on good governance.   That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That’s the change that can unlock Africa’s potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans.

Now, time and again, Ghanaians have chosen constitutional rule over autocracy, and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through.  We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously.

No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery.  That is not democracy, that is tyranny, even if occasionally you sprinkle an election in there. And now is the time for that style of governance to end.

The purpose of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it’s no longer needed.

I have directed my administration to give greater attention to corruption in our human rights reports.

I am aware that in the past couple of weeks numerous highly respected human rights and media organizations have expressed vigorous opposition to your Ethiopia visit.

The Robert F. Kennedy Center for Human Rights expressed deep concerns. “The decision by President Obama to travel to Ethiopia, which has seen three opposition party members murdered this week alone, is very troubling.”

The Washington Post was mystified by your trip and proposed an alternate venue arguing that Ethiopia “stands out in Africa for its increasingly harsh repression and its escalating chokehold on independent media and political dissent. It’s almost unfathomable that he would make time for an entrenched human rights abuser such as Ethiopia while cold-shouldering the nation that just witnessed a historic, peaceful, democratic change of power: Nigeria.”

Foreign Policy Magazine was openly critical of your visit. “Washington wants a stable partner in the Horn of Africa. But cozying up to the repressive regime in Addis Ababa isn’t the way to go about finding one.”

Commenting on the May 24 election in Ethiopia, Foreign Policy observed that by “winning all 547 parliamentary seats, [the ruling regime in Ethiopia] places it[self] among the ranks of North Korea and Saddam Hussein’s Baathist Iraq in terms of the sheer efficiency of its electoral sweep.”

The Guardian, in its summary of diverse reactions to your trip, observed, “Barack Obama’s decision to visit Ethiopia has shocked human rights activists, who say the visit sends the wrong message to a repressive government widely accused of clamping down on dissent.”

Many Ethiopian civil society groups, organizations and community leaders have openly and vigorously disapproved your visit.

On July 3, a large group of Ethiopian and Ethio-American protesters stood outside of the White House to register their disapproval of your trip.

I share in the reservations expressed by the diverse human rights and civil society groups, media organizations and policy analysts regarding your trip to Ethiopia. I trust you will give due consideration to their concerns and deliberate the issues they raised.

Arguably, as the foremost Ethiopian Diaspora advocate of human rights in Ethiopia, with a record of uninterrupted weekly commentaries and vigorous advocacy in the cause of human rights in Ethiopia and Africa for the past nine years, I believe your trip to Ethiopia, on balance, is likely to produce favorable and positive outcomes.

I should like to believe we are already witnessing a glimmer of that positive impact just days before your arrival in Ethiopia.

On July 8, the Committee to Protect Journalists reported the regime in Ethiopia released “two bloggers affiliated with the independent Ethiopian collective Zone 9 and three other journalists. All charges have been dropped against them. ”

These young bloggers and journalists have been under illegal detention since April 2014.

There are numerous other journalists and bloggers like them who eagerly await your arrival so they too may also be free.

On July 9, the Committee to Protect Journalists jubilantly reported, “We are elated that Reeyot Alemu has been released, but she should never have been jailed in the first place. She served more than four years while in poor health and under often restrictive conditions.”

Reeyot did not have to serve a single day in prison. She was told the key to the prison gate is in her hand. All she has to do is sign a request for pardon admitting guilt and walk right out.

But Reeyot chose to stay in prison for 4 years and 17 days because she valued the truth more than her personal freedom.

Just before her captors let her go, Reeyot warned them: “If you are letting me go to bring me back when I tell the public that I was released without asking for a pardon, I would rather stay. If you lie about my release, I will tell the truth.”

That is why they call Reeyot Alemu “Ethiopia’s Truth-Teller.”

I know Reeyot. She is a she-ro for millions of Ethiopians.

Reeyot is Ethiopia’s Rosa Parks.

I ask you to meet with her in private for no reason other than for you to see the face of grace under fire in flesh and blood.

The release of the journalist and bloggers in anticipation of your arrival is an auspicious development.

If the news of your arrival could crack open the gates of Akaki Prison just enough to let out five bloggers and journalists, I am hopeful and pray that your arrival will bust open all of the prison gates in Ethiopia and let out the thousands of long-suffering political prisoners.

I also hope and pray you will not face what CNN reporter Erin Burnett faced when she arrived at Bole Airport in Addis Ababa in July 2012. Burnett described her experiences as follows:

We saw what an African police state looked like when I was in Ethiopia last month… At the airport, it took an hour to clear customs – not because of lines, but because of checks and questioning. Officials tried multiple times to take us to government cars so they’d know where we went. They only relented after forcing us to leave hundreds of thousands of dollars of TV gear in the airport…

I believe it is in your book “Dreams of My Father” that you wrote the following moving words:

I have seen, the desperation and disorder of the powerless: how it twists the lives of children on the streets of Jakarta or Nairobi in much the same way as it does the lives of children on Chicago’s South Side, how narrow the path is for them between humiliation and untrammeled fury, how easily they slip into violence and despair. I know that the response of the powerful to this disorder — alternating as it does between a dull complacency and, when the disorder spills out of its proscribed confines, a steady, unthinking application of force, of longer prison sentences and more sophisticated military hardware — is inadequate to the task. I know that the hardening of lines, the embrace of fundamentalism and tribe, dooms us all.

I am not sure the regime in Ethiopia will let you see what you saw in Jakarta and Nairobi when you visit Addis.

In anticipation of your visit, they will sweep up and truck away the tens of thousands of street beggars and the homeless to the countryside so that they will not cast a tattered shadow of themselves on the shiny glass buildings along your motorcade. But if you look hard enough, you might see a few of them huddled alongside the walls and fences.

If you were to speak to the average young Ethiopian in the street, they would first tell you they are very happy to see you. Then they will whisper to you how their lives have been twisted and mangled by a ruthless and corrupt regime. They will tell you about their daily lives of humiliation and the simmering fury that courses in their blood. They will tell you about their dashed hope and crushed dreams.

I wonder if they will put to you Langston Hughes’ timeless question:

What happens to a dream deferred?

Does it dry up
like a raisin in the sun?
Or fester like a sore–
And then run?
Does it stink like rotten meat?
Or crust and sugar over–
like a syrupy sweet?

Maybe it just sags
like a heavy load.

Or does it explode?

I commend you for your bold and uncompromising statement on World Press Freedom Day on May 1, 2015.

After underscoring the “vital role that a free press plays in democracy,” you declared:

Journalists give all of us as citizens the chance to know the truth about our countries, ourselves, our governments. That makes us better, it makes us stronger, it gives voice to the voiceless, it exposes injustice, and holds leaders like me accountable… Unfortunately, in too many places around the world, a free press is under attack by governments that want to avoid the truth… Journalists are harassed, sometimes even killed, independent outlets are shut down, dissent is silence, and freedom of expression is stifled.

I also recall your 201o Statement on World Press Freedom Day.  “While people gained greater access than ever before to information through the Internet, cell phones and other forms of connective technologies, governments like China, Ethiopia, Iran, and Venezuela curtailed freedom of expression by limiting full access to and use of these technologies.”

The Ethiopia you will be visiting in July 2015 is ranked “fourth worst violator of press freedoms” in the world and second worst in Africa by the Committee to Protect Journalists.

In Ethiopia, journalism is synonymous with terrorism.

Journalism is a crime against the state.

Journalists are presumed and deemed to be terrorists and enemies of the state.

You will find that all imprisoned journalists and bloggers in Ethiopia are convicted of or are held for years without trial on terrorism charges.

This past week, it was revealed that the ruling Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front had spent millions of dollars purchasing surveillance software technology from a company called the “Hack Team”. This news reminded me of your 2010 Statement on World Press Freedom Day and your observation about governments “limiting full access to and use of these [internet] technologies.”

You may also be interested to know that the regime in Ethiopia used the Hack Team’s nefarious surveillance technology to track down and arrest the “Zone 9 bloggers”, some of whom were released a few days ago in anticipation of your arrival.

I realize and appreciate that your arrival in Ethiopia at this time may present some manifest contradictions for you.

In July 2009, you told the Ghanaians and through them all Africans that no person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery even if that tyranny is burnished with an occasional “sprinkle of elections.”

In September 2014, you met Hailemariam Desalegn, the titular head of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front, and his delegation at the White House and said, “The Prime Minister and the government is going to be organizing elections in Ethiopia this year. I know something about that… And so we’ll have an opportunity to talk about civil society and governance and how we can make sure that Ethiopia’s progress and example can extend to civil society as well…”

Well, “Prime Minister Hailemariam and his government” had the election you spoke about on May 24, 2015. They “won” it by 100 percent. Yes, by one hundred percent!

Learned commentators observed such an election outcome in the 21^st century could occur only in North Korea and Saddam Hussein’s Iraq.

In 2008 campaigning for the presidency, you said, “You know, you can put lipstick on a pig, but it’s still a pig. You can wrap an old fish in a piece of paper called ‘change.’ It’s still gonna stink after eight years.”

In 2015, I say the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front can wrap its dictatorship in a piece of ballot paper called “election” and call it democracy. But after a chokehold on power for 23 years, it’s  still gonna stink.

Every 5 years, the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front “sprinkles” elektions to give a human face to its inhumanity, brutality and venality.

In 2005, the late Meles Zenawi held elections. When he lost that election, he personally ordered the massacre and shooting of hundreds of unarmed demonstrators.

It is ironic that but for the Meles’ Massacres, it is unlikely that I would be writing this letter to you.

It is because of the Meles Massacres that I resolved to become an indefatigable and relentless human rights advocate in Ethiopia and in Africa and wherever else human rights are violated. Dr. Martin Luther King’s admonition stirred my soul: “Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.”

The lives lost in the Meles Massacres matter.

For the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front, the Meles Massacres are simple issues of mind over matter.

The Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front does not mind and the hundreds of victims of the Meles Massacres don’t matter! Neither do the thousands of political prisoners languishing in official and secret prisons today.

But the victims of the Meles Massacre matter to me. Beyond what I am able to express in words.

They matter to me as a human being.

They matter to me as a man uncompromisingly committed to the rule of law.

They matter to me as a native Ethiopian son who left decades ago vowing never to return, but one whom Ethiopia has refused to leave.

They matter to me as a proud Ethiopian American who has been fortunate enough to “secure the blessings of liberty” promised to “posterity” in the Founding document of the Republic.  Yes, that flawed and imperfect document which turned a blind eye to slavery and deaf ears to the wails, cries and lamentations of African slaves.

In 2009 in Accra you said:

This is about more than just holding elections. It’s also about what happens between elections. Repression can take many forms, and too many nations, even those that have elections, are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves… No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top.

You are correct in your observations.

The Economist in its May 2012 issue observed:

Investing in Ethiopia is not for the faint-hearted, however. With a projected national income of $38.5 billion this year, its population of 85m still ranks among the world’s poorest. The government’s big spending carries risks, including high inflation (32.5% in March was near a nine-month low) and heavy state borrowing that has shrunk the credit available to private firms. Much more borrowing and spending is planned, and needed. The heart of the Ethiopian capital may be traversed by new concrete arteries and bridges, built by Italian and Chinese contractors with Chinese loans. But the rest of Addis Ababa is a patchwork of dirt paths lined by corrugated-tin dwellings that are the capital’s shantytowns and slums.

In 2009, you told the Ghanaians that you “have directed [your] administration to give greater attention to corruption in our human rights reports.”

You need not worry about a corruption investigation in Ethiopia. The World Bank has done that job for you meticulously.

In 2012, the Word Bank issued a one of a kind 417-page report entitled, “Diagnosing Corruption in Ethiopia.”

That report documented the deadly cancer of corruption and its vector in the Ethiopian body politics. That’s why the World Bank was compelled to undertake a clinical “diagnosis”.

The expert prognosis is that corruption will in the foreseeable future destroy Ethiopian society and economy.

In 2014, Ethiopia ranked 136/175 on the Corruption Index.

In all candor, I have been contemplating two questions for a long time. As your travel date to Ethiopia draws near, these questions gnaw my mind to sleeplessness:

Is Africa better off today than when you became president?

Is Ethiopia better off today than when you became president?

I ask these questions in the form of accountability and for two basic reasons.

First, billions of American taxpayers have flowed into Ethiopia in the name of development, security and democracy over the past 6 years. The evidence shows that American tax dollars have served to fortify a brutal regime and not much more.

In September 2014, you stated to the delegation of leaders of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front that Ethiopia is one of the “bright spots and progress that we’re seeing in Africa, I think there’s no better example than what has been happening in Ethiopia — one of the fastest-growing economies in the world.”

The “fastest growing economy” may be a nice phrase for media hype but it is unsupported by evidence.

It is part of USAID’s typical litany to claim that U.S. aid has contributed to the “substantial growth in agriculture, industry and services” in Ethiopia.

I am not so sure about the “fastest growing economy” or USAID’s claims of “substantial growth.”

In 2010, the State Department Inspector General reported “the audit was unable to determine whether the results reported in USAID/Ethiopia’s Performance Plan and Report were valid because mission staff could neither explain how the results were derived nor provide support for those reported results.”

Is it possible the growth figures are being “cooked”?

The evidence shows no one really knows if the billions of American dollars are doing much to help the people of Ethiopia. It is clear they are doing a lot for the leaders, members and supporters of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front.

In 2011, Global Financial Integrity reported:

Ethiopia, which has a per-capita GDP of just US$365, lost US$11.7 billion to illicit financial outflows between 2000 and 2009. In 2009, illicit money leaving the economy totaled US$3.26 billion, which is double the amount in each of the two previous years…

In 2008, Ethiopia received US$829 million in official development assistance, but this was swamped by the massive illicit outflows.  The scope of Ethiopia’s capital flight is so severe that our conservative US$3.26 billion estimate greatly exceeds the  US$2 billion value of Ethiopia’s total exports in 2009.

GFI concluded, “The people of Ethiopia are being bled dry. No matter how hard they try to fight their way out of absolute destitution and poverty, they will be swimming upstream against the current of illicit capital leakage.”

The question is which Ethiopians have the financial ability to illicitly move out of the country billions of dollars.

The Economist Magazine in its March 2013 issue had the skinny on “one of the fastest-growing economies in the world”:

Even [regime] supporters do not have much faith in official numbers. Annual productivity gains in agriculture are probably not 5-6%, as the official statistics suggest, but more like 2-3%, though that is still impressive. An insider says: ‘Officials are given targets and then report back what superiors want to hear.’ International experts are suspicious of the GDP growth figures of 11% flaunted by the government. They say the actual growth rate is only half that, around 5-7%—which is still respectable.

Other independent research organizations have reported even more jarring and distressing facts.

In 2014, the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHDI) Multidimensional Poverty Index (formerly annual U.N.D.P. Human Poverty Index) reported for the fourth successive year that Ethiopia is ranked as the second poorest country on the planet. Yes, the second poorest in the world!

In 2010, OPHDI reported that the percentage of the Ethiopian population in “severe poverty” (living on less than USD$1 a day) was 72.3%.

The OPHDI 2014 poverty statistics are even more shocking.  In rural Ethiopia, 82 % of the population struggles “in severe poverty” compared to 18% in the urban areas.  The highest incidences of “severe poverty” in Ethiopia in 2014 were found in the following regions: Somali (93% ), Oromiya (91.2%), Afar (90.9%),  Amhara (90.1%) and Tigray (85.4%).

By OPHDI measures, poverty is not simply lack of money.

Poverty is quintessentially about bad health, bad education, bad nutrition, high child mortality, bad water and electricity supply, bad housing and bad sanitation.

The root cause of poverty in Ethiopia is bad governance!

Despite the hype about “double-digit economic growth over the past ten years”, Ethiopia is in very bad shape; and that is how she got to be ranked the second poorest country on the planet!

Second, I wonder what American taxpayers have received from Ethiopia in exchange for the billions they have given out over the years.

I do not doubt that the U.S. leans on Ethiopia to do the heavy lifting on security issues in the Horn and East Africa. I don’t believe there is anything new in that.

In the post-WW II period, the U.S. has been the major supplier of military equipment and training to Ethiopia.

The U.S. maintained Kagnew Station, a “Cold War listening station”, in northern Ethiopia between 1943 to 1977.

U.S.-Ethiopia relations deteriorated after the military socialist junta took over in 1974.

The strategic security cooperation and partnership to wipe out terrorism in the Horn between the U.S. and Ethiopia will continue regardless of the regime in power. There is little doubt that Ethiopians support the U.S. effort to fight terrorism in the Horn and elsewhere.

A few months ago, terrorists in Libya beheaded 30 innocent Ethiopians because of their nationality and faith. The resolve of all Ethiopians to root out terrorism wherever it rears its ugly head can never be doubted. Ethiopians are confident that the long arm of justice will catch the  criminals against humanity who beheaded their compatriots no matter how long it takes.

The Tigrean People’s Liberation Front has no monopoly on counter-terrorism. It is rather ironic, however, that the U.S. has built a counter-terrorism partnership with the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front, an organization actively listed in the Global Terrorism Data Base.

But “Hope springs eternal in the human breast”; even former terrorists can walk in our midst like wolves in sheep clothing.

You once said, “This strategy of taking out terrorists who threaten us, while supporting partners on the front lines, is one that we have successfully pursued in Yemen and Somalia for years.”

It is well known that the U.S. Air Force has flown armed drones on counterterrorism missions from a remote civilian airport in southern Ethiopia as part of the U.S. effort to destroy terrorist enclaves in Yemen and Somalia.

I have no issues with “taking out terrorists who threaten us” or threaten any peace-loving nation.

As a civil libertarian and constitutional lawyer, I am troubled by a policy premised on the doctrine of presumption of guilt, shoot first and ask questions later.

I will reserve that issue for another time.

My issue is that the very counter-terrorism security partnership the U.S. has employed to hunt down terrorists in the Horn is also used to hunt down journalists, bloggers, dissidents, opposition leaders and others in Ethiopia.

The U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2014 has documented the terrorism that is perpetrated against the civilian population in Ethiopia by the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front:

The most significant human rights problems included restrictions on freedom of expression, including continued restrictions on print media and on the internet, and restrictions on freedom of association, including through arrests; politically motivated trials; and harassment and intimidation of opposition members and journalists. The government continued restrictions on activities of civil society and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) imposed by the Charities and Societies Proclamation (the CSO law). Other human rights problems included alleged arbitrary killings; alleged torture, beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees by security forces; reports of harsh and at times life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; a weak, overburdened judiciary subject to political influence; infringement on citizens’ privacy rights, including illegal searches; alleged abuses in the implementation of the government’s “villagization” program; restrictions on academic freedom; restrictions on freedom of assembly, association, and movement; alleged interference in religious affairs; limits on citizens’ ability to change their government; police, administrative, and judicial corruption; violence and societal discrimination against women and abuse of children.

I should like to applaud your efforts in Africa over the past couple of years, and particularly  for your initiatives.

You launched “Power Africa”, a public-private partnership designed to make electricity available across the continent.

I must say that I am wary of the words “power” and “Africa” appearing in the same sentence.

Power is a real problem in Africa.

The questions are always the same: Who has power? Who is powerless? How are the powerful to be restrained from abusing the powerless?

For ordinary Africans, “Power for Africa” could be mistaken for “Power for African Dictators”.

I wish the initiative had been called “Empower Africans”. I am all for empowering Africans, especially the young ones.

I also like your Young African Leaders Initiative with the Mandela Washington Fellowship at its core.  It is said that initiative “embodies” your “commitment to invest in the future of Africa.”

It is commendable to bring 500 of the best and brightest of Africa’s youth and open up opportunities for them in business and entrepreneurship, civic leadership and public management.

I must confess that your “Young African Leaders Initiative” reminded me of W.E.B. Du Bois’ “theory” of the “the talented tenth”, which he used to describe the likelihood of one in 10 black men becoming leaders of their race in the world.

Du Bois wrote in his “Talented Tenth” essay, “The Negro race, like all races, is going to be saved by its exceptional men. The problem of education, then, among Negroes must first of all deal with the Talented Tenth; it is the problem of developing the Best of this race that they may guide the Mass away from the contamination and death of the Worst.”

Perhaps your “Young African Leaders Initiative” will produce Africa’s “Talented Tenth”.

Perhaps the young African leaders will save Africa from contamination, genocide and crimes against humanity.

But I wondered what initiatives you had in the works for the hundreds of millions of African youths who lack access to basic education, health care and employment opportunities. The U.N. says nearly 70 percent of the African population is under 35 years old.  These youths could use your leadership to help get them out of dictatorship. They can handle the rest.

When you held the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit at the White House in August 2014, I was heartbroken.

Your immortal words, “Africa does not need strongmen, Africa needs strong institutions.” overwhelmed me when I saw you standing and smiling next to the who’s who of world dictators.

There you were standing shoulder to shoulder with Paul Biya, Blaise Compaoré, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, Hailemariam Desalegn Boshe, Paul Kagame, Joseph Kabila Kabange, Idris Deby, King Mswati III, Yoweri Museveni, Denis Sassou-Nguesso and so on.

There you stood with Uhuru Kenyatta, a man at the time on trial at the International Criminal Court.

The Bard of Avon wrote, “Foul deeds will rise,/ Though all the earth o’erwhelm them, to men’s eyes.”

I applaud your “Feed the Future Initiative” designed to reduce, hunger, malnutrition and poverty in Africa and elsewhere.

Kofi Annan said, “Programs like ‘Feed the Future’ make an important contribution by supporting innovation, providing technical knowledge, and developing markets for smallholder farmers to sell their products.” Kofi is right.

But I am sure you will agree with me that “Man and woman do not live by bread alone.”

In June 2009, you said:

America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed, confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice, government that is transparent and doesn’t steal from the people, the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas. They are human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere.

Africa’s young men and women, Africa’s future, also desperately need freedom—the freedom to speak, to worship, to assemble and to petition for grievances.

A young African mind and body is a terrible thing to waste.

Let me say a few personal words that are unrelated to the big issues of the day.

Perhaps these words will give you insights why I am passionate about my human rights advocacy in Ethiopia and Africa.

I am among the second wave (cohort) of young Africans who came to the U.S. for higher education in the late 1960s and early 1970.

Your father was in the first wave of promising young Africans who travelled to the West after the initial round of decolonization of African societies and returned to Africa in the mid-to late 1960s.

I chose to study political science and law. I was particularly interested in the “theory” and practice of American constitutional law and government.

Your father studied economics and returned to Kenya.

I received my terminal degrees and chose to remain in America.

I knew early on that I could not live in a country where the people live in total fear of their  government instead of a country where the government fears the people.

I guess that would make a Jeffersonian-type democrat with my resolute opposition to corruption, insistence on virtue, equal rights for all citizens and so on. I tend to be self-righteous in that way.

In May 2009, you said:

I have studied the Constitution as a student; I have taught it as a teacher; I have been bound by it as a lawyer and legislator. I took an oath to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution as Commander-in-Chief, and as a citizen, I know that we must never – ever – turn our back on its enduring principles for expedience sake. I make this claim not simply as a matter of idealism. We uphold our most cherished values not only because doing so is right, but because it strengthens our country and keeps us safe. Time and again, our values have been our best national security asset – in war and peace; in times of ease and in eras of upheaval. Fidelity to our values is the reason why the United States of America grew from a small string of colonies under the writ of an empire to the strongest nation in the world.

I too have studied the Constitution and teach and practice it. I have vowed never to turn my back on its enduring principles for expedience sake.

For me upholding the Constitution is a simple matter of idealism. Deep down, I am an incorrigible utopian Ethiopian American.

So every week, without missing a single week for the past nine years, I have preached and sermonized on the most cherished of American values, those values succinctly enshrined in the Bill of Rights.

In your Nobel speech in 2009 you said, “We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend. And we honor those ideals by upholding them not when it’s easy, but when it is hard.”

I hope as you meet the leaders of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front in Addis Ababa, you will not compromise on American ideals and turn a blind eye to the plight of the thousands of political prisoners held in official and secret prisons in Ethiopia. I hope you will insist on the release of journalists Eskinder Nega, Woubshet Taye, Temesgen Desalegn, Abraha Desta, the detained members of Zone 9 bloggers, and the thousands of other political prisoners.

A couple of days ago it was reported that six members of the Ethiopian Muslims Arbitration Committee, eight scholars, two journalists, an artist and a student were “convicted” of terrorism, conspiracy and incitement charges.” They had been held in detention since 2012.

I hope you will insist on the release of these young Ethiopian Muslims who have been imprisoned for no reason other than asserting their constitutional right to keep government out of God’s business.

Let me also say that I have been your number 1 fan and supporter since you announced your candidacy for the presidency in February 2007.

Over the years, I have written countless commentaries promoting your candidacy and mobilizing financial and electoral support for you in the Ethiopian American community throughout the United States.

I have defended your policies and robustly countered your critics in the media.

In the past year, perplexed in the extreme by your policies in Ethiopia, I wrote a commentary entitled, “Why I am Ashamed to be Proud of President Obama”.

There is nothing more I want than to be proud of you again in the last two years of your presidency.

I remember reading somewhere that you have a practice of reading “10 pieces of unvetted correspondence addressed to you” as part of your important daily reading material.

I hope my letter will be one of the 10 pieces.

I hope you will get to read this letter because it resonates the deepest feelings of millions of Ethiopians who are voiceless and whose voices have been silenced.

I imagine my letter will likely not reach you because those who screen the thousands of letters addressed to you every day may find mine to be the rantings of an overwrought, self-important, self-righteous, self-absorbed and self-appointed and misguided professor-cum-constitutional-lawyer-cum-Ethiopian-human rights advocate.

Perhaps the content of what I have written to you does not make much sense because it is written by one “being wrought and perplexed in the extreme”, to borrow a phrase from the Bard of Avon, ruminates away his days over the tragedy that has befallen his native land and his people.

Perhaps my letter is too long and may sound overly accusatory in tone.

But I write to you out of conviction that “the hottest place in Hell is reserved for those who remain neutral in times of great moral conflict”, as Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. said.

For the past nine years, I have not remained neutral in the great moral conflict facing Ethiopia.

I have stood proud and tall on the right side of history every single Monday since 2006.

I believe it was in your book “The Audacity of Hope” that you observed, “If we aren’t willing to pay a price for our values, then we should ask ourselves whether we truly believe in them at all.”

My friends Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu, Woubshet Taye, Temesgen Desalegn, the Zone 9 bloggers, the young Muslims and so many other political prisoners are paying the highest price for their principles.

In September 2014, you told a delegation of the regime in Ethiopia:

And so we’ll have an opportunity to talk about civil society and governance and how we can make sure that Ethiopia’s progress and example can extend to civil society as well, and making sure that throughout the continent of Africa we continue to widen and broaden our efforts at democracy, all of which isn’t just good for politics but ends up being good for economics as well.

I hope in July 2015, you will get a chance to talk to the leaders of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front about letting civil society institutions function freely in Ethiopia and hammer out a practical program to broaden democracy in Ethiopia.

In July 2009, you said, “History is on the side of these brave Africans, not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power.  Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.”

In your first inaugural address, you said, “To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history, but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.”

In July 2015, as you visit Ethiopia, you will find out that the ruling Tigrean People’s Liberation Front is that dreaded gang of “African strongmen” you warned us about in 2009. They are the ones you warned us about clinging to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent.

For six years, you have unclenched your fist in dealing with the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front. Perhaps it is time to speak softly and clench your fist.

It is confusing and painful for me and many others to see you standing with the strongmen of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front in Addis Ababa.

I am not sure if I will wince or grimace when I see those pictures of you standing with the “strongmen” in Addis.  It may be best for me to turn a blind eye.

I should like to remind you that as you stand shoulder to shoulder with the strongmen of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front in Addis Ababa, you are standing in the long shadow of history.

Someone once said, “Shadows cannot see themselves in the mirror of the sun.” Or the mirror of history?

Historians will one day write about your policies and efforts in Africa. They will write about your legacy and what you did and did not do.

I don’t think any of that matters at all.

What matters is how you will answer that question of history you raised in Accra in 2009 as you stand in the dock before the bar of your own conscience:

Were you President Barack Obama on the right side of history in your policies in Africa and specifically in Ethiopia?

Bishop Desmond Tutu once said, “If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor. If an elephant has its foot on the tail of a mouse and you say that you are neutral, the mouse will not appreciate your neutrality.”

I dare say that Ethiopians will not appreciate your neutrality if you visit them, take a few photos with their oppressors but remain silent about the heavy boot that is crushing their necks.

In October 2011, Senator Ted Cruz whom the National Review proclaimed “the great conservative hope” said, “The most enduring legacy of President Barack Obama is going to be a new generation of leaders standing up for liberty.” I think Senator Cruz has a point.

I hope your singular legacy in Africa will “be a new generation of leaders standing up for liberty.”

As you think of the young and new generation of African leaders, I hope you will not forget the older generation of African leaders.

As you know, great Ethiopian leaders preserved Ethiopia’s independence for over three thousand years and repelled repeated incursions by Europeans over the past couple of centuries.

At the Battle of Adwa in 1896, two years after the Berlin Conference in which European powers carved up Africa, Emperor Menelik II routed Italy’s modern war machine with bows and arrows and spears.

Emperor Menelik is the first African leader in history to decisively crush a vastly superior European colonial army. No European power managed to colonize Ethiopia because of its historic leaders.

Ever since Menelik II victory over the invading Italian colonial army,  Ethiopia has been a beacon of hope and symbol of dignity and pride for all Africans and Africans in the Diaspora.

May I ask you to lay a wreath before the statute of Emperor Menelik II during your visit?

I am certain you will find Ethiopia to be the “Land of 13 Months of Sunshine”.

You will find Ethiopians to be a people who are hospitable, respectful and affectionate to a fault.

Have a great trip to Ethiopia, Mr. President.

I bid you Godspeed and a pleasant trip to the cradle of mankind.

I have been told that when I get up to sing, all the birds tweet each other and swiftly fly out of town.

But that won’t stop me from crooning to myself my version of the old Negro Spiritual, “Go Down Moses”, as I wish you bon voyage.

Go down Moses way down in Ethiopia land
Tell all Pharaohs to let My people go
Oppressed so hard they could not stand
Let My people go
So the God sayeth, Go down, Moses way down in Ethiopia land
Tell all Pharaohs to let My people go
So Moses went to Ethiopia  land
Let My people go
He made all Pharaohs understand
Let My people go
Yes The Lord said, Go down, Moses way down in Ethiopia land
Tell all Pharaohs to let My people go
Let My people go
Tell all Pharaohs to let My people go.

President Obama, tell the Pharaohs of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front to let my people go.

_________________________________________

Alemayehu “Al” G. Mariam, Ph.D., J.D.
Professor
California State University, San Bernardino

c.c. History
Justice
The Living Memory of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.
The Living Memory of Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela
The Living Memory of Mohandas Karamchand “Mahatma” Gandhi
The Living Memory of Abraham Lincoln

Many Ethiopians had a diverse reaction to the latest news that Dr Berhanu Nega has gone to Eritrea to lead the armed struggle against the Ethiopian regime.

I first met Dr. Berhanu Nega in New York city in 2007. After his release from prison in Ethiopia, he came to a research college at 5th avenue downtown Manhattan at 13street. Berhanu spoke passionately about all the problems in Ethiopia, sweating aggressively as he concluded his list of main points. He told the mostly non-Ethiopian audience that there will never be changes in Ethiopia peacefully. After his presentation, I spoke with him for a few minutes and discussed various topics.

Dr. Berhanu Nega is truly one of Ethiopia’s greatest sons; very patriotic, educated and of course, the first democratically elected mayor of Addis Ababa. Like Obama in the US, Dr. Berhanu has been one of the greatest orators or gifted communicators in modern Ethiopian history. As we all know, he led the CUD national party in 2005 to a convincing election victory, not only in Addis Ababa and Amhara region, but also in most of the south. Such nationwide success by CUD in 2005, even in some parts of Oromia region, surprised many of us and proved that the Meles Zenawi regime has not yet made tribalism more powerful than Ethiopian nationalism in the country.

But Zenawi’s brutality and the 2005 election fraud, as documented by the EU election observers, inspired Berhanu to establish the GINBOT 7 organization. Its stated goal was to establish democracy in Ethiopia, either thru armed struggle from the periphery or from the inside-out via a military coup.

Many of us had our reservations when he announced his new plan, because we know, from history, that political changes thru the barrel of gun often lead to another cycle of dictatorship; or worse, spark another civil war. And Ethiopia already has too many foreign enemies close by that would love to exploit such a scenario.

But the Eritrea route has been too hard to resist.

Yes, we want the Assab port back.

Yes, we don’t like how the Isayas regime has oppressed our Eritrean brothers and sisters. And yes, we oppose Eritrea’s short sighted policy of helping fundamentalists in Somalia. But we still have one big common interest with Isayas or one common belief: we both see Zenawism as the biggest threat to stability of the horn of Africa. For those who are new to this term “Zenawism,” it is an ideology that extremely politicizes tribal identity in order to promote the creation of ethnic based mini-nation states through out Africa. It is a dangerous doctrine that I attribute to Meles Zenawi since he established ethnic-federalism as the foundation for such a reality that can spread like cancer continent-wide. Zenawism stands against the African Union charter and against conventional wisdom which demanded that Africa keep colonial era boundaries in order to avoid endless wars. Basically, since there are over 3,000 major tribes and languages in Africa, if Zenawism spreads continent-wide, it could translate to over 3,000 tribal pseudo states fighting for nationhood, possibly leading to thousands of new and endless ethnic-based border wars all over Africa.

Just like Ethiopia, Eritrea is also made up of many ethnic groups. If President Isayas cares about Eritrea at all, it would be in his best national interest to stop the spread of Zenawism inside Eritrea. Potentially giving up (or sharing) Assab port is a very small price to pay in order to save the fabric of Eritrean society from Zenawism.

The ultimate question now is, will this common interest between the Ethio opposition and the Eritrean regime be a strong enough glue to lead them to victory? Or is President Isayas simply playing them for a fool? In the absence of any insurance policy for the opposition, many Ethiopians also wonder if the weak Eritrean regime is just planning to exploit Ginbot 7 or use Ethiopian opposition as “cannon fodder” in its future war with the Ethiopian regime. In addition, knowing how thousands of Eritreans are deserting the Eritrean army, one wonders if the Ethiopian opposition groups inside Eritrea are actually there as expendable human wave to protect Eritrean troops. The answer to all these questions, we will not know anytime soon. But the latest 100% election “victory” of the EPRDF regime in Ethiopia seems to have pushed many Ethiopians like Dr Berhanu Nega to the limit, to a place where nothing can get worse than it already has.

The writer can be reached at Teshomeborago@yahoo.com

Kiflu Tadesse, the former Member of the Executive Leadership Council of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Party – EPRP, talks about his recent Keynote speech ወዴት እየሄድን ነው?

How to make fantastic injera start to finish

WRITTEN BY Bill Gates

Co-chair, Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation

As the New Horizons satellite was beaming pictures of Pluto back to Earth last week, giving humans their first up-close look at a planet 3 billion miles away, world leaders were gathering in Addis Ababa to discuss raising money to fight poverty—using financing mechanisms that were put in place years before the first monkey was sent into orbit.

The anti-poverty tools created in the 20th century have done an amazing job of helping people improve their lives. But it’s time to update them for the changing development landscape. Global heads of state and finance ministers took an important step in that direction last week, announcing a number of initiatives and commitments to finance the new sustainable development roadmap that the United Nations will approve in Sep. 2015.

One important issue that didn’t draw much attention at the global finance meeting is how we treat countries that have built strong enough economies to lift themselves out of extreme poverty, but which still have a lot of people who are barely getting by.

 More than 70% of the world’s poorest people live in countries defined as “middle income” by the World Bank. The system of development finance currently used by many donor governments and international financial institutions allocates funding to countries based in significant part on their average income per person. As economic growth moves countries like India and Nigeria into the “middle-income tier,” they become ineligible for many of the grants and low-interest loans used to fund basic infrastructure and essential services.

The problem with this is that huge pockets of poverty still exist in many of the countries facing a cutoff of funds. In fact, more than 70% of the world’s poorest people live in countries defined as “middle income” by the World Bank.

Clearly, a nation’s access to the most favorable financing for development should taper off as the level of personal income grows. But if we make countries with high levels of inequality and poverty ineligible for aid too soon, it will become increasingly difficult for them to continue on a path of economic growth.

Based on current trends, our foundation estimates that countries such as India, Ghana, Nigeria, and Vietnam could lose between 18% and 40% of their funding from donor countries and multilateral aid programs. Cuts of this magnitude would have a severe impact on basic health and social programs that rely on donor funding to operate.

If we are intent on helping the world’s poorest lift themselves out of poverty, we need to ensure that development assistance reaches people in need, regardless of where they live. The classification of countries based mainly on average income should be updated to incorporate other measures centered on improving the human condition such as better access to health services and education. And we need to think about the right incentives and approach for a thoughtful and smooth transition for each country to reach self-sufficiency.

 We need to ensure that development assistance reaches people in need, regardless of where they live. To their credit, multilateral development banks such as the World Bank and African Development Bank are increasingly aware of the need to tailor concessional finance to the circumstances of each country, but we need to do more. Advances in technology and in data-gathering have the potential to allow these global institutions to assess each country’s needs and allocate and deliver aid with greater specificity and individualization than ever before. These are the kinds of adjustments needed to equip the world to do a better job of assisting the poorest, no matter where they live.

This “transition” problem is not the only change in the kinds of financing mechanisms needed to fight global poverty. Development assistance from wealthy countries will continue to play an important role. But developing countries will need to rely even more on their own resources to pay for basic services and infrastructure. By prioritizing domestic spending, modernizing tax systems, and wisely stewarding natural resources, they can accelerate the kind of broad economic growth needed to build sustainable economies. And, as we’ve seen in recent years, the private sector and newer development partners such as Brazil, China, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates, can play a valuable role with innovative approaches and experience in financing and development.

We’ve proven that we know how to create a better world. Between 1990 and 2015, child mortality—a key indicator of progress—has fallen by half. This advancement required effort and coordination among rich and poor countries, development institutions, and the private and non-profit sectors.

The Addis Ababa financing for development conference and the UN’s action two months from now on the SDGs are important steps in moving us closer to a world free of extreme poverty, hunger, and disease. By keeping our focus on what has worked well, and on continuing to improve the mechanisms of development finance, I’m optimistic that we can improve the lives of people in poor countries faster in the next 15 years than at any other time in history.

Bill writes more on this subject on his blog The Gates Notes. We welcome your comments at ideas@qz.com.

http://qz.com/- QUARTZ

Refugee camps are overflowing around the world.(AP Photo/Muhammed Muheisen)

WRITTEN BY Hanna Kozlowska@hannakozlowska

The number of refugees in the world is growing, now at an all-time high of nearly 60 million people. As wars and persecution continue to rage, refugee camps can’t keep up, and more and more people make the dangerous, often deadly journey to find a better life—especially since donor aid is insufficient and resettlement is painfully slow.

There are few ideas to comprehensively address the epic crisis—which is why an unusual proposition from Silicon Valley real estate mogul Jason Buzi is garnering attention despite its utopian pretensions. (h/tWashington Post). Simply put, Buzi wants to create an entirely new country to house all of the world’s refugees. In his manifesto, published on a polished website for his Refugee Nation project, he writes: “It is time for a radical solution. It is time for big ideas. The status quo is no longer acceptable!”

 

Jason Buzi is an Israeli-born, US-raised millionaire investor who came into the national spotlight last year when he organized “Hidden Cash,” a scavenger hunt which sent people on a frenzied hunt for wads of cash stashed around San Francisco and New York. His new project is much bigger:

“Today 195 sovereign countries are recognized around the world. And we need one more . . . a country which any refugee, from anywhere in the world, can call home. Where each has the same legal rights to reside, work, pursue an education, have a family, buy and sell property, start a business, like any of us. Where everyone is an equal citizen, regardless of ethnic background, religious affiliation, or any other personal status. A completely inclusive and compassionate nation, in which every refugee is automatically granted citizenship.”

He offers some specific solutions for his grandiose idea. The state would be a pluralist, capitalist democracy, with a “strong work culture” and not a “culture of benefits.” Drawing on his real-estate experience, he emphasizes the importance of “location, location, location,” and suggests that the state could be formed on one of the world’s less-inhabited islands, merged with an existing state such as Dominica, carved out of an European enclave or based on a newly built island. The funding could come from the world’s richest individuals, states, international organizations or corporations. Its language would be English.

Experts who spoke to the Washington Post about the idea were sympathetic yet skeptical, admiring his moral outrage but warning that, for instance, people want to choose where to live.

“This proposal may be ridiculed or attacked by some, but hopefully is not ignored. It should be vigorously debated, because the world needs a solution to this staggering humanitarian crisis,” writes Buzi. His proposal may be naive, but it’s hard to disagree with that sentiment.

 

Haile Selassie I Biography

By KUANG KENG KUEK SER

Now you know where exactly is Addis Ababa, let’s find out more about the city.

It is the capital and the buzzing hub of economic, social and political activities of Ethiopia, which President Barack Obama will visit this week, along with Kenya. Despite being home to the African Union, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and many other international organizations, it is less known outside of Africa. The African Union is part of why Obama will become the first sitting US president to visit Ethiopia. He’s expected to have bilateral meetings with both Ethiopia’s government and the African leadership while in Addis Ababa.

Addis Ababa means “new flower” in the African language of Amharic, the official language of Ethiopia, and one of the 88 languages spoken in Ethiopia, according to Ethnologue. The city was founded in 1886 by an Ethiopian emperor named Menelik II whose wife initially built a house for her and friends to take mineral baths there. The vacation house was later expanded to become the Imperial Place, which today still houses the office and residence of Ethiopian prime minister.

Ethiopia has a highly diverse population comprised of more than 80 different ethnic groups. The Oromo are the largest at around one-third of the total population. While a majority of Ethiopians are Christians, Muslims make up a third of the population. There’s an Islamic separatist movement in the Muslim-majority northern region of Afar struggling to establish an Islamic state governed by Sharia law.

For caffeine freaks who venerate coffee as a religion, Ethiopia is the holy land. According to Metasebia Yoseph, an Ethiopian American who authored “A Culture of Coffee,” Ethiopia is not only the birthplace of coffee and the world’s biodiversity source for Arabica coffee, it is also the origin of what Yoseph calls the collective coffee culture — where coffee was once an integral part of spiritual worship, complete with elaborate rituals. Today, some Ethiopians still perform the traditional coffee ceremony for visiting guests, which may take up to a few hours. Here’s a short video about the ceremony from food blog Migrationology:

Now it’s your turn brag about the new facts you found about Addis Ababa and get your friends to try the quiz.

From PRI’s The World ©2015 Public Radio International

Freedom in the World : Ethiopia

Overview:

In 2014 the Ethiopian government continued to suppress free speech and associational rights, shattering hopes for meaningful reform under Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn. Government harassment and arrest of prominent opposition and media members continued, including the April arrest of nine journalists who were charged under Ethiopia’s controversial antiterrorism law. In April and May, massive protests in Oromia Regional State broke out following the announcement of the planned expansion of Addis Ababa into Oromia. At least 17 people died after the military fired on unarmed protesters.

Despite nascent signs of an opening with Eritrea, formal dialogues remain frozen between the two countries. The Ethiopian-Eritrean border remains highly militarized, though no major border clashes were reported in 2014.

Sporadic violence resumed in Ethiopia’s Ogaden region after talks failed in 2013 between the government and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), a separatist group that has fought for independence since 1991. In January 2014, two ONLF negotiators dispatched to Nairobi for a third round of talks were abducted and allegedly turned over to Ethiopian authorities by Kenyan police. The kidnappings effectively ended the talks.

Ethiopia ranked 32 out of 52 countries surveyed in the Ibrahim Index of African Governance, below the continental average and among the bottom in East Africa. The country’s modest gains in the index are due to its improvement in human development indicators, but its ranking is held back by low scores in the “Participation and Human Rights” category.
Political Rights and Civil Liberties:

Political Rights: 7 / 40 [Key]

A. Electoral Process: 1 / 12

Ethiopia’s bicameral parliament is made up of a 108-seat upper house, the House of Federation, and a 547-seat lower house, the House of People’s Representatives. The lower house is filled through popular elections, while the upper chamber is selected by the state legislatures; members of both houses serve five-year terms. The lower house selects the prime minister, who holds most executive power, and the president, a largely ceremonial figure who serves up to two six-year terms. Hailemariam has served as prime minister since September 2012, and Mulatu Teshome as president since October 2013.

The 2010 parliamentary and regional elections were tightly controlled by the ruling coalition party Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), with reports of voters being threatened with losing their jobs, homes, or government services if they failed to turn out for the EPRDF. Opposition party meetings were broken up, and candidates were threatened and detained. Opposition-aligned parties saw their 160-seat presence in parliament virtually disappear, with the EPRDF and its allies taking all but 2 of the 547 seats in the lower house. The next elections are scheduled for 2015.

B. Political Pluralism and Participation: 2 / 16

Shorn of their representation in parliament and under pressure by the authorities, opponents of the EPRDF find it difficult to operate. In July 2014, opposition members—two from Unity for Democracy Party, one from the Arena Tigray Party, and one from the Blue Party—were arrested without charges and held without access to legal representation. The Ethiopian government denies the arrests were related to 2015 elections, but the detainments follow the government’s pattern of suppressing political dissent prior to popular votes.

A series of December 2014 rallies by a coalition of opposition parties saw nearly 100 people arrested, including the chairman of the Semayawi Party. Witnesses report that police beat protesters, though nearly all those arrested were released on bail within a week.

Political parties in Ethiopia are often ethnically based. The EPRDF coalition is comprised of four political parties and represents several ethnic groups. The government tends to favor Tigrayan ethnic interests in economic and political matters, and the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front dominates the EPRDF. While the 1995 constitution grants the right of secession to ethnically based states, the government acquired powers in 2003 to intervene in states’ affairs on issues of public security. Secessionist movements in Oromia and the Ogaden have largely failed after being put down by the military.

C. Functioning of Government: 4 / 12

Ethiopia’s governance institutions are dominated by the EPRDF, which controlled the succession process following the death of longtime Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in 2012.

Corruption remains a significant problem in Ethiopia. EPRDF officials reportedly receive preferential access to credit, land leases, and jobs. Petty corruption extends to lower-level officials, who solicit bribes in return for processing documents. In 2013, the government attempted to demonstrate its commitment to fighting corruption after the release of a World Bank study that detailed corruption in the country. As part of the effort, the Federal Ethics & Anti-Corruption Commission made a string of high-profile arrests of prominent government officials and businessmen throughout 2013 and 2014. The Federal High Court sentenced many corrupt officials in 2014, including in one case a $2,500 fine and 16 years in prison. Despite cursory legislative improvements, however, enforcement of corruption-related laws remains lax in practice and Ethiopia is still considered “highly corrupt,” ranked 110 out of 175 countries and territories by Transparency International’s 2014 Corruption Perceptions Index.

Civil Liberties: 11 / 40

D. Freedom of Expression and Belief: 3 / 16

Ethiopia’s media are dominated by state-owned broadcasters and government-oriented newspapers. Privately owned papers tend to steer clear of political issues and have low circulation. A 2008 media law criminalizes defamation and allows prosecutors to seize material before publication in the name of national security.

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Ethiopia holds at least 17 journalists behind bars—the second-highest number of jailed journalists in Africa as of December 2014, after Eritrea. Restrictions are particularly tight on journalists perceived to be sympathetic to protests by the Muslim community, and journalists attempting to cover them are routinely detained or arrested. Those reporting on opposition activities also face harassment and the threat of prosecution under Ethiopia’s sweeping 2009 Antiterrorism Proclamation. At least 14 journalists have been convicted under Ethiopia’s antiterror law since 2011, and none convicted have been released.

In April 2014, police arrested nine journalists—six associated with the Zone9 blogging collective and three freelancers—and charged them with terror-related offenses. Their trial has been postponed 13 times and was closed to the public until recently; their defense lawyer claims the defendants were forced to sign false confessions while in prison.

In June, the government fired 18 people from a state-run, Oromia-based broadcaster, silencing the outlet’s reporting on Oromo protests. In August, the government charged six Addis Ababa–based publications with terrorism offenses, effectively shuttering some of the last independent news outlets inside Ethiopia. In October, three publication owners were convicted in absentia after they fled the country. The same month, Temesgen Desalegn, former editor of the weekly Feteh, was convicted under Ethiopia’s criminal code on defamation and incitement charges and sentenced to three years in prison.

Due to the risks of operating inside the country, many Ethiopian journalists work in exile. CPJ says Ethiopia drove 30 journalists into exile in 2014, a sharp increase over both 2012 and 2013. Authorities use high-tech jamming equipment to filter and block news websites seen as pro-opposition. According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), since 2010 the Ethiopian government has developed a robust and sophisticated internet and mobile framework to monitor journalists and opposition groups, block access to unwanted websites or critical television and radio programs, and collect evidence for prosecutions in politically motivated trials.

The constitution guarantees religious freedom, but the government has increasingly harassed the Muslim community, which has grown to rival the Ethiopian Orthodox Church as the country’s largest religious group. Muslim groups accuse the government of trying to impose the beliefs of an obscure Islamic sect, Al-Ahbash, at the expense of the dominant Sufi-influenced strain of Islam. A series of protests against perceived government interference in religious affairs since 2012 have ended in a number of deaths and more than 1,000 arrests.

Academic freedom is often restricted in Ethiopia. The government has accused universities of being pro-opposition and prohibits political activities on campuses. There are reports of students being pressured into joining the EPRDF in order to secure employment or places at universities; professors are similarly pressured in order to ensure favorable positions or promotions. The Ministry of Education closely monitors and regulates official curricula, and the research, speech, and assembly of both professors and students are frequently restricted. In 2014, the Scholars at Risk network catalogued three incidents in academia, including the jailing or firing of professors who expressed antigovernment opinions.

The presence of the EPRDF at all levels of society—directly and, increasingly, electronically—inhibits free private discussion. Many people are wary of speaking against the government. The EPRDF maintains a network of paid informants, and opposition politicians have accused the government of tapping their phones.

E. Associational and Organizational Rights: 0 / 12

Freedoms of assembly and association are guaranteed by the constitution but limited in practice. Organizers of large public meetings must request permission from the authorities 48 hours in advance. Applications by opposition groups are routinely denied and, in cases when approved, organizers are subject to government meddling to move dates or locations. Since 2011, ongoing peaceful demonstrations held by members of the Muslim community have been met with violent responses from security forces. Protesters allege government interference in religious affairs and politically motivated selection of members of the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme Council. Though momentum has slowed, protests continue.

After the government announced an expansion of Addis Ababa’s city limits into the Oromia Regional State in April 2014, thousands of Ethiopians took to the streets. Witnesses reported that police fired on peaceful protesters, killing at least 17—most of whom were students in nearby universities—and detained hundreds.

The 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation restricts the activities of foreign nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) by prohibiting work on political and human rights issues. Foreign NGOs are defined as groups receiving more than 10 percent of their funding from abroad, a classification that includes most domestic organizations as well. The law also limits the amount of money any NGO can spend on “administration,” a controversial category that the government has declared includes activities such as teacher or health worker training, further restricting NGO operations even on strictly development projects. NGOs have struggled to maintain operations as a result of the law.

Trade union rights are tightly restricted. Neither civil servants nor teachers have collective bargaining rights. All unions must be registered, and the government retains the authority to cancel registration. Two-thirds of union members belong to organizations affiliated with the Confederation of Ethiopian Trade Unions, which is under government influence. Independent unions face harassment, and trade union leaders are regularly imprisoned. There has not been a legal strike since 1993.

F. Rule of Law: 3 / 16

The judiciary is officially independent, but its judgments rarely deviate from government policy. The 2009 antiterrorism law gives great discretion to security forces, allowing the detention of suspects for up to four months without charge. After August 2013 demonstrations to protest the government’s crackdown on Muslims, 29 demonstration leaders were charged under the antiterrorism law with conspiracy and attempting to establish an Islamic state; their trial remains ongoing. Trial proceedings have been closed to the public, media, and the individuals’ families. According to HRW, some defendants claimed that their access to legal counsel has been restricted.

Conditions in Ethiopia’s prisons are harsh, and detainees frequently report abuse. A 2013 HRW report documented human rights violations in Addis Ababa’s Maekelawi police station, including verbal and physical abuse, denial of basic needs, and torture.

Yemen’s June 2014 arrest and extradition of British citizen Andargachew Tsige to Ethiopia at the government’s request has sparked outrage from human rights groups. Andargachew is the secretary-general of banned opposition group Ginbot 7 and was sentenced to death in absentia in 2009 and again in 2012 for allegedly plotting to kill government officials. Reports suggest that police have denied the British Embassy consular access.

Domestic NGOs say that Ethiopia held as many as 400 political prisoners in 2012, though estimates vary significantly. Nuredine “Aslan” Hasan, a student belonging to the Oromo ethnic group, died in prison in 2014; conflicting reports about the cause of his death—including torture—have not been verified.

The federal government generally has strong control and direction over the military, though forces such as the Liyu Police in the Ogaden territory sometimes operate independently.

Repression of the Oromo and ethnic Somalis, and government attempts to coopt their parties into subsidiaries of the EPRDF, have fueled nationalism in both the Oromia and Ogaden regions. Persistent claims that government troops in the Ogaden area have committed war crimes are difficult to verify, as independent media are barred from the region. The government’s announcement of its intention to expand Addis Ababa’s city limits into the Oromia Regional State exacerbates tensions over historical marginalization of Oromia; according to activists, the expansion will displace two million Oromo farmers.

Same-sex sexual activity is prohibited by law and punishable by up to 15 years’ imprisonment.

G. Personal Autonomy and Individual Rights: 5 / 16

While Ethiopia’s constitution establishes freedom of movement, insecurity—particularly in eastern Ethiopia—prevents unrestricted movement into affected sites.

Private business opportunities are limited by rigid state control of economic life and the prevalence of state-owned enterprises. All land must be leased from the state. The government has evicted indigenous groups from various areas to make way for projects such as hydroelectric dams. It has also leased large tracts of land to foreign governments and investors for agricultural development in opaque deals that have displaced thousands of Ethiopians. Up to 70,000 people have been forced to move from the western Gambella region, although the government denies the resettlement plans are connected to land investments. Similar evictions have taken place in Lower Omo Valley, where government-run sugar plantations have put thousands of pastoralists at risk by diverting their water supplies. Journalists and international organizations have persistently alleged that the government withholds development assistance from villages perceived as being unfriendly to the ruling party.

Women are relatively well represented in parliament, holding 28 percent of seats and three ministerial posts. Legislation protects women’s rights, but these rights are routinely violated in practice. Enforcement of the law against rape and domestic abuse is patchy, and cases routinely stall in the courts. Female genital mutilation and forced child marriage are technically illegal, though there has been little effort to prosecute perpetrators. In December 2012, the government made progress against forced child labor, passing a National Action Plan to Eliminate the Worst Forms of Child Labor and updating its list of problematic occupations for children.

Scoring Key: X / Y (Z)
X = Score Received
Y = Best Possible Score
Z = Change from Previous Year

source: https://freedomhouse.org/report/

I saw the inscription ‘Out of despair, a stone of hope’ chiseled out of the rock that has the likes of MLK emerging. The boulder in the background is ‘despair’, and ‘hope’ is symbolized by by the slice of rock that broke off and moved forward. MLK led his people in their demand for freedom and equality and achieved many victories. He turned despair into hope. The quotation-‘out of despair, a stone of hope’ that is chiseled out on the side of ‘hope’ comes from ‘I have a dream speech’ by MLK Jr.

The monument to the great leader is in Washington DC and I had a chance to visit it this summer. When I saw it I felt at peace and and the despair that was building inside of me was replaced by a profound feeling of joy and the possibility that tomorrow is going to be a different day. It spoke to my Ethiopian situation.

Yes at times we all feel helpless and accept the notion that we’re condemned to suffer. The arrogance of the ruling group, the turmoil inside those that oppose the criminals coupled with basic ignorance creates an atmosphere of despair. Despair has been our number one enemy. Despair results in lack of focus. The absence of focus leaves the door open to all sorts of bizarre and negative ideas and people to pollute the environment.

Ever since 2005 the nature of our struggle has shown a qualitative change compared to times before that. 2005 gave birth to the new Ethiopia we want to build. We had gone through an Imperial regime based on the Feudal system, a military Junta masquerading as a ‘Socialist Republic’ and today a single ethnic based terrorist group bordering on Fascism coming to a close.

After exhausting all avenues to bring a lasting peace to our people and country we now find ourselves gearing for battle. It is no one’s first choice. It is a choice imposed on us by the TPLF mafia. Ethiopians are very patient people. We have moved heaven and earth to find a peaceful accommodation to avoid bloodshed. We have paid a heavy price for peace.

It is our turn to turn despair into hope. Our people are returning home. The time to walk away from Woyane atrocity and degradation is over. It is time to go back and talk to Woyane in a new language and that is what is being implemented on the ground. Normally the citizen communicates with those in power through the power of the ballot. That is the language spoken in most countries. It is not an option in our country. There is nothing degrading than being informed of a 100% victory.

Woyane has always said ‘if you want to share power, come and take it but by force.’ The dead PM used to say that with a smile. Your dream has come true dear comrade dictator. Arbegnoche Ginbar G7 (Patriotic G7) has started knocking on your door.

They know we are coming back. You can tell by the shrill voice they are appealing to their non friends to save them. Woyane does not have any friend. They are not capable of such human quality. Let alone with outsiders the average Woyane does not even enjoy peace in his own home. ‘Sick Dog’ perfectly describes Woyane.

The children of Ethiopia are once again on the move. Our fathers and mothers marched north to resist fascism. We their children are marching south to clean the fascist remnants that stayed behind. We surprised the whole world the first time around and there is no reason to think it would be any different this time.

It is history repeating itself. The Italians were organized, heavily armed and counted the British, French and Germans on their side. The Ethiopians were poorly armed, alone and have to travel by foot for hundreds of kilometers to confront the aggressor. Today as yesterday the TPLF Woyane have thousands of troops, modern jet fighters and helicopter gunships. The Americans, the Europeans and African dictators are on the side of the modern Askaris.

Once again we Ethiopians seem to stand alone all by ourselves. That is what the outsider looks at when they see the formation of the forces facing each other. But reality is a little different. Just as before we have millions of patriotic Ethiopians that when threatened and angry no force on earth would stand on their way. Today all Ethiopians are angry at the children of Askaris that have out lived their welcome.

We are hearing gunshots from the north. We are witnessing the joy of our people in the motherland and all over the world where we have been scattered by Woyane. Except for Woyane and their puppies I have not met a single Ethiopian that is not happy with the final decision to deal with the varmints once and for all. The announcement by Patriotic G7 that they have started the offensive against the minority regime has filled our heart with pride. Getting rid of Woyane has taken center stage to any and all other concerns.

We have entered a new phase in our quest for freedom and equality. The recent announcement by Arbegnoche Ginbot7 combatants that they have engaged the TPLF mercenary force in battle has taken our struggle to new higher plane. The culture of being a victim has been put to rest.

The presence of Dr. Berhanu Nega with our freedom fighters has ushered a new era in our quest for freedom. Patriotic G7 is a new form of organization that prides itself in painstakingly charting the road the movement will travel to achieve freedom and democracy for our people. As has been said many times before Patriotic G7 is not fighting to take power from Woyane warlords but rather prepare the conditions for the people of Ethiopia to choose their system of government and their leaders in a free independent environment.

The struggle ahead is not easy. The enemy has unlimited supply of money and foreign friends that would stand with the rogue regime until it shows signs of disarray. None of these factors would change our style of fighting or our plan for the future. The last twenty years have thought us the value of concentrating on our own efforts and our own strength. It is all about us not about them. The question in front of Ethiopians today is ‘how are you going to help those that are fighting on your behalf for your freedom and democracy?

Here in the West we are looking at a few of the response they have planned to thwart our struggle. Of course their first reaction was to ignore our freedom fighters. They found out that was only possible when they were the only ones with the media. ESAT, may God bless them and allow them to thrive, is our response. ESAT is not an accident or a foreign funded media but one that is born and lovingly nurtured by us the children of Ethiopia. We have acquired the ability to speak loudly on our own behalf. We have been exercising that right a few years now and you must all admit it feels good.

Woyane were forced to admit that Ethiopians are not lying dead any more but are shooting back to kill. Of course their version of events put the reality in a different light. It was the dreaded Shabia that is attacking them not Ethiopians. In the eye of Woyane Ethiopians are cowards that do not have the presence of mind to say no. This ‘blame Shabia’ will be taken to newer heights the coming few months. It diverts attention, is an attempt to rally Ethiopians against a foreign power and ultimately it is meant to put us down and call us cowards.

Their children in the US led by Aiga Forum are busy weaving such story. A few days ago they were attempting to show how a war with Eritrea is justified. They even predicted that ‘terrorist act’ would take place during Mr. Obama’s trip. If you remember Woyane planted explosives in taxi’s and blamed the opposition and thanks to Wiki leaks we were able to confirm our suspicions. Our advice to Woyane – the Americans know you better than you know yourselves and we suggest you quit this stupidity and put that explosive down before you hurt yourself.

It is sad that at a time like this when we need to gather our forces and concentrate our rage at the enemy there are some among us peddling worn out negative theories and using their little media power to undermine our effort. A couple of our so called ‘progressive media’ friends are employing yellow journalism and preaching doom and gloom. The practice of quoting Woyane media, hiding behind unnamed sources and using sensation to generate click for money is shameless and destructive. We have learnt the folly of being side tracked from the straight road that leads our people to enjoy life and liberty. We really do not have time for such game.

I can understand Woyane blaming others to divert attention and buy time but what I have a problem is with those that knock down our liberation fighters and minimize their gallant efforts. Are you telling us we Ethiopians are unable to fight for our freedom? Are you telling us that we are not smart enough to know what is in our interest? Why do you doubt the gallantry of our people and the pride of our nation?

Today even a visit by a foreign leader is is given such significance and becomes a talking point and further distraction from the ongoing inflation, repression and large scale hunger. President Obama’s visit is seen as an endorsement of all criminal acts by the regime. The way I see it, it is a proud moment for the first black American president to freely associate with his African counterparts and cousins from the seat of their August Organization in Addis Abeba. If it was in Lagos or Cairo he would have gone there. But thanks to the bravery of our ancestors that inspired millions of Black leaders and people to look at our country as an inspiration of hope and better times to come the founders choose Ethiopia as the Home base.

The fact that Ethiopia is the cradle of civilization and a nation revered by all black people the journey can be read by some as having a historical and spiritual significance to the young and graceful African American President.
As an Ethiopian my first reaction was that of utmost pleasure. To play host to the President of America is not a simple matter. When that person is Black and a very successful leader that has been voted to office not one but twice with a super majority makes the stop over very sweet and something to remember for all the Ethiopians that get the chance to greet him and show him what a wonderful people we are. My only regret is that I am not there to welcome good old Obama in person.

Some people did not take the news kindly. In fact some are using the visit to make a point about matters that do not even play any role in the context of the visit. There are those that feign to be hurt by his gesture. Most are crocodile tears shed while flying Ethiopian Airlines. While on the other side of the coin are Woyanes that use the visit to add significance to their miserable criminal life. In Ethiopia reality is replaced by numbers that is generated by the TPLF and confirmed by the IMF, World Bank and the Economist Magazine which makes it true and quotable. Damn reality.

The visit by President Obama is now being used to score a political point to show how much the government is respected by the international community thus deserving a visit by the American President.  It will be used to justify the 100% win, the continued killings and mass terrorism.

Both sides seem to miss the point. Obama is coming to visit the country Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people. He is not coming to break bread with puppet HMD or have coffee with Abbay Tsehaye and his goons but he is coming to see our country Ethiopia. Ethiopia is way bigger than any one of us. Ethiopia – our country has stayed the same for hundreds of years. In fact isn’t that one of our core problem that is always hindering us from moving forward? Isn’t our resistance to change and staying the road even when it goes over the cliff that is causing such a good event instead of being proud that creates such ping pong situation?

We wish Mr. Obama a beautiful visit to our ancient land. We would also like to point out that the officials that are trying to have a photo session with him are legitimate candidates to the International Court of Justice. We also want to remind him that while he is attending all those lavish ceremonies most of our people go to bed hungry, our children do not have the luxury of basic schooling, and our young ones are dying in the jungles of Africa, the deserts of Arabia and the Red Sea. We would also like to point out like his people in the USA that fought hard for their freedom we Ethiopians are doing just that and would appreciate a little bit of empathy from our friends.

Ultimately the job to gain freedom can only be done by Ethiopians themselves. It is good if all freedom and peace loving people give us a helping hand. It would make the burden lighter and the job easier. We have started the journey and the choice in front of all Ethiopians is to stand with the freedom fighters or the Woyane warlords. May God protect and bless our freedom fighters. We shall win!

Somali forces backed by African Union (AU) troops have retaken another key stronghold from Islamist militants al-Shabab as part of a renewed offensive.

Residents told the BBC’s Somali service that militants withdrew on Thursday from south-east Dinsor town, which the group had held since 2008.

Al-Shabab used Dinor as a hideout to launch attacks on other parts of Somalia, a BBC correspondent says.

The group is battling Somalia’s government for control of the country.

On Wednesday, al-Shabab admitted it had lost control of the strategic town of Bardere in the same area.

It has not commented on the loss of Dinsor, which lies 270km (170 miles) west of the capital Mogadishu.

The continuing loss of territory means al-Shabab is being cornered into a smaller area, surrounded by Somali and regional forces, BBC Somali analyst Abdinur Mohamed says.

It is highly unlikely that the group will be able to retake any of the towns it has lost in the latest offensive, he adds.

“The insurgents have fled after losing the battle… the troops are now conducting security operations to clear the town,” Somali Defence Minster, Gen Abdulkadir Sheikh Ali Dini told the AFP news agency, despite residents reporting that the town was taken without a fight.

Last week, the AU and Somali forces launched “Operation Jubba Corridor”, an offensive aimed at flushing the al-Qaeda-linked group out of the largely rural areas of southern Somalia it controls.

AU troops have been in the country since 2007 helping various UN-backed governments fight al-Shabab – and there is now a force of more than 21,000 in the country.

Over the last four years, the militants have been driven from most of the key towns they once held but they still control rural areas in the south.

Somalia has seen clan-based warlords, rival politicians and Islamist militants battle for control since the fall of long-serving ruler Siad Barre in 1991.

by Aggrey Mutambo

US President Barack Obama has finally landed in Nairobi for the 6th Global Entrepreneurship Summit.

Mr Obama’s Air Force One touched down at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport in Nairobi shortly after 8pm on Friday.

He was accompanied by 1000-strong delegation of American government officials, businesspeople and politicians from both the Democratic and Republican parties.

The journey from Washington DC had taken him to Ramstein Air Force Base in south-western Germany before he reconnected to Nairobi.

Mr Obama was also accompanied by his National Security Advisor Susan Rice, Foreign Policy aide Ben Rhodes and White House Spokesman Josh Earnest.

BLACK CAUCUS

Others were House representatives, including members of the Black Caucus and senators.

The senators on board included Chris Coons, Jeff Flakes, Ed Markey.

All except Mr Flakes are democrats.

Representatives included Karen Bass, George Kenneth Butterfield, Eddie Bernice Johnson, Barbara Lee, Gregory Meeks, Charlie Rangel, Terri Sewell and Emanuel Cleaver.

Others were John Conyers, Marcia Fudge, Al Green, Sheila Jackson Lee, Robin Kelly, Gwen Moore, Donald Payne, Cedric Richmond and Bennie Thompson.

ADVANCE TEAM

Some of Mr Obama’s officials had already arrived in Nairobi ahead of him.

They include US Secretary of Commerce Penny Pritzker, Chief of Staff Jim Hock among other advisers of security, trade and human rights.

The huge delegation could signify the importance with which Mr Obama is attaching to his first visit as president to Kenya.

As the plane cooled at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, the Kenyan welcoming team led by President Uhuru Kenyatta was the first to meet the US leader.

6TH GES

Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary Amina Mohamed and other senior government officials were present.

There were handshakes, hugs, pats on the backs before the US President left the airport.

Mr Obama will be attending the 6th Global Entrepreneurship Summit in Nairobi, one of his flagship programmes to lift the youth from poverty.

Besides, Mr Obama will be talking about corruption, human rights, poaching and most importantly, terrorism and how to fight it.

Why is President Barack Obama even going to Ethiopia?

Human rights advocates and many regional specialists are asking that very question of Obama, who travels to the capital Addis Ababa on Sunday to address the African Union.
”Let’s be clear, Ethiopia is not a model of democracy that should be rewarded with a presidential visit,” says Jeffrey Smith, an Africa specialist at the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights. He co-wrote an article in Foreign Policy entitled “Obama Should Stay Away From Ethiopia.”

Smith does concede that the two nations’ longstanding many shared interests, “including promoting and maintaining regional stability, facilitating peace in a very troublesome context in South Sudan, countering al-Shabab in Somalia and Kenya as well which is a real and ongoing threat and, let’s face it, and advancing Ethiopia’s own growth and development, which has been rather modest and at times impressive over the past decade.”

But…

Once you start to peel back the layers of Ethiopia, Smith says, Ethiopia looks a little sinister. The country has become a model for political repression in sub-Saharan Africa with a range of repressive laws, he says, laws that have stifled the political opposition and decimated civil society. The US State Department backs up that point in its annual human rights report. Smith paraphrases the section on Ethiopia that cites widespread “restrictions on freedom of expression,” “politically motivated trials,” “harassment and intimidation of opposition members and journalists,” “alleged arbitrary killings … torture,” limits on citizens’ ability to change their government, and restrictions on freedom of assembly, association, and movement.
Next week, in addition to addressing the African Union leaders, Obama is expected to participate in a civil society roundtable meeting that will include human rights activists from Ethiopia discussing the lack of political rights and civil liberties. But Smith says it will take more than talk to change things in Ethiopia. “There needs to be legal reforms, greater transparency, and anticorruption measures,” says Smith. “It’s simply not enough to speak, even if forcefully or compellingly, about the need to protect human rights. There needs to be concrete action, and that is clearly not happening.”

“In the long term, the US government should redouble its commitment to Ethiopia’s beleaguered civil society,” Smith concludes in his Foreign Policy commentary. “Obama’s 2016 budget request includes more than $400 million in assistance to the country, of which less than 1 percent is allocated for democracy and human rights programming — an actual improvement from last year, when zero was devoted to this vital sector, much of the spending going toward health and humanitarian aid.”

Smith says “a robust, reenergized, and empowered Ethiopian civil society, in which human rights groups are free to operate, is central to deepening democratic principles, not only in Ethiopia but also throughout the East and Horn of Africa. Overall, Obama must firmly reiterate that stability and security, and respect for basic human rights, and the legitimacy of civil society are not mutually exclusive objectives in Ethiopia or elsewhere. Rather, he should be unequivocal — in both rhetoric and in practice — that, together, these issues help form an unshakable and long-term pillar for US engagement on the African continent.”

From PRI’s The World ©2015 Public Radio International
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The Guardian

by William Davison

July 24 2015 at 06:19pm
By E Gebreselassie

Addis Ababa – As US president Barrack Obama makes his third official trip to the African continent, the issues of democracy, human rights and economy are set to dominate his agenda for his visit of Ethiopia.

Obama will make a visit to Kenya, the land of his father, this weekend and is expected to touch down in Ethiopia on Sunday as part of a two-nation tour of the African continent.

His visit to Ethiopia has been dogged with controversy as editorials in leading US newspapers, statements from human rights organisations and dissident groups based in US have been highly critical of the trip.

The country’s ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), and its allied parties won all of the Parliamentary seats and all but three regional seats in the May election which has been criticised by opposition parties and human rights advocacy groups for being neither free nor fair.

However, Desta Tesfaw, Head of Public and External Relations Office at EPRDF, rejected such criticism and said the trip – a first of its kind by a sitting US president to the country – was a testament to the progress Ethiopia had shown in development, democracy, and stability over recent years.

“Allegations made against Ethiopia by the likes of Human Rights Watch (HRW), Amnesty International who work with local and exiled anti-peace elements is without basis,” said Tesfaw, adding that the allegations, particularly by those who say they’re Ethiopians, were shameful, without merit and lacked the correct information.

“The trip in general shows the increasing warming of relations between the two countries, and shows Ethiopia is shedding its famine image,” surmised Tesfaw.

However, Dr. Chane Kebede, leader of the opposition Ethiopian Democratic Party (EDP) which fielded the third largest number of candidates during the May parliamentary election, while not questioning the merits of Obama’s visit, disagreed with Tesfaw view of the situation in the country.

“The May 2015 election showed the ruling party practically taking all of the seats, quashing what remains for the democratic opening and cementing a dictatorship,” said Kebede, adding that his party did not believe the government formed after the elections was credible.

Kebede also took issue with the itinerary of the US State department, which he said didn’t give a timetable for the airing of the opposition parties’ position on the state of Ethiopia.

“We’ve sent a letter to the US embassy in Addis Ababa to request a one-on-one chat with President Obama, but have been given negative replay on this,” said Kebede, adding that opposition parties had been invited to conferences the US leader would be attending.

“At the end of the day we want Obama to press Ethiopia to include respect of human rights which the country is a signatory to in terms of the Universal declaration of human rights and enshrined in the constitution, so that it goes with the economic growth the country is achieving at this moment,” said Kebede.

But while Obama’s trip to Ethiopia has already featured criticism of the political and human rights record of the host country, there is one key element the Ethiopian government, and indeed many Ethiopians, will be expecting of the world’s biggest economy despite the emerging economic clout of countries such as China, India and Turkey.

The Power Africa scheme announced by the US president during his previous trip to the continent two years back and considered at that time to be Obama’s legacy on Africa will likely be brought up during the presidential visit. The plan at the time envisaged a $7 billion pledge from the US, financed primarily by $5 billion in funds from the Export-Import Bank and $1.5 billion by the Overseas Private Investment Corporation.

The programme also had plans to be funded by $9 billion from private entities, among them General Electric with a view to add 10 000 megawatts plus of “cleaner, more efficient” power to a region sorely in need of reliable electricity and to expand energy access to 20 million new African households and commercial buildings.

Ex- President Bill Clinton left office in 2001 with the African Growth Opportunity Act (AGOA) which has had the purpose of extending and boosting economic relationships between Africa and the US through the use of preferential trade policies for African countries.

Former US President George W. Bush Junior left office in 2009 with The President’s Emergency Plan For AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), a United States governmental initiative to address the global HIV/AIDS epidemic and help save the lives of those suffering from the disease, primarily in Africa.

However, Obama’s programme may be in jeopardy according to the reports coming from the US with a congressional battle over one of the main financial sources of the program, the US EXIM-Bank jeopardizing its future.

But Elizabeth L. Littlefield, President and CEO of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), said although Power Africa had been less visible in the two years since its announcement, it was here to stay.

OPIC is the US government’s development finance institution which mobilises private capital to help solve critical development challenges.

The Ethiopian government is relying on funding mechanisms to move forward with a 1000 MW Geothermal Project signed on September 2013 between a US-Icelandic firm Reykjavik Geothermal (RG) and the Ethiopian government.

The project, which was expected to take 10 years to construct, is divided into two phases, costs about $4 billion USD and at the time was proclaimed to be the continent’s biggest geothermal power initiative.

Alemayehu Tegenu, Minister of Water, Irrigation and Energy, said despite initial snags he expected the geothermal project to start work soon, and a portion of it to be part of the country’s drive to increase its power generation capacity from its current 4 200 MW to about 17 300 MW by 2020.

ANA

US President Barack Obama has praised Africa’s economic and business potential in a speech in Nairobi on the first full day of his visit to Kenya.

“Africa is on the move… People are being lifted out of poverty, incomes are up (and) the middle class is growing,” he told a business summit.

He is due to visit a memorial to the 1998 US embassy bombing, before talks on security with Kenya’s president.

His first visit as president to his father’s homeland began on Friday.

• BBC Africa Live: Obama in Kenya udpates

The trip has been described as a “homecoming” by Kenyan media, and crowds cheered Mr Obama’s motorcade as it travelled from the airport.

In Nairobi on Saturday morning, the US president presided over the opening of aGlobal Entrepreneurship Summit.

Africa needed to be a “future hub of global growth”, Mr Obama told young entrepreneurs and businesspeople, adding that governments had to ensure that corruption was not allowed to flourish.

Mr Obama said Kenya had made “incredible progress” since his last visit.

“When I was here in Nairobi 10 years ago, it looked different from what it looks today,” he said.

Later, Mr Obama is scheduled to visit the memorial park on the site of the US embassy attack.

More than 200 people, including 12 Americans and 34 local embassy staff, died in the blast which was blamed on al-Qaeda.

A simultaneous attack on the US embassy in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, killed 11 people and wounded 70.

Later, Mr Obama is expected to hold bilateral talks with Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta.

The BBC’s Karen Allen in Nairobi says it is security and Kenya’s counter-terrorism efforts that are likely to dominate the talks.

Kenya has been targeted by the militant Somalia-based Islamist group al-Shabab which killed at least 67 people in an attack on Nairobi’s Westgate shopping complex in 2013.

The group also staged an attack on the university in Garissa, northern Kenya, earlier this year in which 148 people died.

Although trade and security are featuring strongly in Mr Obama’s visit, he has also pledged to deliver a “blunt message” to African leaders about gay rights and discrimination.

Kenyans to Obama: ‘Spare us the gay talk’

Security is tight for Mr Obama’s visit with about 10,000 police officers deployed in Nairobi, major roads closed and US military planes patrolling overhead.

On his arrival at Kenyatta International Airport in Nairobi, he was hugged by his half-sister Auma and later, at dinner, the president was joined by more relatives including “Mama Sarah”, who helped to raise his late father.

Our correspondent says Mr Obama’s visit would have been diplomatically impossible three years ago when President Kenyatta faced charges at the International Criminal Court in The Hague.

The case against Mr Kenyatta has since been dropped and the way seems clear for a restoration of ties, she adds.

After his visit to Kenya, Mr Obama will travel on to Ethiopia where he will become the first US leader to address the African Union.

• US-Africa ties

“I’ll be the first US president to not only visit Kenya and Ethiopia, but also to address the continent as a whole, building off the African summit that we did here which was historic and has, I think, deepened the kinds of already strong relationships that we have across the continent.”

• Giving the young opportunities

“A while back, when we started looking at strategies to reach out to the Muslim world, to reach out to developed countries, a common theme emerged, which was people are not interested in just being… patronised. And being given aid. They’re interested in building capacity.”

• On China

“We welcome Chinese aid into Africa. I think we think that’s a good thing. We don’t want to discourage it. As I’ve said before, what I also want to make sure though is that trade is benefiting the ordinary Kenyan and the ordinary Ethiopian and the ordinary Guinean and not just a few elites.”

• On discrimination

“As somebody who has family in Kenya and knows the history of how the country so often is held back because women and girls are not treated fairly, I think those same values apply when it comes to different sexual orientations.”

Somaliland and Somalia country’s money or currency price is very low, it is so much down, If you want, you can buy Somalian currency, you will get more than 50 kilo notes in exchange of only ten dollars. There are money markets in Somalia which are like vegetable markets.