“Cry ‘Havoc,’ and let slip the dogs of war; That this foul deed shall smell above the earth.”
H.E. Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed is scheduled to formally accept his Nobvel Peace Prize and deliver his Nobel lecture at Oslo City Hall on December 10.
The media hounds are carping over the fact that PM Abiy has respectfully declined to do interviews, news conferences and others related activities in the ceremonial events.
Because he has declined to give interview, the grandstanders and showboaters are coming out of the woodwork threatening to “let slip the dogs of protest” into the streets of Oslo during PM Abiy’s visit.
A Norwegian anthropologist and director of Oslo Analytica, and self-proclaimed Ethiopia expert, by the name of Kjetil Tronvoll, has declared a personal war of words on PM Abiy Ahmed.
Tronvoll alleges PM Abiy Ahmed has refused to give press interviews because
he doesn’t have much to brag about after his first six months. There are great tensions in Ethiopia, as great as it has hardly ever been. By not meeting the press, Ahmed avoids having to answer difficult questions about the peace process, about the unrest in Ethiopia and what the growing fragmentation in Ahmed’s own party could entail.
Ethiopia is deeply divided between those who want unity and those who want ethnic autonomy. Many believe that Abiy now cuts off the branch he is sitting on. His power base is weathering with every passing day. If the election is carried out and there is a big if, and if it becomes a fair election, an even bigger if, then Abiy will lose.
According to one report, Tronvoll has threatened to lead a demonstration against PM Abiy during the Oslo ceremonies.
The gall, the audacity of a mercenary intellectual leading a street demonstration against PM Abiy and proclaiming Apocalypse in Ethiopia!
Tronvoll, who is today threatening to unleash hordes of protesters on the streets of Oslo during PM Abiy’s visit, was nowhere to be seen when the mass murderer Meles Zenawi visited Oslo in October 2011 and Ethiopian refugees in Norway went out in the streets to protest his visit.
Tronvoll, who is today threatening to unleash hordes of protesters on the streets of Oslo during PM Abiy’s visit was stone cold silent when the Norwegian government undertook a mass deportation program of Ethiopians into the hands of the murderous Tigrean People’s Liberation Front in 2012.
Those Ethiopian refugees in Norway needed to be defended. They needed a voice, a champion for their just cause.
Many of them had lived and worked in Norway for over two decades.
Most of them were given work permits and allowed to live freely and work in Norway when they first entered.
Most had learned the language and adopted Norwegian culture. Among the refugees include some 450 children born in Norway and living in “asylum seeker reception centers” for several years.
These children attended school and many of them spoke only Norwegian.
Tronvoll sat on his duff in the Oslo lording over “Oslo Analytica, a research and consultancy company, organized as a subsidiary of Bjørknes University College.”
Tronvoll did not organize street protests when the Norwegian Government subjected Ethiopian refugees refoulement (involuntary return) prohibited under international law.
Tronvoll did not pen an op-ed piece to plead their cause in Norwegian society.
Tronvoll did not lobby the Norwegian Government to cancel the deportation program.
Tronvoll was silent as the grave when the murderous regime of Meles Zenawi signed a MEMORANDUM OF UNDERSTANDING with the Norwegian Government, which provided, among other things, for the identification and return of individuals who opposed the Zenawi regime.
Today, Tronvoll wants to become the drum major of protesters in Oslo against PM Abiy.
Today, Tronvoll wants to mobilize protesters against PM Abiy who released all political prisoners and invited with open arms any and all Ethiopians who had left their country to avoid political persecution under the TPLF regime.
Today, Tronvoll wants to become the White Knight saving the Ethiopian damsel in distress.
What a two-faced, shameless hypocrite!
With all due disrespect, I am sick and tired of self-styled mercenary intellectual poverty pimps who try to steal the limelight and make names for themselves by tearing down progressive African leaders and proclaiming they are de facto leaders of the Ethiopian diaspora opposition.
I have nothing but absolute contempt for vampiric foreign intellectuals who live off of trafficking in African misery and merchandizing themselves as “international consultants”.
Let there be no mistake: I will continue to expose these intellectual neocolonialists wherever I find them.
Media interview, weapon of mass media distraction or media ambush in Oslo?
A member of the Nobel Committee commenting on PM Abiy’s declination for “media interviews” said, “We strongly believe that freedom of expression and a free and independent press are vital components of peace.”
I agree with that statement.
The question for me is what to do when the independent press is more interested in infotainment than the advancement of peace.
It is said that there are traditional ceremonial press events associated with the Nobel Peace Prize including a news conference with PM of Norway, interview with members of the “international media” and a meeting with a children’s group.
The main event is the Nobel Lecture where the recipient shares his/her views and hopes for a better and peaceful world.
The reasons given by PM Abiy’s office in declining interviews are straightforward:
The Prime Minister will be attending essential and prioritized programs, agreed upon in consultation with the Nobel Institute, to honor and respect the Nobel tradition. It is quite challenging for a sitting Head of State to dedicate that many days, particularly where domestic issues are pressing and warrant attention.
I understand that to mean the PM is honored to be in Oslo to receive the honor. He will deliver the obligatory lecture and promptly return home because he has pressing business waiting for his attention.
Indeed, PM Abiy’s decision to decline press statements and interviews is consistent with the language and spirit of the Prize he received and especially Alfred Nobel’s intentions in his last will and testament.
The Norwegian Nobel Committee in award citation stated the Committee
hopes that the Nobel Peace Prize will strengthen Prime Minister Abiy in his important work for peace and reconciliation. Ethiopia is Africa’s second most populous country and has East Africa’s largest economy. A peaceful, stable and successful Ethiopia will have many positive side-effects, and will help to strengthen fraternity among nations and peoples in the region.
The Committee listed PM Abiy’s cumulative accomplishments in the cause of peace including his:
decisive initiative to resolve the border conflict with neighboring Eritrea.
initiation of important reforms that give many citizens hope for a better life and a brighter future.
lifting of the country’s state of emergency.
granting amnesty to thousands of political prisoners.
discontinuing media censorship.
legalization of outlawed opposition groups.
dismissal of military and civilian leaders who were suspected of corruption.
increase of the influence of women in Ethiopian political and community life.
pledge to strengthen democracy by holding free and fair elections.
active contribution to the normalization of diplomatic relations between Eritrea.
efforts to mediate between Kenya and Somalia in their protracted conflict over rights to a disputed marine area; and
key role in the Sudan conflict by bringing to the negotiating table the military regime and the opposition.
The question is simply this: Is the “media interview” actually intended to amplify the accomplishments recited in the Nobel citation?
I shall argue the central aim is not to use the “media interview” to talk about peace but to use the “interview” as a weapon of mass media distraction about issues and problems challenging Ethiopia in its transition to democracy.
To put it bluntly, the media wants to use the opportunity to embarrass, smear, humiliate and dishonor PM Abiy Ahmed.
The schadenfreude media wants to rain of PM Abiy’s parade as he celebrates the great honor bestowed upon him.
To be perfectly and unabashedly honest, those who insist on “media interviews” in Oslo have ONE and only ONE purpose: Pour gasoline and stoke up the fires of controversy on the Ethiopian political landscape.
The “media interview” will be about all of the things PM Abiy “doesn’t have much to brag about after his first six months.”
The “media interview” will be about “the great tensions in Ethiopia”.
The “media interview” will be about “the unrest in Ethiopia”.
The “media interview” will be about the “growing fragmentation in Ahmed’s own party”.
The “media interview” will be about “if the election is carried out and there is a big if, and if it becomes a fair election, an even bigger if, then Abiy will lose.
The whole “media interview” will be about Ethiopia going to hell in a hand basket.
It will be about keeping Ethiopians wallowing in fear and anxiety about their future.
It will not be about a peaceful Ethiopia rising from the ashes of a 27 year-long dictatorship.
It will not be about the hopes and dreams of the Ethiopian people.
The nattering media nabobs of negativism do not want to talk about peace in Ethiopia or in the Horn region.
They want to talk about war, an Armageddon in the Horn and imminent civil war in Ethiopia.
Whatever responses PM Abiy gives in an interview will be distorted into half-truths and spun to generate even more controversy.
I understand why the media is not genuinely interested in peace.
Good news does not sell advertising.
News about peace, forgiveness, reconciliation and love does not sell advertising.
Scholars and commentators have asked, “Why does the media concentrate on the bad things in life, rather than the good?”
Stories about war, hate, conflict, strife sell newspaper and TV ads.
“If it bleeds, it leads” the news.
Cynicism, pessimism and relentless negativism sell.
That is why the newsprint and airwaves are filled with stories about terrorism, crime , plagues, epidemics and disasters.
The media monetizes bad news and constantly pumps out information the world is getting worse by the day.
That is the real story behind the campaign of the howling hounds to “let slip the dogs of street protest” against PM Abiy in Oslo.”
Embarrassing, humiliating, villifying and disparaging an African
Leading the march against PM Abiy, Tronvoll believes, will make him a hero to the Ethiopian people.
I have defended many hustlers in my legal career.
I know a hustle and a hustler when I see one.
It reminds me of the book, “House of Lies” and how management consultants steal your watch and then tell you the time.
I see no point in PM Abiy participating in media three-ring circus whose sole purpose is to trash his epochal accomplishments and churn out junk news, fake news and fabricated news about Ethiopia going to hell in a hand basket.
I say, “Let the nattering nabobs of negativism, the hopeless, hysterical hypochondriacs of history” go to hell!
The Nobel Peace Prize ceremony should be conducted in the spirit of Alfred Nobel’s last will and testament
In his last will and testament, Alfred Nobel provided for an award to be given to “champions of peace to be selected by a committee of five persons tin the Norwegian Storting”.
He declared, “It is my express wish that when awarding the prizes, no consideration be given to nationality, but that the prize be awarded to the worthiest person, whether or not they are Scandinavian.”
Alfred Nobel did not state in his will that the “champion of peace” give media interviews or press conferences.
Nothing in Nobel’s will suggests he intended a three-ring media circus to be part of the celebration of the champion of peace.
Neither the Nobel Committee nor the “media” should be disappointed.
In interpreting a will, it is a rule followed, arguably universally, to give effect to the testator’s (will maker) intentions by reviewing the will as a whole and interpreting it based on the plain meaning of the words used.
There is no language in Nobel’s will that demands or even suggest the “champion of peace” to conduct a three-ring media circus.
Gratitude is the natural response to any gift and the Nobel Lecture is a natural expression of gratitude for the honor.
Abiy Ahmed, the 2019 Nobel Champion of Peace will say his peace when he formally accepts his award.
I am not concerned about the cackling and braying media.
History remembers the Nobel Peace Prize for the worthy deeds of the champion of peace, not for the recipient’s performance before the ringmasters of the a three-ring media circus!
Five reasons why I agree with PM Abiy’s decision to decline press events in Oslo
A media circus inside a Trojan Horse
I see no purpose in being part of a three-ring media circus stage-managed by those who have a personal axe to grind with PM Abiy. Those who wanted to ambush PM Abiy in the “media interviews” are manifestly frustrated. They will not get a chance to embarrass him in public. PM Abiy has stated in good faith and in good will what he will do.
I say to the nattering nabobs of negativism, “Deal with it! Get over it! Keep moving!”
Shame on them for politicizing the Nobel Peace Prize
Alfred Nobel in his will wanted his peace prize to be as non-political as possible.
In his last will and testament, he wrote, “It is my express wish that when awarding the prizes, no consideration be given to nationality, but that the prize be awarded to the worthiest person, whether or not they are Scandinavian.”
It is manifest from the plain language of Nobel’s will he did not intend his prize to be politicized and trivialized. He wanted it to focus on peace and peace alone.
I commend PM Abiy for insisting on living out the manifest intentions of Alfred Nobel and not politicize the Nobel Peace Prize.
The Nobel Peace Prize award ceremony is the Oscars or Emmys
The way PM Abiy’s critics are talking, one would likely think that the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony is the Oscars or Emmy’s. It is not.
I believe it takes away from the solemn purpose established by Nobel for his peace prize by making the award ceremony a media entertainment event.
Nobel’s will and last testament is stunning for its clarity and lack of sentimentality.
Nobel exactly knew the purpose of his bequest. His intentions were of the greatest solemnity and purposefulness. He wanted to leave his money for the betterment of mankind and the advancement of peace throughout the world.
Nobel did not intend his legacy to be global infotainment in his name.
Why not respect the wishes of the champion of peace
Those barking and howling at PM Abiy for not giving a media interview assert they have some kind of legal or moral right to compel him to do so.
They can criticize him all they want but they must recognize that as a champion of peace PM Abiy can decide whether or not to talk to them.
Alfred Nobel did not put a quid pro quo clause in his last will and testament requiring participation in a three-ring media circus in exchange for the peace prize.
PM Abiy could extend the media in Oslo the privilege of interviewing him. But he has the absolute right to say, “No!”
The Nobel Peace Prize is not a rite of passage
There are those who argue PM Abiy is breaking with Nobel Peace Prize tradition by not giving media interviews.
I think these people confuse tradition with rites of passage.
I am sure the “tradition of media interviews” in Nobel ceremonies is a cherished one.
But the howling hounds of “media interviews” seem to confuse with rite of passage.
Any self-respecting anthropologist knows rites of passage are rituals which mark the passing of one stage of life and entry of another.
PM Abiy is in Oslo not to go through the rites of passage and affirm before the court of public opinion that he is a peacemaker.
He is in Oslo to accept an award bestowed upon him for his extraordinary achievements and become what Alfred Nobel described as a “champion of peace.”
I say, “Hail the Champion!”
“Champions train, losers complain.”.
It is what it is!
PM Abiy has made his intentions clear. He is acting in good faith and in good will in his appearance in Oslo to receive his award.
I support his decision to abide by the language and spirit of Alfred Nobel’s last will and testament.
Those who do not like his decision can moan and groan about it until the cows come home.
Or they can take his decision for what it is and deal with it.
Get over it!
Afterthought
Let’s face it and be honest.
The green-eyed monster is eating the guts out of the domestic and foreign opponents and detractors of PM Abiy.
They just cannot believe how Abiy Ahmed came out of nowhere and did miraculous things in Ethiopia and in the Horn of Africa.
The windbag do-nothing, good-for-nothing pseudo-intellectuals keep jabbering.
The social media tsetse flies spread lies, disinformation and fake news to undermine his leadership.
His fair-weather friends talk behind his back.
There are so many people jealous of Abiy Ahmed.
What I have determined anecdotally is that those who are jealous of Abiy Ahmed are generally lazy, lack self-confidence and are losers in life.
That is why jealous people are a matter of mind over matter to me. I don’t mind, and they don’t matter.
Suffice it to say, jealousy is the cancer of the soul.
Those who are jealous of Abiy Ahmed better get soul healing.
Press Conference:
“It is Time to Hear from the Ethiopian Minorities on the Current Crisis We Face!”
Do Not Forget:
They Too Have a Stake in the Shared Future of Ethiopia! Eliana Hotel Churchill Avenue, Piazza, Arada, 1000 Addis Ababa Saturday, December 7, 2019 9:00 AM- 12:00 PM
The Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) will hold a press conference so as to give opportunity to hear from a panel of Ethiopian stakeholders from minority regions and/or groups. These regions/groups are commonly known to be “the others,” or under-represented in the public square or within the formalized structure of our government or its institutions.
For the last thirty years, the ruling party has included four regions: Tigray, Oromia, Amhara and Southern Nations. The first three ethnic-based regions have mainly represented three of our eighty-six ethnic groups within Ethiopia, each of the three having a political party in the coalition based on the predominant ethnicity of their regions. Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ is the exception in that it is geographic in nature and home to some fifty-six different ethnic groups.
On the other hand; five regions: Somali, Afar, Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambella and Harai, and two chartered cities, Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa, have been mainly excluded from representation. Participants on the panel will come from these regions/cities and will share their thoughts on the present crisis we face as Ethiopians.
We may wonder what they might have to say about our current highly intense political situation that has given rise to ethnic-based and religious-based violence, killings, destruction and conflict? This is an opportunity to hear from them. As part of the body of Ethiopians, they have been highly impacted by conflicts among major players, as well as among others; but yet, their voices have been missing in the overall dialogue both now and in the past. What wisdom, insights and perspectives might they be able to share that could be critically important to avoiding a greater crisis in our country? What ideas and solutions might they contribute to improve the prospects for our shared future? What’s right? What’s missing? What can we do about it? When the larger, more powerful members of ethnic groups are in conflict, those on the sidelines, “the others,” must step up to help. For whatever reason, they have been marginalized in the past; however, this is not what matters now. What matters currently is for all of us to find a way to live peacefully among each other.
In the last eighteen months since the seeds of change came with the emergence of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and his administration, the minorities within Ethiopia have largely supported the new administration and the inclusive vision he cast for all Ethiopians. Since then, like everyone else, they have been hoping and dreaming for the constitutional and institutional reforms and meaningful reforms that would improve their lives on the ground. They are like the rest of the people. Unfortunately, under the ethnic federalism government, the widespread ethnic violence has led to the displacement of two to three million Ethiopians throughout the country, to a major slowdown on reforms and to the recent ethnic-based and religious-based targeted killing of 86 people, the burning down of churches and mosques, the destruction of property, including businesses and homes, and to the overall breakdown of the rule of law.
For example, instead of enforcing the law and protecting victims of crimes; some of the police have sided with the perpetrators based on shared ethnicity. In doing so, those responsible for upholding the law have instead become complicit, giving impunity to the offenders and becoming tools of injustice—or even a death sentence— to the innocent. Concrete action in response is still missing, causing volatile conditions on the ground that could easily boil over. In addition, both unemployment and inflation have drastically risen, leaving desperate conditions for millions of people. Food shortages are predicted as well.
This is a wake up call, warning us as Ethiopians that the country could go the way of Rwanda. With the rising ethnic extremism, what steps must be taken to protect Ethiopia from becoming the next failed state?
With all of this in mind, these minority groups and regions will not remain silent. We will have six speakers at the Press Conference on Saturday from Somali, Afar, Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambella, Harai and Dire Dawa. It is time to listen to what they have to say; not only as they express their concerns, but also as they contribute to the discussion as to how we might work together to address these challenges in a peace-building and civil way.
Currently, they have been encouraged by the proposed amendments to the previous ethnic-federalist framework which would be far more inclusive by including all regions within that party; however, that is not good enough. First of all, there is already unresolved resistance coming from within the party and we do not know the outcome. Secondly, we need to thoughtfully examine what governmental structures will lead to the best outcomes for our country. This will require listening to different perspectives, open dialogue and careful examination to decide on the best way forward.
It is time for these minority groups to speak out and work for the betterment of all, believing they share in the ownership of the country. The basic premise for peace requires every citizen and every group to seek for others what they want for themselves. What is good for me is also good for you.
We all have a stake in this. Truth is essential. The failures of our past should not be denied; yet, they should not be allowed to destroy our future. How can we unify our country by what we have in common as human beings, rather than by what divides us unnecessarily, like ethnicity? We are more than this.
We are human first, created equal by God, and by being human, we have a responsibility to care not only for oneself or for one’s own group; but, we are to care for others as well.
As humans, we are endowed by God with value, worth and purpose. God has also given us a conscience so we know the difference between good and evil, which should direct us not to kill, rob, destroy or commit crimes against others.
By being human is to be given a choice; hopefully, to choose to follow the moral, righteous way and to care for others. Why? It works for the good of the individual, community, society and nation. It creates the environment for human flourishing. Laws and enforcement are hardly necessary when it is carried in the heart of a human being. When we fail, we should attempt to correct ourselves and learn from our mistakes or wrongful acts or attitudes. Seeking forgiveness and giving forgiveness are a shared part of the human journey. These are God-given these responsibilities for which we will be held accountable in this life or the next.
These minorities are now calling us to join the “I’m Human Movement” and to help prepare the ground for a harvest of freedom, justice, peace, stability, and human flourishing. Become the blessing you seek. Contribute to peace in our nation as we treat the person we meet as we would like to be treated.
These minorities will be sharing their ideas and thoughts at this press conference coming up this Saturday. Following this press conference, they will call a National Stakeholders’ Conference for all stakeholders. More will be shared about this.
May God help us at such a time as this to put humanity before ethnicity or any other differences; and, to care about others, not only because it is right, but also because no one is sustainably free until all are free!Let’s start talking to each other, not about each other.
Please join us for a stimulating discussion!
For Information Contact: Mr. Obang Metho, Executive Director of SMNE Email; obang@solidaritymovement.org Website; www.solidaritymovement.org
On the occasion of her first official visit outside Europe, the new President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, announced today in Addis Ababa a significant boost to the EU’s cooperation with Ethiopia.
European Commission President, Ursula von der Leyen, said: “Ethiopia has given hope to a whole Continent and beyond, showing that peace with one’s neighbours, for the good of the people, is possible, when there is courage and vision. I am here today to show the European Union’s full commitment to supporting Ethiopia and its people on their future path.”
The announcement comes as President von der Leyen and Commissioner for International Partnerships Jutta Urpilainen met with Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in Addis Ababa.
European Commissioner for International Partnerships, Jutta Urpilainen, added: “Ethiopia plays a central role in promoting stability and economic integration in East Africa, building on the historic opportunity provided by last year’s peace agreement with Eritrea. Today’s announcements reinforce the EU’s commitment to supporting Ethiopia in achieving the ambitious political, social and democratic transition that will not only transform the lives of Ethiopians but inspire change across the region.”
The€170 million package aims to support the country’s reforms and includes:
€100 million for key economic reforms in the transport and logistic sectors; to boost regional competitiveness and facilitate Ethiopia’s trade and economic cooperation with neighbouring countries.
€50 million to support the Government of Ethiopia’s Health Transformation Plan for three additional years (2020-2022). This programme aims to reduce inequalities, improve the quality of health facilities and reduce the financial barriers people face to access essential services.
€10 million to support accountability and transparency during the 2020 elections in Ethiopia. This programme specifically aims at strengthening the technical and administrative capacity of the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia, as well as its engagement with political parties, civil society and media. Germany will also add €10 million to this programme, bringing the overall support for it to €20 million.
€10 million to improve the business climate in the country. As part of the Africa-Europe Alliance for sustainable investment and jobs, the EU is promoting private investment and supporting trade creation, economic integration and value chain development in partner countries, including Ethiopia.
Background
Ethiopia is a key partner for the EU in the region. It has taken a leading role in promoting economic integration, peace and stability in East Africa, whilst implementing an ambitious national reform agenda.
The EU’s development cooperation with Ethiopia is one of the largest in Africa and in the world – amounting to €815 million for the period 2014-2020. Moreover, the country is also one of the major beneficiaries of the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa – over €271.5 million for 2015-2019.
For More Information
To find out more about EU development cooperation with Ethiopia, click here.
To find out more about the Africa-Europe Alliance for Sustainable Investment and Jobs, click here.
To find out more about the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa, click here.
NEW YORK, NEW YORK – DECEMBER 08: 2019 CNN Hero of the Year Freweini Mebrahtu attends CNN Heroes at American Museum of Natural History on December 08, 2019 in New York City. (Photo by Michael Loccisano/Getty Images)
By Tricia Escobedo, CNN
December 8, 2019
(CNN)It’s something that girls and young women in western countries can’t imagine: missing school, even dropping out, because of their periods. Yet as many as half the girls in rural parts of Ethiopia miss school for reasons related to their periods — and that can have a devastating effect on their education and the rest of their lives.
Freweini Mebrahtu has dedicated her life to keeping girls in school by designing a reusable menstrual pad and trying to end the cultural stigma around the issue — and because of her work, she has been named the 2019 CNN Hero of the Year.
“I don’t even know what to say,” Mebrahtu said when receiving the award. “I am so humbled and grateful for CNN … this is for all the girls and women everywhere. Dignity for all.”
Online voters selected Mebrahtu as the 2019 CNN Hero of the Year award from among the Top 10 CNN Heroes finalists.
Mebrahtu — who is from Ethiopia and studied chemical engineering in the US — designed and patented a reusable menstrual pad in 2005. She and her team produce 750,000 reusable pads a year at her factory in Ethiopia. Nearly 800,000 girls and women have benefited from her work.
More than 80% of the pads she manufactures are sold to non-governmental organizations that distribute them for free.
She's changing the cultural stigma around women's periods
She’s changing the cultural stigma around women’s periods
She knows personally what it’s like to deal with the issue.
“I remembered (hearing) that it’s actually a curse to have a period … or that it meant I am ready to be married, or (that) I’m being bad,” Mebrahtu told CNN.
Mebrahtu has teamed up with the nonprofit, Dignity Period, to end the stigma around the issue by speaking at schools and teaching girls and boys that menstruation is natural, not shameful.
“The whole goal was not only making the pads, but also attacking the cultural baggage to it,” she said.
Dignity Period has distributed more than 150,000 free menstrual hygiene kits purchased from Mebrahtu’s factory. Data gathered by the group shows that schools visited by Dignity Period had a 24% increase in attendance among girls.
As the 2019 CNN Hero of the Year, Mebrahtu will receive $100,000 to expand her work. All of the top 10 CNN Heroes for 2019 were honored at Sunday’s gala and will receive a $10,000 cash
Mebrahtu was presented with the Hero of the Year award Sunday night by hosts Anderson Cooper and Kelly Ripa.
Also honored Sunday were the 2019 CNN Heroes Young Wonders, four teens who are making the world a better place with their volunteer efforts which include creating an inclusive swim team for kids with disabilities, crafting special bags for the homeless, cheering up kids in foster care and helping veterans in need.
If you know someone who is making the world a better place, you can nominate them as a 2020 CNN Hero at CNNHeroes.com. If you would like to support Mebrahtu’s work or any of the nonprofit organizations of the Top 10 CNN Heroes, you can also make a donation via CNNHeroes.com. All donations made by January 2, 2020, will be matched by Subaru up to $50,000 per Hero.
Mr. Tewolde GebreMariam, CEO of Ethiopian Airlines
Mr. Tewolde GebreMariam, CEO of Ethiopian Airlines wins Airline Executive of the Year organized annually by CAPA Global Aviation.
The award is presented to the airline executive who has had the greatest individual influence on the aviation industry, demonstrating outstanding strategic thinking and innovative direction for the growth of their business and the industry.
“Airline executives across the globe could learn a lot from Tewolde GebreMariam who has helped deliver sustained profitability for Ethiopian Airlines,” the awarding agency said in its press statement.
“He became group CEO in January 2011, but before that had held various several senior leadership positions in different divisions in the airline including Ethiopian Cargo, area offices and sales and marketing. In fact, he has now completed almost 35 years’ service having started as a transportation agent back in 1985,” it said.
“Under his stewardship, Ethiopian Airlines has stood out from the crowd in Africa and is now attempting to build on the continent’s potential as it expands in partnership with other African countries to build much needed intra-African connectivity,” the statement said.
The statement also noted that this year has been a tough one for all involved with the airline following the crash in March 2019 of ‘ET302’, with the loss of all 157 passengers and crew onboard, an event that subsequently lead to the grounding of the Boeing 737 MAX airliner.
“Tewolde GebreMariam has become a giant in African aviation over the past decades,” said CAPA Chairman Emeritus Peter Harbison.
“He has guided a marginal airline into becoming a major global force, with a modern fleet and a world class operation. This past year he has been most strenuously challenged following the MAX accident, and emerges with an even stronger reputation. We are proud to present him with this award and look forward to him continuing to lead the airline to even greater heights.”
“I am honoured to have received the award and I sincerely thank CAPA for the recognition. We at Ethiopian have achieved greater milestones as one family,” said Ethiopian Airlines Group CEO Tewolde GebreMariam.
“I want to dedicate this award to my colleagues: more than 16,000 brave men and women around the world who always challenge themselves to soar higher with the mind-set that every step they take can become new history and milestone in today’s 21st century aviation business.”
Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed attends a signing ceremony with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Dec. 7, 2019. (Tiksa Negeri/Reuters)
When Norway’s Nobel Committee chose Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed for this year’s peace prize, they knew it would generate controversy.
As with Barack Obama a decade earlier, Abiy, 43, was awarded one of the world’s most prestigious prizes at the beginning his first term — more of a nod to the world’s high expectations than for any particular achievement. He had deftly handled a peace deal with neighboring Eritrea, but many saw that as low-hanging fruit.
Meanwhile, surging ethnic tensions within Ethiopia displaced more people from their homes in his first year in office than in any other country in the world. His ruling coalition holds all 547 seats in the country’s parliament, though he has pledged to hold multiparty elections next year.
But now Abiy is refusing to engage with the international press when he receives the prize in Oslo on Tuesday — refusing even to field questions from the young students who traditionally are offered that opportunity at an event hosted by Save the Children — and the Nobel Committee is scrambling to get him to change his mind and spare them a major embarrassment.
“The Nobel Institute and the Nobel Committee wishes Abiy Ahmed had said ‘yes’ to meeting Norwegian and international press,” Olav Njølstad, director of the Norwegian Nobel Institute and secretary for the committee that annually awards the Peace Prize, told Norwegian Broadcasting.
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed greets people at the Gondar airport in Ethiopia accompanied by Somali President Mohamed Abdullahi, Nov. 9, 2018. (Eduardo Soteras/Afp Via Getty Images)
Njølstad traveled to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, last week in an attempt to convince Abiy to attend at least one of the four press conferences traditionally scheduled over the three-day ceremony, which begins Monday. He was rebuffed.
“We have been very clear about this and have clarified that there are several reasons we find this highly problematic,” Njølstad said.
According to Henrik Urdal, research director at the Peace Research Institute, Oslo, this is the first time a peace prize recipient has declined to take questions in at least three decades, if not ever. In addition to the Save the Children event, there is usually one press conference the day before the award is given, one big interview done by a major news outlet (it was supposed to be Al Jazeera this year), and one press conference the day after alongside the Norwegian prime minister. (The Save the Children event will go on, just without the guest of honor.)
Abiy will still give his acceptance speech as scheduled on Tuesday. The prize comes with nearly $1 million, a gold medal, and a diploma.
“There are no parallel situations, as far as I know,” said Urdal. “It is understandable that Abiy is a busy head of state, and that he might not be able to participate in every event, but to decline all of them —a busy schedule of course cannot be the only explanation.”
Abiy’s press secretary, Billene Seyoum, has pushed back against what she said are “erroneous” interpretations of Abiy’s decision.
“At a personal level, the humble disposition of the Prime Minister rooted in our cultural context is not in alignment with the very public nature of the Nobel award,” said Billene. “The Prime Minister is humbled and grateful for the recognition and he has previously stated that ‘it is 10% celebration and 90% responsibility for him to work harder for peace’ which he is doing each day.”
She added that Abiy is one of the most accessible Ethiopian prime ministers to date. Since taking office a year and a half ago, however, he has held less than half a dozen press conferences and granted very few interviews to the international press.
Why Eritrea didn’t win a Nobel for its peace accord when Ethiopia did
While Abiy has soaked up public adoration during morale-raising events like rallies and tree-planting drives, he has often stayed silent for weeks after incidences of ethnic tension, which have been frequent and often bloody over the past two years.
Abiy’s refusal to take questions may be an indication that the expectations placed on him by the award are at least partly unwelcome. Any comments he might make about Ethiopia’s sensitive domestic politics could have serious ramifications, or even spark violence.
Though the media environment in Ethiopia has opened up under Abiy, and numerous journalists charged under dubious laws have been freed from prison, critics of his government say his reluctance to freely engage with the press belies a tendency toward restriction of information.
“It is not clear that the Government sees access to information as a priority. The most alarming example of this position is frequent resort to shutting down the internet in times of public protest and even school exams,” wrote David Kaye, the U.N. special representative on freedom of expression following a trip to Ethiopia on Monday. He also expressed concern that a new draft law to combat hate speech might be “excessively vague” and open to abuse.
The prize shines a light on Abiy’s delicate tightrope-walk right when he needs to be paying the closest attention to mending deep wounds across his exceptionally divided country.
“There’s a question of whether he may think it may not be helping him — as it certainly raises the stakes, maybe making it harder for him,” said Urdal. “I certainly think Obama felt it was almost a burden.”
On November 30, 2019, Awol Allo tweeted the following: “Lemma is not alone. In fact, there are very few Oromos beneath the ornament of the sky who do not see that the Prosperity Party is a highly problematic, unnecessarily risky, and untimely initiative” The following day, I responded to his tweet challenging him to substantiate his claim. Here is my reply to his tweet: “Risky and Problematic? You’ve said this so many times. Anyone can say the PP is risky, I don’t except this from you. I want you to spell out what the problems are, and especially what the risks of the new party to the Ethiopian people are. May be this can convince many of us” Awol stood up to the challenge and wrote an article on the Al Jazeera website. But, instead of substantiating his claims with facts and evidences, he came with more hearsays and stereotypical stories that the ethnic lords have been telling us for the past 40 years.
Awol Allo
In his article to Al Jazeera, for some odd reason Awol argues that ethnic interests are represented only by ethnic parties, and according to him, multiethnic national parties cannot directly represent ethnic interest. To me, this is one of the weakest argument of Awol that vividly displays his intellectual blatancy of mixing facts with conformist beliefs and of course his hasty generalization. What is ethnic interest and what do ethnic groups want? Is there ethnic interest that doesn’t include economic and social interest, or put in another way, is there a group that enjoys economic and social freedom in the framework of self-administration and yet suffers from other types of oppression? These are questions that Awol should have asked himself before uttering his unsubstantiated assumptions as facts.
I do understand that some group rights need special protection, and there are group rights which are held by the group as a group rather than by its individual members severally (aka Group- differentiated rights). One of the most compelling example of group-differentiated right is the right to self-determination without which other group rights such as the right to speak one’s mother tongue and the right to free cultural exercise and preservation become meaningless. The Ethiopian constitution has already granted nations and nationalities the right to self-determination, and there are nine regional governments in Ethiopia with Sidama joining the federation as the 10th region and some more regions in the pipeline. I think it’s up to these self-administering units to take care of their cultural, religious and language rights. So even if Awol is right, what is the ethnic interest that only ethnic parties can represent that national parties don’t or can’t? What does the history of other countries tell us?
India and Nigeria have 2000 and 250 ethnic groups respectively. There are 36 parties in the current Indian parliament, but only three parties assumed power in India since independence representing the interest of over two thousand ethnic groups and numerous religious and cultural ensembles. The Nigerian experience is not that different. There are 10 parties in the current Nigerian House of Representatives. Since 1999, the 4th Republic, Nigerian politics is dominated by People’s Democratic Party (PDP) though currently All Progressives Congress (APC) is in power. Both PDP and APC are multiethnic national parties that represent the interest of Nigeria’s Muslims, Protestants, Catholics and 250 ethnic groups. Dear Awol, why can’t multiethnic national parties represent the economic and social interests of Ethiopia’s 80 ethnic groups once the most important aspect of group rights (Self-determination) is taken care of, which it is? What is it that India and Nigeria with far more population and extremely larger number of ethnic groups are capable of doing that we Ethiopians can’t?
There is another speculative and fictitious statement of Awol where he makes three outrageously wrong claims in a paragraph of just 90 words: 1-The “Ethiopian nationalists” block is a fast diminishing political bloc. 2- The “Ethiopian nationalists” block sees self-governance as the source of Ethiopia’s troubles. 3- The “Ethiopian nationalists” support for the PP is driven less by a careful assessment of Ethiopia’s social cleavages and political fault lines and more by their fixation on a homogenizing conception of “unity”.
I’m not sure if this is a researched fact or his own statement of wish, but Awol says that the Ethiopian nationalist political block is a fast diminishing block. Awol believes that there are many Ethiopians to whom their ethnic identity is primary. Just like he does, I also believe that there are a good number of Ethiopians, including myself, to whom ethnicity is important, but not primary. I think both of us are correct in our own way, but I don’t know why Awol thinks my block, the Ethiopian Nationalist block is fast diminishing while his is flourishing. In fact, the Ethiopian Nationalist block is a group the ethnic lords led by the late Meles Zenawi wanted to burry alive, but it’s a block flourishing and shining after 27 years of forced hibernation.
Awol seems to be on a mission to denigrate the Ethio-nationalist block. He harshly accuses this block and presents it as a threat to self-governance in Ethiopia. This is an out-and-out flagrant accusation because this group knows more than anyone that the real danger to Ethiopia is denying people their God given right of administering themselves. In fact, it is the only group that currently is advocating slef-adminstration at zone, city and district level. I don’t think there is a political party or politician that would on purpose or without dares to take the self- administration right of people in Ethiopia. Why would Ethio-nationalists see the right to self-determination of nations and nationalities as the source of Ethiopia’s troubles, the very right that they’ve been fighting for since the heydays of Wallegn Mekonnen? I consider myself as Ethio-nationalist, and of course I have a serious issue the way federalism is structured in Ethiopia, but not with federalism itself and the right to self-determination of nations and nationalities. To be honest, I wouldn’t have been working with a group I worked for 11 years had we had even a remote disagreement on self-rule and shared-rule. I’ve no doubt that Awol understands very well the difference between questioning the structuring of federalism in Ethiopia and disrespecting peoples’ right to self-determination. I expect such unjustifiable accusations from the loud-mouthed Mekele outlaws, not from a respected college law professor.
There is nothing repugnant and dishonesty like when the very person that blames others for “poor assessment” turns around and writes an article full of mythical stories. Does Awol know who is responsible for bringing down Emperor Haile Selassie’s homogenizing regime? Does he know who brought the question of nations and nationalities to light in Ethiopia for the first time and paid his life for it? Who were in the forefront of the famous slogan “Land to the Tiller”? At the center of each of the above questions are many names from the very class of people whom Awol Allo unashamedly framed as mere elements of “homogenizing unity”. There is no reason that a person of Awol’s caliber fails to understand that reasonable people don’t fight to bring a homogenizing system that they fought hard and died for its disappearance.
Awol is very clear that he doesn’t like the whole idea of the birth of PP as a political party because PP doesn’t represent ethnic interest, and it is a threat to the multinational federation. But, he still doesn’t want it to lose the election to the opposition because to him PP losing the election and handing power to the opposition is tantamount to throwing the country to uncharted territories because there is no capable political party that can take the responsibility of leadership. Imagine this is the same guy who didn’t utter a word when Obo Dawud Ibsa, a vocal advocate of ethnic interest, proudly said policy is not important to the Oromo people, but still his party OLF is ready for the upcoming election (though I really don’t know the actual things the OLF is getting ready for). Awol also has a warning for us that the government will signal the end of democracy in Ethiopia if it decides to stay in power after losing the election.
This is really fun and here is the fun part. Awol starts his article by telling us that the whole idea of the EPRDF merging into a national party platform is wrong. Then he comes up with two premises. According to his first premise, Ethiopia will be thrown into uncharted territories if Prosperity Party loses and hands power to the opposition; and according to his second premise, if a losing PP doesn’t hand power to the opposition that will be the end of democracy in Ethiopia. Awol doesn’t like the existence of PP, but he also doesn’t want it to lose the election and hand power to the opposition. Awol doesn’t also want PP to stay in power after losing the election. The conclusion of the two premises of Awol is that, the very opposition that may take Ethiopia to uncharted territory if PP loses the election, will also enhance the prospects of a democratic transition and mark the beginning of a new era in Ethiopia if it wins the election. The game of words or the riddle here is PP losing or opposition wining the election. This is where Awol loses coherence and gets lost in the emotional world of ethnic politics, and this is precisely the very spot where ethnic politicians throw reason out of the room and start galloping their emotional horse.
With the merging of the EPRDF into a new national party, Awol somehow sees a risk to the multinational federation. I’m not quite sure if this is analysis or paralysis; but to me, it’s not even something worth commenting for it’s absolutely nothing more than the usual boogeyman game the TPLF has been playing ever since it bought a one way ticket to its final dugout in Mekele. Talking about a unitary state in the current political environment of Ethiopia is a grave sin that throws you directly to hell, let alone undoing the multinational federation. Besides, the federal form of government seems to be a unanimous agreement among all political stakeholders of Ethiopia. So how and where is the risk to the multinational federation coming from? My other issue here is that the so called “Federalist” forces call Ethiopia’s federal system “Multinational Federation”. Is Ethiopia a multinational federation? The answer is a big no! Ethiopia is a class room example of Ethnic Federalism. If there is anything that resembles multinational federation in Ethiopia, it is only the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ Region, and with the Sidamas already out and many more following route, even the SNNPR is crumbling making Ethiopia a perfectly ethnic federal state.
According to Awol, the most immediate challenges to PP is to win a competitive election as a pan-Ethiopian party where ethnicity remains the predominant political cleavage. So what? Winning election and forming a government is a challenge to every political party including to parties in your own backyard such as the Tories, Labor and the Liberal Party who have been in politics for over a century. Not winning the election may be a problem to PP, but does this say anything that PP itself is a problem? How many parties are in UK and how many of them won election and assumed power in the last 75 years? I leave the answer to you, but I want to let you know that political parties are unavoidable propellants of democracy whose existence is crucial whether they win elections or not.
Sometimes Awol’s argument is not just shallow, it is self-defeating. He sincerely tells us that the EPRDF is dysfunctional, it has a crisis of legitimacy, has a fractured image, tarnished reputation and many more. But, he still wants the EPRDF back to power as-is than in the current form of Prosperity Party. To him, the political, social and economic vision of eight ethnic organizations that formed the PP and all other stakeholders who have no taste for ethnic politics are nothing more than enemies of federalism because he sees Ethiopia only in the framework of ethnic politics. In fact, to Awol and to all advocates of ethnic politics, those of us who do everything to free Ethiopia from ethnic politics are enemies of ethnicity and federalism. This is a fundamentally wrong assumption used by all kinds of ethnic politicians to emotionally mobilize their gullible base.
According to Awol, once the current EPRDF structure is dismantled and ethnic groups lose direct representation within the PP, their ability to advocate for their specific groups will be diminished, and they could lack influence over policy decisions. Well, whether it is good or bad is subject to public debate, but the only two parties that have publicly come with a wide range of policy options are Prosperity and Ezema. Surprisingly, the party that publicly questioned the purpose of policy and claimed to have no policy is one of the oldest ethnic organization in Ethiopia that claims to represent the largest ethnic group in our nation. So what policy is Awol talking about that ethnic parties themselves don’t know about? In fact, Awol should have been thankful for PP, a party that assembled eight ethnic organizations and drafted political, economic and social policies that the public can look at and have its say.
I’ve followed Awol Allo on tweeter and heard him on Aljazeera for a long time. To me, he is the voice of reason and one of the moderate voices that Ethiopia badly needs. But, he loses all these good virtues and moves from the center to far right on the issue of Prosperity Party. Here is one of the most thoughtless and unscholarly statement I’ve never heard from him: “The structural vulnerability of the PP means that the risks of anti-federalist forces taking over the party and dismantling the federal structure cannot be ruled out”. Who are these anti-federalist forces and where are they? ODP has already made it public that it would never negotiate on federalism, let alone dismantling it.The regional representatives of Somali, Gambella, Benishangul-Gumuz, Harari and Afar have also made it very clear in their respective general assemblies that, the federal structure that gave them sovereignty over their region is non-negotiable and it is here to stay. So who is this ghost like invisible enemy of the federal structure? Is it PM Abiy, or his deputy Demeke Mekonnen? Whether it’s at the federal level or regional, among opposition parties or activists, no one whatsoever is a risk to the federal system in Ethiopia. This scare tactic used by Awol and many in the ethnic camp is nothing more than trying to control people by making them feel afraid.
I have a message to Awol and ethnic politicians of all sorts. Ethiopia is a country of different ethnic groups, religious communities, cultural ensembles and of course a fast growing population of over 100 million, all with different political, social and economic interest. There is no “One fits all” model of Ormo, Amhara, Somali, etc; economic and social interest. Social and economic interests vary within and between communities and these interests are usually manifested at the individual level. This is why Ethiopia needs large national parties, and this is precisely why EPRDF grew into a national party to represent these diverse interests. Dear fellow country man Awol, if you think there are special ethnic interests that cannot be represented by multiethnic national parties like PP and Ezema, please go ahead and mobilize all those who recently announced their candidacy, forge your own ethnic party and let’s meet in the upcoming election and leave the rest to the Ethiopian electorate. Other than this, please stop playing the boogeyman game that scares people. The federal structure of government, self-rule and shared-rule, the right to speak one’s language, the right to exercise and preserve one’s culture, and the right to worship one’s religion are here to stay regardless of who is at the helm of political power in Ethiopia.
Let me conclude by repeating the infamous quote of Duad Ibsa, the quintessential symbol of ethnic politics in Ethiopia: “The policy issue is very secondary for the Oromo people to our knowledge” Look Awol, this is the most important problem of ethnic politicians. They speak on the behalf of people that they don’t know and never lived with, they promise the impossible, and they make a totally unfounded false and idiosyncratic claims. Tell me how in the hell did Dawud Ibsa know that about 35% of the Ethiopian people (The Oromos) don’t care much for policy? If the Oromo people don’t care for education, healthcare, agriculture, food security, roads, bridges and transportation, then what else do they care for? If all these basic life necessities are secondary to them, then what is primary to them? Why would an ethnic voter or any voter for that matter vote for a candidate that has no policy of any kind? To be honest, the names of political parties or independent candidates that have no economic and social policies should not even be allowed to be on the ballot paper let alone get elected and lead a nation. If all that matters to people is ethnic interest like Awol Allo said, and if policy issues are not important as Dawd Ibsa said, then Ethiopia badly needs national parties that offer a variety of policy options to the electorate. I strongly believe that we have to pull the current toxic ethnic politics to the center where it belongs because ethnic parties are what they say they are. To them, policy issues are very secondary. This scares me to death because I don’t know what is primary to them. Dear reader do you?
In his last will and testament, Alfred Nobel provided for an award to be given to “champions of peace to be selected by a committee of five persons in the Norwegian Storting”.
I wish to congratulate the “2019 Nobel Champion of Peace”, H.E. Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister of Ethiopia. He will be accepting his prize on December 10, 2019 in Oslo, Norway.
Nobel declared in his will, “It is my express wish that when awarding the prizes, no consideration be given to nationality, but that the prize be awarded to the worthiest person, whether or not they are Scandinavian.”
PM Abiy Ahmed is the “worthiest person” (in my book, the hardest working man in peace business) working in the cause of peace to be awarded the 2019 prize.
I am so proud of PM Abiy that “my cup runneth over”.
It is written, “Your sons and your daughters shall prophesy, [and] see visions, and your old men shall dream dreams.”
Our son, our brother Abiy Ahmed has seen visions of an Ethiopia at peace, a Horn of Africa at peace and an Africa at peace.
And we, the old men, are blessed to see our dreams come true.
Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation (young people) will raise Ethiopia from the pit of despair to the heights of hope; from a bottomless poverty to boundless prosperity.
“Weeping may endure for a 27 year-long night but joy cometh in the morning.”
Ethiopia’s best days are yet to come and its dark days are over.
So, I congratulate all Ethiopians for producing a world class leader that will lead them into a new era, indeed a new age, of prosperity, progress, productivity and probity.
In its award citation, the Nobel Committee listed PM Abiy’s cumulative accomplishments that earned him the position of “Champion of Peace” including his:
decisive initiative to resolve the border conflict with neighboring Eritrea.
initiation of important reforms that give many citizens hope for a better life and a brighter future.
lifting of the country’s state of emergency.
granting amnesty to thousands of political prisoners.
discontinuing media censorship.
legalization of outlawed opposition groups.
dismissal of military and civilian leaders who were suspected of corruption.
increase of the influence of women in Ethiopian political and community life.
pledge to strengthen democracy by holding free and fair elections.
active contribution to the normalization of diplomatic relations between Eritrea.
efforts to mediate between Kenya and Somalia in their protracted conflict over rights to a disputed marine area; and
key role in the Sudan conflict by bringing to the negotiating table the military regime and the opposition.
The Committee expressed its
hopes that the Nobel Peace Prize will strengthen Prime Minister Abiy in his important work for peace and reconciliation. Ethiopia is Africa’s second most populous country and has East Africa’s largest economy. A peaceful, stable and successful Ethiopia will have many positive side-effects, and will help to strengthen fraternity among nations and peoples in the region.
But I would like to add to the list Abiy Ahmed’s other monumental contributions to the cause of peace, understanding and reconciliation in Ethiopia.
I commend Abiy Ahmed for
Liberating our minds from the mental slavery of ethnic politics (though there are many of us who are perfectly comfortable living in that mental slavery).
Teaching us there is no Oromo Ethiopia, Amhara Ethiopia, Tigray Ethiopia… There is Ethiopiawinet. There is Medemer, or all Ethiopians working together to make Ethiopia a shining city upon a hill.
Reminding us the eternal truth, “When we are alive, we are Ethiopians. When we die (and turn to dust) we become the land that is Ethiopia.”
Not only talking peace, he also walking the talk of peace.
Proving to us power does NOT come out of the barrel of the gun but from good ideas formed in intelligent and reasonable minds.
Instructing us that killing to remain in or to grab power is the politics of losers. Real winners do not kill, they heal.
Proving to us we have only one country and the only way we can solve our problems is through dialogue without mouths, not through the barrel of an AK-47.
Making us feel proud to be Ethiopians after 27 years of carrying Ethiopiawinet as a criminal conviction and a badge of blame and shame. Today, we wear our Ethiopiawinet as a badge of fame, as a medallion of our pride in a country that had preserved its independence for over three thousand years.
Ending a 27 year-long nightmare of fear, terror, loathing and sleeplessness.
Opening up the political space so we could realize our dream of a free democratic society under the rule of law.
Teaching us to love because it is the only way to live. Dying and hating isn’t much of a living.
Preaching love is not something we learn. It is in our DNA. It is the essence of being human and the ultimate proof of being alive.
Preaching Ethiopia will rise up as a nation only when the power of love overcomes the love of power of those in power and those hungry and thirsty for power.
Teaching us we cannot make progress unless we learn and practice to forgive and reconcile.
Showing us there is a better way than hate and conflict.
Reaching out and touching everyone with a message of forgiveness, reconciliation and love.
Proving to us he is man of the people. He went into the countryside, the hamlets and towns to talk to the people. He listened to them and answered their questions truthfully.
Scouring the Horn of Africa and the Middle East looking for our exiled brothers and sisters forgotten in the jails and prisons, finding them and bringing them home.
Travelling ten thousand miles to America to bring home the banished, the exiled, the defiant, the indefatigable and unconquerable. He even managed to bring home one native son who was presumed lost for 48 years.
Lifting every voice in our nation as our choirmaster and leading us in harmony.
Showing us a new way to do our politics. Medemer.
Showing us how to win hearts and minds. With ideas, love and understanding.
Showed us the right way to deal with women. With equality. He appointed women to half of the country’s ministerial positions.
Showed us the power of telling the truth when it is more convenient to lie. Abiy Ahmed tells it like it is. He says what he means and means what he says.
Professionalizing the military, police and security forces.
Upholding the rule of law and due process when they urged him to act on impulse and violate the law.
Banning extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests and detentions.
Stabilizing the economy after it had been looted and ransacked by crooks and swindlers.
His extraordinary efforts to establish an open, accountable and transparent government.
His extraordinary efforts to bring harmony and understanding among factions of the two great religions in Ethiopia.
There are still threats to peace
PM Abiy has a long road ahead of him. The Peace Road never ends. There are many forks in the road.
As the African saying goes, “If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go together.”
We can go fast and far if we walk on Peace Avenue with Abiy Ahmed.
Do we really deserve Abiy Ahmed?
I have often found myself asking this question: Do we really deserve Abiy Ahmed?
It has been said, “Every nation gets the government it deserves.”
That is to say, the people must defend and promote their government or they will end up where they do not want to be.
So few people in Ethiopia today remember how miserable their lives were only 20 months ago.
Today, they complain about too much freedom that has led to lawlessness and instability.
If Ethiopians do not count their blessings in the leadership of Abiy Ahmed, they may get their wish.
They will have “stability” and “security” in a police state, just like they did over the past 5 decades.
“Those who would give up essential Liberty, to purchase a little temporary Safety, deserve neither Liberty nor Safety.”
On December 10, 2019, let all Ethiopians set aside their differences for one day, lift our voices and rejoice in the fact that our son, our brother Abiy Ahmed is being honored by the world as a peacemaker.
Let us cast asunder the poverty of spirit that afflicts so many of us because of jealousy and our own inadequacies.
Let us not be like those who suffer from the bankruptcy of soul because they have lost the capacity to experience joy.
Let us be mindful that it is unlikely there will be another Ethiopian who will win a Nobel Peace Prize in the next 50 years. Since 1901, only 100 awards have been made.
Abiy Ahmed is the 100th recipient!
This is Ethiopia’s moment in the sun. Let us bask in it!
On December 10, 2019, I ask all Ethiopians to come together, or if they are alone to take a moment of silence, to lift our voices and salute our son, our brother Abiy Ahmed:
Nobel Peace Prize winner Abiy Ahmed has shaken up Ethiopia since becoming prime minister in April last year, but what ideas are guiding the man who receives the prize in Oslo on Tuesday? The BBC’s Kalkidan Yibeltal in Addis Ababa has been reading the book that outlines his philosophy.
Medemer has become a buzzword in Ethiopia.
The Amharic language term which literally means “addition”, but is also translated as “coming together”, sums up what Prime Minister Abiy sees as a uniquely Ethiopian approach to dealing with the country’s challenges.
And it has become hard to escape after the prime minister’s book of the same name was launched in lavish ceremonies across Ethiopia in October, with a reported hundreds of thousands of copies printed in the country’s two most widely spoken languages – Amharic and Afaan Oromoo.
Image captionMedemer was published in both Amharic and Afaan Oromoo
Across 16 chapters and 280 pages he outlines his vision, which he says he has been nurturing since childhood.
Mr Abiy wants to foster a sense of national unity in the face of ethnic divisions, but also wants to celebrate that diversity. His success in walking this tight-rope will define his time in power.
What is the essence of medemer?
At the heart of the philosophy is the conviction that different, and even contrary, views can be brought together and a compromise can be found. It is also a rejection of dogmatism.
Since taking office, Mr Abiy has clearly departed from the way the country was governed for most of the last three decades.
He has broken from the hard-line security state to encourage a more liberal approach to politics.
He has also said that his predecessors’ attempts to apply Marxist and statist approaches to economic development failed because they were alien to Ethiopia.
Image copyrightGETTY IMAGESImage captionThe Nobel Peace Prize announcement was big news in Ethiopia in October
“We need a sovereign and Ethiopian philosophy that stems from Ethiopians’ basic character, that can solve our problems… that can connect all of us,” he writes in Medemer.
He argues that Ethiopian culture values inclusion and cooperation.
Critics say that while this might sound good, it does not offer a practical way forward or a guide about how that compromise can be found.
In April, political analyst Hilina Berhanu said that while medemer was easily understandable and “served as a painkiller” for what went before, it lacks the complexity needed to map out the future.
Why Abiy won the peace prize
His “decisive initiative to resolve the border conflict with neighbouring Eritrea”
He initiated “important reforms that give many citizens hope for a better life and a brighter future”
“He has also pledged to strengthen democracy”
He has “engaged in other peace and reconciliation processes” in the regio
Why has Abiy developed this idea?
Mr Abiy began talking about medemer long before he became prime minister.
Serving in senior government positions, he used the term while telling his colleagues the importance of bringing extreme opinions together and encouraging people to work in harmony.
As prime minister he has said medemer can cure many of the woes ailing Africa’s second most populous country, from poverty to deadly ethnic conflicts.
He has urged people to come together under a shared vision rather than be trapped by a history of ethnic and political division. Otherwise, he has warned, the very existence of the state could be brought into question.
What does it say about ethnicity in Ethiopia?
It is somewhat ironic that while the prime minister has spoken about unity, his political reforms have lifted the lid on simmering ethnic tensions in the country.
In the past 20 months, ethnic violence has claimed the lives of thousands of people and forced millions of others from their homes.
Watch live from Oslo City Hall in Oslo, Norway. The Nobel Peace Prize 2019 was awarded to Abiy Ahmed Ali “for his efforts to achieve peace and international cooperation, and in particular for his decisive initiative to resolve the border conflict with neighbouring Eritrea.”
STOCKHOLM (AP) — The winner of this year’s Nobel Peace Prize says his horrifying experiences as a young Ethiopian soldier informed his determination to seek the end of a long conflict with a neighboring country.
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed spoke at Oslo City Hall during the ceremony in Norway’s capital where he received his Nobel on Tuesday, saying: “War is the epitome of hell for all involved. I know because I was there and back.”
Abiy won the prize, in part, for making peace with Eritrea after one of Africa’s longest-running conflicts. Abiy served in the army during the war.
“Twenty years ago, I was a radio operator attached to an Ethiopian army unit in the border town of Badame,” he recalled. “I briefly left the foxhole in the hopes of getting a good antenna reception….It only took but a few minutes. Yet upon my return I was horrified to discover that my entire unit had been wiped out in an artillery attack.”
Nobel Lecture given by Nobel Peace Prize Laureate 2019 Abiy Ahmed Ali, Oslo, 10 December 2019.
“Forging A Durable Peace in the Horn of Africa”
Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses,
Distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee,
Fellow Ethiopians, Fellow Africans, Citizens of the World
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am honored to be here with you, and deeply grateful to the Norwegian Nobel Committee for recognizing and encouraging my contribution to a peaceful resolution of the border dispute between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
I accept this award on behalf of Ethiopians and Eritreans, especially those who made the ultimate sacrifice in the cause of peace.
Likewise, I accept this award on behalf of my partner, and comrade-in-peace, President Isaias Afeworki, whose goodwill, trust, and commitment were vital in ending the two-decade deadlock between our countries.
I also accept this award on behalf of Africans and citizens of the world for whom the dream of peace has often turned into a nightmare of war.
Today, I stand here in front of you talking about peace because of fate.
I crawled my way to peace through the dusty trenches of war years ago.
I was a young soldier when war broke out between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
I witnessed firsthand the ugliness of war in frontline battles.
There are those who have never seen war but glorify and romanticize it.
They have not seen the fear,
They have not seen the fatigue,
They have not seen the destruction or heartbreak,
Nor have they felt the mournful emptiness of war after the carnage.
War is the epitome of hell for all involved. I know because I have been there and back.
I have seen brothers slaughtering brothers on the battlefield.
I have seen older men, women, and children trembling in terror under the deadly shower of bullets and artillery shells.
You see, I was not only a combatant in war.
I was also a witness to its cruelty and what it can do to people.
War makes for bitter men. Heartless and savage men.
Twenty years ago, I was a radio operator attached to an Ethiopian army unit in the border town of Badme.
The town was the flashpoint of the war between the two countries.
I briefly left the foxhole in the hopes of getting a good antenna reception.
It took only but a few minutes. Yet, upon my return, I was horrified to discover that my entire unit had been wiped out in an artillery attack.
I still remember my young comrades-in-arms who died on that ill-fated day.
I think of their families too.
During the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea, an estimated one hundred thousand soldiers and civilians lost their lives.
The aftermath of the war also left untold numbers of families broken. It also permanently shattered communities on both sides.
Massive destruction of infrastructure further amplified the post-war economic burden.
Socially, the war resulted in mass displacements, loss of livelihoods, deportation and denationalization of citizens.
Following the end of active armed conflict in June 2000, Ethiopia and Eritrea remained deadlocked in a stalemate of no-war, no-peace for two decades.
During this period, family units were split over borders, unable to see or talk to each other for years to come.
Tens of thousands of troops remained stationed along both sides of the border. They remained on edge, as did the rest of the country and region.
All were worried that any small border clash would flare into a full-blown war once again.
As it was, the war and the stalemate that followed were a threat for regional peace, with fears that a resumption of active combat between Ethiopia and Eritrea would destabilize the entire Horn region.
And so, when I became Prime Minister about 18 months ago, I felt in my heart that ending the uncertainty was necessary.
I believed peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea was within reach.
I was convinced that the imaginary wall separating our two countries for much too long needed to be torn down.
And in its place, a bridge of friendship, collaboration and goodwill has to be built to last for ages.
That is how I approached the task of building a peace bridge with my partner President Isaias Afeworki.
We were both ready to allow peace to flourish and shine through.
We resolved to turn our “swords into plowshares and our spears into pruning hooks” for the progress and prosperity of our people.
We understood our nations are not the enemies. Instead, we were victims of the common enemy called poverty.
We recognized that while our two nations were stuck on old grievances, the world was shifting rapidly and leaving us behind.
We agreed we must work cooperatively for the prosperity of our people and our region.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Today, we are reaping our peace dividends.
Families separated for over two decades are now united.
Diplomatic relations are fully restored.
Air and telecommunication services have been reestablished.
And our focus has now shifted to developing joint infrastructure projects that will be a critical lever in our economic ambitions.
Our commitment to peace between our two countries is iron-clad.
One may wonder, how it is that a conflict extending over twenty years, can come to an amicable resolution.
Allow me to share with you a little about the beliefs that guide my actions for peace.
I believe that peace is an affair of the heart. Peace is a labor of love.
Sustaining peace is hard work.
Yet, we must cherish and nurture it.
It takes a few to make war, but it takes a village and a nation to build peace.
For me, nurturing peace is like planting and growing trees.
Just like trees need water and good soil to grow, peace requires unwavering commitment, infinite patience, and goodwill to cultivate and harvest its dividends.
Peace requires good faith to blossom into prosperity, security, and opportunity.
In the same manner that trees absorb carbon dioxide to give us life and oxygen, peace has the capacity to absorb the suspicion and doubt that may cloud our relationships.
In return, it gives back hope for the future, confidence in ourselves, and faith in humanity.
This humanity I speak of, is within all of us.
We can cultivate and share it with others if we choose to remove our masks of pride and arrogance.
When our love for humanity outgrows our appreciation of human vanity then the world will know peace.
Ultimately, peace requires an enduring vision. And my vision of peace is rooted in the philosophy of Medemer.
Medemer, an Amharic word, signifies synergy, convergence, and teamwork for a common destiny.
Medemer is a homegrown idea that is reflected in our political, social, and economic life.
I like to think of “Medemer” as a social compact for Ethiopians to build a just, egalitarian, democratic, and humane society by pulling together our resources for our collective survival and prosperity.
In practice, Medemer is about using the best of our past to build a new society and a new civic culture that thrives on tolerance, understanding, and civility.
At its core, Medemer is a covenant of peace that seeks unity in our common humanity.
It pursues peace by practicing the values of love, forgiveness, reconciliation, and inclusion.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
I come from a small town called Beshasha, located in the Oromia region of Western Ethiopia.
It is in Beshasha that the seeds of Medemer began to sprout.
Growing up, my parents instilled in me and my siblings, an abiding faith in humanity.
Medemer resonates with the proverb, “I am my brother’s keeper. I am my sister’s keeper.”
In my little town, we had no running water, electricity, or paved roads. But we had a lot of love to light up our lives.
We were each other’s keepers.
Faith, humility, integrity, patience, gratitude, tenacity, and cooperation coursed like a mighty stream.
And we traveled together on three country roads called love, forgiveness, and reconciliation.
In the Medemer idea, there is no “Us and Them.”
There is only “US” for “We” are all bound by a shared destiny of love, forgiveness, and reconciliation.
For the people in the “Land of Origins” and “The 13 Months of Sunshine,” Medemer has always been second nature.
Ethiopians maintained peaceful coexistence between the followers of the two great religions because we always came together in faith and worship.
We, Ethiopians, remained independent for thousands of years because we came together to defend our homeland.
The beauty of our Ethiopia is its extraordinary diversity.
The inclusiveness of Medemer ensures no one is left behind in our big extended family.
It has also been said, “No man is an island.”
Just the same, no nation is an island. Ethiopia’s Medemer-inspired foreign policy pursues peace through multilateral cooperation and good neighborliness.
We have an old saying:
“በሰላም እንድታድር ጎረቤትህ ሰላም ይደር”
“yoo ollaan nagayaan bule, nagaan bulanni.”
It is a saying shared in many African languages, which means, “For you to have a peaceful night, your neighbor shall have a peaceful night as well.”
The essence of this proverb guides the strengthening of relations in the region. We now strive to live with our neighbors in peace and harmony.
The Horn of Africa today is a region of strategic significance.
The global military superpowers are expanding their military presence in the area. Terrorist and extremist groups also seek to establish a foothold.
We do not want the Horn to be a battleground for superpowers nor a hideout for the merchants of terror and brokers of despair and misery.
We want the Horn of Africa to become a treasury of peace and progress.
Indeed, we want the Horn of Africa to become the Horn of Plenty for the rest of the continent.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
As a global community, we must invest in peace.
Over the past few months, Ethiopia has made historic investments in peace, the returns of which we will see in years to come.
We have released all political prisoners. We have shut down detention facilities where torture and vile human rights abuses took place.
Today, Ethiopia is highly regarded for press freedom. It is no more a “jailor of journalists”.
Opposition leaders of all political stripes are free to engage in peaceful political activity.
We are creating an Ethiopia that is second to none in its guarantee of freedoms of expression.
We have laid the groundwork for genuine multiparty democracy, and we will soon hold a free and fair election.
I truly believe peace is a way of life. War, a form of death and destruction.
Peacemakers must teach peace breakers to choose the way of life.
To that end, we must help build a world culture of peace.
But before there is peace in the world, there must be peace in the heart and mind.
There must be peace in the family, in the neighborhood, in the village, and the towns and cities. There must be peace in and among nations.
Excellencies, ladies, and gentlemen:
There is a big price for enduring peace.
A famous protest slogan that proclaims, “No justice, no peace,” calls to mind that peace thrives and bears fruit when planted in the soil of justice.
The disregard for human rights has been the source of much strife and conflict in the world. The same holds in our continent, Africa.
It is estimated that some 70 percent of Africa’s population is under the age of 30.
Our young men and women are crying out for social and economic justice. They demand equality of opportunity and an end to organized corruption.
The youth insist on good governance based on accountability and transparency. If we deny our youth justice, they will reject peace.
Standing on this world stage today, I would like to call upon all my fellow Ethiopians to join hands and help build a country that offers equal justice, equal rights, and equal opportunities for all its citizens.
I would like to especially express that we should avoid the path of extremism and division, powered by politics of exclusion.
Our accord hangs in the balance of inclusive politics.
The evangelists of hate and division are wreaking havoc in our society using social media.
They are preaching the gospel of revenge and retribution on the airwaves.
Together, we must neutralize the toxin of hatred by creating a civic culture of consensus-based democracy, inclusivity, civility, and tolerance based on Medemer principles.
The art of building peace is a synergistic process to change hearts, minds, beliefs and attitudes, that never ceases.
It is like the work of struggling farmers in my beloved Ethiopia. Each season they prepare the soil, sow seeds, pull weeds, and control pests.
They work the fields from dawn to dusk in good and bad weather.
The seasons change, but their work never ends. In the end, they harvest the abundance of their fields.
Before we can harvest peace dividends, we must plant seeds of love, forgiveness, and reconciliation in the hearts and minds of our citizens.
We must pull out the weeds of discord, hate, and misunderstanding and toil every day during good and bad days too.
I am inspired by a Biblical Scripture which reads:
“Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called the children of God.”
Equally I am also inspired by a Holy Quran verse which reads:
“Humanity is but a single Brotherhood. So, make peace with your Brethren.”
I am committed to toil for peace every single day and in all seasons.
I am my brother’s keeper. I am my sister’s keeper too.
I have promises to keep before I sleep. I have miles to go on the road of peace.
As I conclude, I call upon the international community to join me and my fellow Ethiopians in our Medemer inspired efforts of building enduring peace and prosperity in the Horn of Africa.
WRITTEN BY: Amy McKenna
LAST UPDATED: Oct 28, 2019
Alternative Title: Abiy Ahmed Ali
Abiy Ahmed, in full Abiy Ahmed Ali, (born August 15, 1976, Beshasha, Ethiopia), Ethiopian politician who became prime minister of Ethiopia in 2018. He was awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace in 2019 for his efforts toward attaining peace and international cooperation, particularly for his work to end his country’s long-running border dispute with neighbouring Eritrea.
Abiy AhmedAbiy Ahmed, 2018.Office of the Prime Minister -Ethiopia
Early Life And Military Career
Abiy was born in Beshasha, a town in the Oromia region of Ethiopia. His father, Ahmed Ali, was Muslim, and his mother, Tezeta Wolde, was Christian. Abiy is a Pentecostal Christian.
Abiy fought against the Derg (Dergue) regime, which ruled Ethiopia from 1974 to 1991, and later served in the Ethiopian National Defense Forces, where he achieved the rank of lieutenant colonel. While he was in the military, he earned a bachelor’s degree in computer engineering in 2001 from Microlink Information Technology College in Addis Ababa. In 2007 he was made head of the Information Network Security Agency, the Ethiopian government’s organization responsible for cybersecurity.
Entry Into Politics
After leaving the military, in 2010 Abiy was elected to the House of Peoples’ Representatives as a member of the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), which was part of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) ruling coalition. In the following years he would go on to earn a master’s degree in transformational leadership (2011) from the International Leadership Institute in Addis Ababa, in partnership with Greenwich University in London; a master’s in business administration (2013) from Leadstar College of Management and Leadership, in partnership with Ashland University in Ohio; and a doctorate (2017) from the Institute for Peace and Security Studies of Addis Ababa University.
Abiy was appointed minister of science and technology in the federal government in 2016 but held the post for only a short while, leaving in October of that year to serve as the vice president of the Oromia regional government. Within the OPDO party, Abiy was elected head of the secretariat in 2017.
Meanwhile, a contentious plan proposed by the EPRDF-led federal government to enlarge Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, by linking the city to parts of the Oromia region was met with protest by the Oromo people in 2015. The next year saw more protests, now fueled by a broader array of grievances against the government, occurring in Oromia as well as in other regions.
In early 2018 the government began making overtures to ease tensions and promote dialogue between itself and opposition groups. This was followed by the unexpected resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn in February, after which Abiy emerged as the leading candidate to replace him.
Prime Ministership
Abiy was elected chair of the OPDO party in February, positioning him to become the chair of the EPRDF ruling coalition; he was elected to that position on March 27. On April 2 the House of Peoples’ Representatives elected him prime minister; he was sworn in on the same day. Notably, Abiy was the first Oromo to serve in that position, and it was hoped that his election as prime minister would help quell the remaining tensions between the Oromo people and the government.
Almost immediately Abiy made efforts to bring about dramatic changes regarding strengthening the democratic process, improving the economy, and resolving the country’s long-standing border conflict with Eritrea. In his first year thousands of political prisoners were released, and some opposition groups were removed from the government’s list of organizations that it deemed to be terrorist groups. He later signed a peace agreement with one of the groups, which was designed to end more than 30 years of conflict in the Ogaden region. Measures to encourage investment and boost economic growth were also unveiled. Abiy formed a new cabinet, distinguished not only for its smaller size but also for the number of women that Abiy appointed, which meant that the country had its first gender-balanced cabinet.
The most significant achievement of Abiy and the EPRDF-led government was dramatic progress made in the attempts to find peace with Eritrea. Abiy announced on June 5, 2018, that Ethiopia would adhere to the terms of the 2000 peace agreement that had been intended to end the border war with Eritrea that had begun in 1998. This included accepting and implementing the 2002 ruling that demarcated the border between the two countries, which Ethiopia had previously rejected. The next month, Abiy went to Eritrea to meet with that country’s president, Isaias Afwerki. The two leaders agreed to reestablish ties between the two countries in the areas of diplomacy, trade, communications, and transportation as well as to reopen their borders. This was followed by a momentous joint statement from Abiy and Isaias on July 9 declaring that the state of war that had existed between their two countries for 20 years had come to an end. Abiy also engaged in resolving other regional conflicts, serving as a mediator in conflicts between Eritrea and Djibouti and between Kenya and Somalia and in Sudan’s civil conflict. In 2019 Abiy was the recipient of the Nobel Prize for Peace for his efforts to resolve Ethiopia’s border conflict with Eritrea.
Although Abiy’s overtures and reform efforts were welcomed and applauded by many, not everyone in Ethiopia was ready to accept such change, which allowed simmering ethnic tensions to be brought to the fore. At a rally in June 2018, a grenade was launched at the stage where Abiy was present; he escaped unscathed, but two people were killed and scores more injured. In June 2019, in what the government labeled a failed coup attempt centred in the Amhara region, several high-ranking officials were killed.
WRITTEN BY: The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica
Addis Abeba, December 11/2018 – In a statement issued today by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the IMF said the Ethiopian government and the IMF staff team “reached preliminary agreement,” subject to approval by the Fund’s Executive Board, on policies that could constitute the basis for Ethiopia’s new program supported by the Extended Credit Facility (ECF) and Extended Fund Facility (EFF) arrangements. “The overall objective of the program would be to support implementation of the authorities’ Homegrown Economic Reform Program.”
An IMF staff team led by Ms. Sonali Jain-Chandra visited Addis Abeba from October 29 to November 8, 2019 to hold discussions on the 2019 Article IV Consultation for Ethiopia, and the authorities’ request for a three-year US$2.9 billion (SDR 2.1049 billion) financing package that could be supported by the IMF under its Extended Credit Facility (ECF) and Extended Fund Facility (EFF). Discussions with the authorities continued after the mission.
The Fund-supported program would consist of five main pillars: IMF said, they are: durably address the foreign exchange shortage and transition to a more flexible exchange rate regime; strengthen oversight and management of state-owned enterprises to contain debt vulnerabilities; strengthen domestic revenue mobilization and expenditure efficiency to create space for adequate poverty-reducing and essential infrastructure spending; reform the financial sector to support private investment and modernize the monetary policy framework; and strengthen the supervisory framework and financial safety nets.
“We will submit the program request to the Executive Board for its consideration” the statement said. AS/IMF dispatch.
Plan of the area B basilica created from a 3D model of the 2015 and 2016 excavations. Walls are designated with letters, and spaces (including rooms) designated with numbers. Walls K, M, N, G, I, J and L represent an earlier building phase; wall A, along with walls B, C, D and F represent a later phase. Photograph (right) is taken from the north-east corner, looking south (figure by C. Hickman, M. Harrower & J. Mazzariello ).
By: Katie Hunt, CNN
Dec 11, 2019 09
(CNN) – Archeologists have unearthed the remains of a town from an influential but little-known ancient civilization in East Africa that sheds light on the origins of Christianity in Ethiopia.
The buried settlement, which contains one of the oldest churches in sub-Saharan Africa, was inhabited for some 1,400 years before vanishing into the dusty highlands of northern Ethiopia around AD 650.
Called Beta Samati, it was part of the Empire or Kingdom of Aksum, but prior to its discovery archeologists thought the area had been abandoned when the empire’s ruling class set up its capital elsewhere.
The Kingdom of Aksum ruled over the region between 80 BC to AD 825 and was one of the ancient world’s major powers — conquering surrounding regions and trading with the Roman Empire, the researchers said. The kingdom converted to Christianity in the 4th century.
It was only in 2009 when archeologists spoke to local residents in the area near the discovery, who suggested the researchers investigate a hill near the modern village of Edaga Rabu. It turned out to be a 25-meter high mound formed by waste and debris accumulated over generations of occupation.
“It was part of the local oral tradition. They knew it was an important place but they didn’t know why,” said Michael Harrower, associate professor of archeology at Johns Hopkins University and lead author of the research, which was published in the journal Antiquity on Wednesday.
Radiocarbon dating suggests people first started living in the town around 750 BC, and it remained occupied throughout Aksumite times, capturing key moments in Ethiopian history.
The buildings and artifacts uncovered, which include a basilica, gold ring, coins, inscriptions and pottery, have revealed the region remained important throughout Aksumite times and the town of Beta Samati was a key hub of trade and commerce, linking the capital Aksum with the Red Sea and beyond.
Today, the town lies near Ethiopia’s border with Eritrea.
“The Empire of Aksum was one of the world’s most influential ancient civilisations, but it remains one of the least widely known,” Harrower said.
“Beta Samati spans Aksum’s official conversion from polytheism to Christianity and the rise of Islam in Arabia,” he added.
The archeologists uncovered the remains of a large basilica dating back to the fourth century.
Such buildings were key early places of Christian worship in Ethiopia, the study said, and the site at Beta Samati appears to be one of the first in the Aksumite kingdom, the researchers said — built shortly after King Ezana converted the empire to Christianity during the mid-fourth century AD.
“That is what makes this discovery so important,” said Aaron Butts, a professor of Semitic and Egyptian languages at Catholic University in Washington, DC, in an email.
“The archeological data combined with the radiocarbon dating suggest that the basilica stems from the fourth (or perhaps early fifth) century, making it certainly among the earliest known churches in sub-Saharan Africa. In addition, given the reliability of the archeological data combined with the radio-carbon dating, it seems to be the earliest securely datable church in Sub-Saharan Africa,” added Butts, who wasn’t involved in the excavation.
Relics uncovered at the site showed Roman, pagan and Christian influences, illustrating the “cultural diversity of this enigmatic civilization,” the study said.
They included a gold Roman-style ring that featured an unusual icon — a symbol of a bull and a soft-stone pendant recovered from outside the basilica with a cross and what appears to be an inscription in ancient Ethiopic that reads “venerable.”
Harrower said the ring was the most impressive and exciting artifact they found.
“Usually we are searching for scholarly information and scientific information, not necessarily for gold. But I frequently get asked by all sorts of people ‘did we find any gold?’ and, yeah, we actually did find some gold,” he told CNN.
“And it paints an important line of evidence. The ring looks very Roman in its composition and its style but the insignia of that bull’s head is very African and is very unlike something you would find in the Mediterranean world and shows the kind of interaction and mixing of these different traditions.”
He said he hopes the ring would go on display locally at some point so the local community can benefit from the discovery.
In what seems to be a big upset to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and his administration, his closest ally and friend, Lemma Megerssa, who is currently the Minister of Defense and deputy chairman of the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP), has openly expressed his difference with the PM’s ‘philosophy’ known as medemer or synergy as well as the “hurried” steps taken to merge the incumbent EPRDF and its affiliate parties into a single unified party—Prosperity Party.
Even though there have been growing speculation about differences created between the two, news of Lemma’s open defiance to pillars of Abiy’s administration caught everyone by surprise.
Last week, Lemma told VOA’s Afaan Oromo division about his position regarding the recent decisions made by the central committees of EPRDF, the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP), Amhara Democratic Party (ADP) and Southern People’s Democratic Movement Party (SPDMP) to merge with each other and their affiliates.
It can be recalled that Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) also refused to be part of the merger and criticized the merger labeling it as “illegal.”
Similarly, Lemma, who has been very instrumental in the political dynamics of Ethiopia in the past two years, which eventually brought Abiy to power in 2018, has echoed his rejection of the merger.
“Merging this party is not timely as there are many dangers. We are in a transition,” said Lemma, speaking in Afaan Oromo. “This is borrowed time; it is not ours. We are facing several problems from different places during this borrowed time.”
“It’s not the time to come up with something new, but a time to solve problems that we should be focused on,” he said adding: “We should focus on maintaining peace and stability and focus on macroeconomics, especially, people’s struggle with the rising cost of living.”
Moreover, explaining his displeasure with the medmer philosophy, Lemma who is currently in the United States said that Medemer should start from the base. He also stressed that the political intention behind it must first be scrutinized.
“For Medemer, it shouldn’t start from somewhere else, but should be about Oromos and the Ida’amu (synergy) of Oromos. It is strengthening the unity starting from the Kebelle, Woreda, and zonal levels to the top,” Addis Standard reported quoting Lemma’s interview with VOA.
As far as Lemma’s political role is concerned, it is not clear what his next step will be; even though he said he will continue with the ‘party’ or leave.
“Until they tell me to leave the organization, I will struggle holding on to the difference I have,” he said.
End-of-Mission press releases include statements of IMF staff teams that convey preliminary findings after a visit to a country. The views expressed in this statement are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Board. Based on the preliminary findings of this mission, staff will prepare a report that, subject to management approval, will be presented to the IMF’s Executive Board for discussion and decision.
An International Monetary Fund (IMF) staff team led by Ms. Sonali Jain-Chandra visited Addis Ababa from October 29 to November 8, 2019 to hold discussions on the 2019 Article IV Consultation for Ethiopia, and the authorities’ request for a three-year US$2.9 billion (SDR 2.1049 billion) financing package that could be supported by the IMF under its Extended Credit Facility (ECF) and Extended Fund Facility (EFF). Discussions with the authorities continued after the mission.
Ms. Jain-Chandra issued the following statement today on the staff-level agreement:
“The Ethiopian government and the IMF staff team reached preliminary agreement, subject to approval by the Fund’s Executive Board, on policies that could constitute the basis for Ethiopia’s new program supported by the ECF and EFF arrangements. The overall objective of the program would be to support implementation of the authorities’ Homegrown Economic Reform Program.
“The Fund-supported program would consist of five main pillars: (1) durably address the foreign exchange shortage and transition to a more flexible exchange rate regime; (2) strengthen oversight and management of state-owned enterprises to contain debt vulnerabilities; (3) strengthen domestic revenue mobilization and expenditure efficiency to create space for adequate poverty-reducing and essential infrastructure spending; (4) reform the financial sector to support private investment and modernize the monetary policy framework; and (5) strengthen the supervisory framework and financial safety nets.
“We will submit the program request to the Executive Board for its consideration.”
In a scathing editorial written only two days after Abiy received his Nobel Peace Prize for 2019, Addis Standard decried that ‘ the award can best be describe(sic) as a bitter sweet moment. On one hand it is a reminder of the short lived period when popular protests won and ushered in a new Prime Minister …But on the other hand it is a reminder of the uncertain and confused political state Ethiopia is in today”
One wonders if ‘the staff and management of Addis Standard ‘ who heartily congratulated Abiy on being awarded the Peace Prize are the same people who wrote this editorial, or a ghost/guest writer was recruited for this effort.
The fundamental error of the editors of Addis Standard lies in the fact that they are believers of the false narrative, that claims that the popular protests are the ones that ushered in Abiy, hence their disappointment in him not fulfilling the agenda of the popular protesters, and partnering with claimants who believe they’ve ushered in this new era in Ethiopia.
Surely, popular, peaceful struggles conducted by Ethiopian Moslems for over seven years combined with latterly heightened popular protests in Oromia, Amhara and Konso regions, not to speak of the 2005 Elections and its aftermath, shook the ruling EPRDF to its foundations. These occurrences coupled with the misrule and growing dysfunction within the EPRDF created a favorable atmosphere for reform minded elements within to come to the forefront, culminating in the election of Abiy Ahmed as the Prime Minister.
At the end of the day, what transpired is a change of leadership within the ruling EPRDF, and nothing else, and Abiy’s eighteen months in office are to be judged within this context.
Seen from this perspective, it becomes evident that there is a sea change between the EPRDF of the past and the one that has been led by Abiy. When it comes to the bold measures Abiy took in opening up the political space and initiation of an overall liberalization as well as fruitful engagement with our neighbors, and most importantly with Eritrea, we can not but give thumbs up to his administration.
And it is these bold initiatives that Abiy took in regards to Eritrea and some of the reforms he introduced in Ethiopia that convinced the Nobel Committee to award him with the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize.
However, if we are to believe the editors of Addis Standard, not only are ‘both the peace process with Eritrea and political reforms within Ethiopia are facing serious challenges” but this is so “due in large part to his own inability and/or unwillingness to follow through, institutionalize and consolidate the gains achieved in the first few months of his time in office.”
Putting the editors’ claim of Abiy’s personal inability or unwillingness aside it will be instructive to observe what is on the ground to see how the hyperbolic assertions in the editorial are devoid of facts.
The case of rapprochement with Eritrea.
The Prime Minister in his first address to the nation from the parliament declared his intention to make peace with Eritrea after what he said were a wasted twenty years of no war no peace that was not beneficial to both nations and was in fact a case of squandered opportunities.
On what basis this declaration of intent for a peaceful reconciliation with Eritrea could be understood as “PM Abiy’s call for peace kicked off by excluding a key stakeholder, the Tigrean political elites’ is an explanation the editors of Addis Standard have to make.
The editors further claim that “Abiy’s subsequent call for the peace talks made a deliberate attempt to sidestep the TPLF.” Forgetting maybe that in one of the Eritrean leader’s visit the head of TPLF had actually accompanied him! In the end though it has been my understanding, and I dare say of most people, that the rapprochement was/is between two countries and not the Tigray killil and Eritrea, and this complaint is meritless.
In as much as TPLF was part of the ruling governing body in the country and as such a partner of the negotiation through its representation in the EPRDF Executive Committee, of which Abiy is the Chairman and the PM, the claim of sidestepping becomes a non-issue, unless and otherwise the editors believe a special privilege needs to be accorded to TPLF.
The editors of Addis Standard also make a bold claim ‘actual demilitarization of the contested areas’ did not occur and further claim that ‘…hundreds, perhaps thousands, of soldiers and heavy artillery equipment stationed in Badme.’
Based on all available evidence this claim is untrue. If anything, there was an attempt by ‘TPLF militia’ to hinder the withdrawal of heavy equipment and personnel, claiming that the withdrawal will create a military vacuum and create vulnerability in the border areas, that required the assurances of military commanders to ease the tension and for the organized withdrawal to occur.
As for the border closures the claim that ‘…things have returned where PM Abiy started: all the four entry points in the border which were briefly opened have now been closed again…’ is a bit misleading.
It is true that the euphoric exuberance exhibited during the first couple of months and the unregulated movement of goods and people to and from the border regions does not exist, even if as an observer puts it ‘local people still cross the border and informally also some goods make their way, but in much smaller quantities.’
However, after the initial period what brought about the closure was not a decision made by Abiy or the Ethiopian government. According to an African Confidential Report, this was brought about because of what it termed as ‘…unregulated movement together with non-existent rules of economic activities and unregulated exchange rates of Ethiopian Birr and Eritrean Nakfa, has led to the closure of all border crossings again since April 2019’
Ethiopian officials have acknowledged that they were preparing documents that will regulate future border arrangements as well as other bilateral issues, and once completed will have to be negotiated with their counterparts in Eritrea. Considering the damage caused by the ad hoc arrangements that were in place after 1991 and consequences that followed, going forward, deliberate and clear documents agreed upon by both countries is essential.
These technicalities aside, reality on the ground shows that the relationship between the two nations is robust. Air transport that started between the two capitals over a year ago is still ongoing, the Eritrean government recently finished resurfacing the road from Assab to the Ethiopian border, Assab port itself is getting a face-lift and Ethiopian Shipping line is transporting raw materials from Eritrea to their shipping destinations…etc and people to people contacts seem to be flourishing.
This being the case one wonders why the editors believe ‘progress is unlikely until after the TPLF is fully brought onboard…’ or the toxic claim ‘most importantly bringing the TPLF and the people of Tigray on board requires PM Abiy to normalize his relation with them first’.
This as if the people of Tigray are not all in when it comes to the normalization of relations between the two countries or that PM Abiy has a negative or abnormal relationship with the people of Tigray, which is utter nonsense.
It should not be lost on the editors that, whether or not the TPLF leadership enveloped with a bunker mentality and is hiding in Mekele after losing out in the internal struggle within EPRDF goes along with it or not, relationships between the two countries will be normalized, and in fact the people of Tigray, by virtue of geography will be the primary beneficiaries of the normalization.
If this editorial was coming from Weyn magazine, it might be understandable, but coming from an otherwise reputable newspaper makes one scratch their head to find the rational for these unsubstantiated and off the mark narratives.
Domestic politics
Here again, the editors of Addis Standard don’t seem to see the positive efforts with all their limitations undertaken, but rather want to focus on all the negatives and lament at the lack of consolidation of reforms and institutionalization of the same.
One doesn’t need to remind the editors that consolidation and institutionalization is a process and not something that can be accomplished overnight as if by decree.
For starters we know that the Charities and Societies Proclamation, the Anti terror Proclamation and the Media Law are being revised, a justice reform advisory council has been setup, several advisory bodies that will help consolidate the reforms have been established and are working, but maybe not fast enough. Above all the National Electoral Board has been totally revamped with the able lawyer Birtukan Mideksa at the helm, and the parliament this past August passed the Electoral Political Parties Bill.
But it is not the speed by which these efforts at consolidation and institutionalization that are taking place that seems to worry the editors, but basing themselves on the false narrative of how the change came about, they feel that it requires ‘…the convening broad-based consultations, negotiations and political bargain among the various competing elites roaming the political space in Ethiopia. PM Abiy was mandated and expected to lead and facilitate such initiatives…’
The editors of Addis Standard do not make it clear as to who ‘mandated’ Abiy or why he should be negotiating and bargaining with the roaming political elites.
As part of the opening up of the political space in the country, Abiy and his government invited all opposition groups and political parties residing abroad without any preconditions.
After their arrival, Abiy in his capacity as leader of EPRDF conducted a few consultative meetings with the Ethiopia based parties included, and all are free to conduct political activities. Some like the OLF have in fact created an umbrella organization that included the governing party in Oromia, while some have joined their forces with other existing parties. While others are whining that the law that requires at least 10,000 signatures if they are to contest as a national party is draconian, while still others conspire with the likes of TPLF to subvert some of the reforms that have been actualized.
At a time when the Chairwoman of the National Electoral Board is announcing that elections will be held as scheduled and that preparations to make it free and peaceful is gearing up, and at a time when Abiy and his government are promising the same, and the International Community is providing great assistance to help in the preparation, one wonders why the editors of Addis Standard are painting a doomsday scenario and declaring’ As a result of mismanagement of this transition, there are substantial fears that the political space is fast closing, and hopes are fading away and taken over by fear and pessimism and possibilities of a post election violence”
As for the self appointed roaming political elites in Ethiopia, since there is no short cut to power and the only game in town is by winning elections, the prudent advice that one can give them is to get busy organizing and getting ready for the upcoming elections, and based on the result to see if they have the mandate to rule or to bargain with whomever wins the election.
Having depicted Abiy and his administration as failing on all fronts, the editors tell us that ‘this is not the time to abandon him …all political actors and the Ethiopian public in general should continue to give him the benefit of the doubt.’
Opinion: Almost three decades after Operation Solomon brought thousands of Ethiopian Jews to Israel, the schism between the community and the rest of Israeli society still exists, but we must revel in all that we have achieved in just 28 years
Danny Adeno Abebe
Twenty-eight years have passed since the State of Israel carried out Operation Solomon, one of the most daring operations in the history of Zionism.
Ynet’s sister publication Yedioth Ahronoth festively quoted the book of Exodus in its May 26, 1991, main headline – “On eagles’ wings”. The caption above it read “14,400 Ethiopian Jews were rescued in a brilliant operation”.
Ethiopian Jews on a plane en route to Israel, Operation Solomon, May 1991
(Photo: Government Press Office)
The State of Israel used to be a small yet bold country that imposed an aerial curfew on another sovereign country to save its people. Israeli society was on cloud nine.
An entire country shed tears in front of the touching images of a quick and determined rescue by IDF soldiers of the lost black brothers, as they were finally brought back home after a long exile.
“On eagle’s wings” – Yedioth Ahronoth May 26, 1991
(Photo: Yedioth Ahronoth archive)
Over two and a half decades have passed since these exciting days and since the spectacular and captivating images of a Jewish soldier in uniform walking hand in hand with an elderly black Jewish woman, as he escorted her up the stairs of the Israel Air Force plane that had landed on Ethiopian soil to fulfill our forefathers’ dream.
There’s been a lot of water under the bridge since then and the Ethiopian community has experienced a great deal of racism, alienation and frustration due to their skin color.
Now those small children who were carried on IDF officers’ shoulders at Addis Ababa airport protest the disproportionate violence of the Israeli police against them, and the disrespectful and judgmental attitude based only on the color of their skin.
Some of these children became prisoners against their will; others became officers in the IDF, academics, doctors, engineers, journalists, judges and much, much more.
Recent protests have shown the cultural gap between the pure-hearted children of Operation Solomon, who were excited to move to Israel and feel like an integral part of the Israeli tribe, and those civilians who sat in front of the TV screen and shed tears of joy.
Demonstrators protest over-policing and violence against Ethiopian Jews
(Photo: Moshik Shema)
This gap still exists and even keeps on growing with time.
Twenty-eight years later, it’s time to try and mend the great schism and heal the immense pain between the Ethiopian Jewish community and the rest of Israeli society, before it also permeates my children’s generation like a severe metastatic social cancer, causing racism and alienation between the two sides that will ultimately lead to our demise, G-d forbid.
And despite all the above, the Ethiopian Aliyah, including Operation Solomon, has been and remains a tremendous success of Zionism.
We succeeded in narrowing a millennia-old gap in exile in just one generation.
What’s new? Clashes in October 2019 in Oromia, Ethiopia’s most populous region, left scores of people dead. They mark the latest explosion of ethnic strife that has killed hundreds and displaced millions across the country over the past year and half.
Why did it happen? Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has taken important steps to move the country toward more open politics. But his efforts to dismantle the old order have weakened the Ethiopian state and given new energy to ethno-nationalism. Hostility among the leaders of Ethiopia’s most powerful regions has soared.
Why does it matter? Such tensions could derail Ethiopia’s transition. Meanwhile, reforms Abiy is making to the country’s powerful but factious ruling coalition anger opponents, who believe that they aim to undo Ethiopia’s ethnic federalist system, and could push the political temperature still higher. Elections in May 2020 could be divisive and violent.
What should be done? Abiy should step up efforts to mend divisions within and among Ethiopia’s regions and push all parties to avoid stoking tensions around the elections. International partners should press Ethiopian leaders to curb incendiary rhetoric and offer increased aid to protect the country from economic shocks that could aggravate political problems.
Executive Summary
Ethiopia’s transition has stirred hope at home and abroad but also unleashed dangerous and divisive forces. As Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government has opened up the country’s politics, it has struggled to curb ethnic strife. Mass protests in late October in Oromia, Ethiopia’s most populous region, spiralled into bloodshed. Clashes over the past eighteen months have killed hundreds, displaced millions and fuelled tensions among leaders of Ethiopia’s most potent regions. Abiy’s remake of the ruling coalition, which has monopolised power for almost three decades, risks further deepening the divides ahead of the elections scheduled for May 2020. The premier and his allies should move cautiously with those reforms, step up efforts to cool tensions among Oromo factions and between Amhara and Tigray regional leaders, who are embroiled in an especially acrimonious dispute, and, if conditions deteriorate further, consider delaying next year’s vote. External actors should call on all Ethiopian leaders to temper incendiary rhetoric and offer increased financial aid for a multi-year transition.
First, the good news. Since becoming premier in early 2018, after more than three years of deadly anti-government protests, Prime Minister Abiy has taken a series of steps worthy of acclaim. He has embarked on an historic rapprochement with Eritrea. He has extended his predecessor Hailemariam Desalegn’s policies of releasing political prisoners and inviting home exiled dissidents and insurgents. He has appointed former activists to strengthen institutions like the electoral board and accelerated the reform of an indebted state-led economy. His actions have won him both domestic and foreign praise, culminating in the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize. But Abiy’s moves to dismantle the old order have weakened the Ethiopian state. They have given new energy to the ethno-nationalism that was already resurgent during the mass unrest that brought him to power. Elections scheduled for May 2020 could turn violent, as candidates compete for votes from within their ethnic groups.
Four fault lines are especially perilous. The first cuts across Oromia, Abiy’s home state, where his rivals – and even some former allies – believe the premier should do more to advance the region’s interests. The second pits Oromo leaders against those of Amhara, Ethiopia’s second most populous state: they are at loggerheads over Oromia’s bid for greater influence, including over the capital Addis Ababa, which is multi-ethnic but surrounded by Oromia. The third relates to a bitter dispute between Amhara politicians and the formerly dominant Tigray minority that centres on two territories that the Amhara claim Tigray annexed in the early 1990s. The fourth involves Tigray leaders and Abiy’s government, with the former resenting the prime minister for what they perceive as his dismantling of a political system they constructed, and then dominated, and what they see as his lopsided targeting of Tigrayan leaders for past abuses. An uptick of attacks on churches and mosques across parts of the country suggests that rising interfaith tensions could add another layer of complexity.
Adding to tensions is an increasingly salient debate between supporters and opponents of the country’s ethnic federalist system, arguably Ethiopia’s main political battleground. The system, which was introduced in 1991 after the Tigray-led revolutionary government seized power, devolves authority to ethno-linguistically defined regions, while divvying up central power among those regions’ ruling parties. While support and opposition to the system is partly defined by who stands to win or lose from its dismantling, both sides marshal strong arguments. Proponents point to the bloody pre-1991 history of coercive central rule and argue that the system protects group rights in a diverse country formed through conquest and assimilation. Detractors – a significant, cross-ethnic constituency – argue that because the system structures the state along ethnic lines it undercuts national unity, fuels ethnic conflict and leaves minorities in regions dominated by major ethnic groups vulnerable. It is past time, they say, to turn the page on the ethnic politics that for too long have defined and divided the nation.
Prime Minister Abiy’s recent changes to the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the coalition that has ruled for some three decades, play into this debate. Until late November, the EPRDF comprised ruling parties from Oromia, Amhara and Tigray regions, as well as a fourth, the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ region. Already it was fraying, its dysfunction both reflecting and fuelling ethnic animosity. Abiy’s plan entails dissolving the four blocs and merging them, plus five parties that rule Ethiopia’s other regions, into a new party, the Prosperity Party. The premier aims to shore up national unity, strengthen his leadership and shift Ethiopia away from what many citizens see as a discredited system. His approach enjoys much support, including from Ethiopians who see it as a move away from ethnic politics. But it also risks further stressing a fragile state whose bureaucracy is entwined with the EPRDF from top to bottom. Tigray’s ruling party and Abiy’s Oromo rivals oppose the move, seeing it as a step toward ending ethnic federalism. Tigray leaders refuse to join the new party.
The prime minister has made laudable efforts to tread a middle ground and unite the country but faces acute dilemmas. Placating nationalists among his own Oromo, for example, would alienate other ethnic groups. Allowing Tigray to retain a say in national decision-making well above the region’s population share would frustrate other groups that resent its long rule at their expense. Moreover, while thus far Abiy has tried to keep on board both proponents and critics of ethnic federalism, his EPRDF merger and other centralising reforms move him more squarely into the camp of those opposing that system, meaning that he now needs to manage the fallout from those who fear its dismantling and the dilution of regions’ autonomy. At the same time, he cannot leave behind the strong constituency that wants to move away from ethnic politics and thus far has tended to give Abiy the benefit of the doubt. But the prime minister, his government and international partners can take some steps to lower the temperature:
Abiy should press Tigray and Amhara leaders to intensify talks aimed at mending their relations. He should continue discussions with dissenting Oromo ruling party colleagues and the Oromo opposition, aiming to ensure that they litigate differences at the ballot box rather than through violence. He should continue to facilitate talks between Oromo and Amhara leaders and thus ease tensions that are increasingly shaded by ethnicity and religion and feed a sense of ferment in mixed urban areas across the country, including in the capital.
The government might also make conciliatory gestures toward the Tigray, maybe even rethinking its prosecutions of Tigrayan former officials in favour of a broader transitional justice process. For their part, Tigray leaders should reconsider their rejection of the Administrative Boundaries and Identity Issues Commission, which was set up to resolve boundary disputes like that pitting Tigray against Amhara.
Abiy and his allies should move carefully with the EPRDF reform and seek to mitigate, as best as they can, fears that it heralds the end of ethnic federalism. They should make clear that any formal review of Ethiopia’s constitution that takes place down the road will involve not only the ruling party but also opposition factions and activists. An inclusive process along these lines would also serve the interests of ethnic federalism’s opponents, particularly among civil society, who would have a seat at the table.
The prime minister is set on May 2020 elections, fearing that delay would trigger questions about his government’s legitimacy. If the vote goes ahead as scheduled, he should convene a series of meetings involving key ruling and opposition parties, along with influential civil society representatives, well beforehand to discuss how to deter bloodshed before and after a ballot that he has promised will represent a break from the flawed elections of the past. But if risks of a divisive and violent election campaign increase, his government may have to seek support among all major parties for a postponement and some form of national dialogue aiming to resolve disputes over past abuses, power sharing, regional autonomy and territorial claims.
Ethiopia’s international partners should adopt a stance more in tune with worrying trends on the ground. They should express public support for the transition but lobby behind closed doors for a careful approach to remaking the EPRDF and for all Ethiopian leaders to temper provocative language as much as possible. They could also suggest an election delay if the political and security crises do not cool in the months ahead. A multi-year package of financial aid could help strengthen weak institutions, support an economy also undergoing structural reform and reduce discontent among a restive and youthful population during a period of change.
Ethiopia’s transition may not yet hang from a precipice; indeed, it is still a source of hope for many in Ethiopia and abroad. But signs are troubling enough to worry top and former officials. Among the most alarmist suggestions made by some observers is that the multinational federation could break apart as Yugoslavia did in the 1990s. This worry may be overstated, but Abiy nonetheless should err on the side of caution as he walks a tightrope of pushing through reforms while keeping powerful constituencies on board. He should redouble efforts to bring along all of Ethiopia’s peoples, facilitate further negotiations among sparring regional elites, take steps to ensure that the ruling party merger does not further destabilise the country and, for now, defer formal negotiations over Ethiopia’s constitution and the future of ethnic federalism.
Between 23 and 26 October, mass
protests and ethnic strife left at least 86 people dead in Oromia, Prime Minister Abiy’s
home state and Ethiopia’s largest and most populous,
in which some 37 million people reside. The latest unrest, coming only four
months after rogue security forces assassinated the Ethiopian military’s chief of
staff and the president of Amhara state, cast in even sharper relief the
precariousness of the country’s mooted
transition to a more open and democratic order. In a widening arc of
flashpoints across Ethiopia, attackers, often propelled by ethno-nationalist forces, have killed hundreds over the
past year and triggered the displacement of 3.5 million.[1]
The wave of insecurity has set many Ethiopians on edge. Since coming to power
in April 2018, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s changes have come at dizzying pace.
But they have also lifted the lid that Ethiopia’s previously strong, and often abusive, state security machine kept on
social tensions. Warning signs are starting to flash red.
This report examines the most
dangerous fault lines and explores options for dialling down tensions. It
builds upon Crisis Group’s previous work on Ethiopia’s transition, one of the most closely watched on the
continent.[2] It is
based on interviews with Ethiopian officials, activists, intellectuals and researchers as
well as African and Western diplomats. Research took place during July,
November and December 2019 in the capital Addis Ababa and Amhara, Tigray and
the Southern Nations states.
The most recent bout of turmoil began on October 23
after Jawar Mohammed, a prominent Oromo activist and media owner, accused the government on
Facebook of stripping him of his security detail in an attempt to facilitate
his assassination.[3] After the Facebook post,
hundreds of protesters gathered outside Jawar’s home in the capital to defend
him and thousands took to the streets across Oromia. Demonstrations in the
region in 2015-2018 had taken place mostly in rural areas; this time, protests shook some of Oromia’s multi-ethnic
towns and cities. They led to death and destruction as other groups rallied in response and confrontations
triggered violence. Security forces shot ten protesters dead, while
losing five from their own ranks.[4] Oromo youth groups, or Qeerroo, played a major role in the bloodshed, in
some cases instigating attacks against other groups, as well as fellow Oromos
deemed to display insufficient ethnic solidarity, and in other instances
retaliating after provocations.[5]
Jawar
is an influential but divisive figure who over the course of 2019 has become a vocal Abiy critic.[6]
For years, he ran the prominent Oromia Media Network from abroad and was among the dissidents whom the
government welcomed home in 2018. He has a large Oromo following,
reflecting his advocacy for greater influence for the community. Many Amhara
and other non-Oromo, however, hold him responsible for inciting Qeerroo to
attack minorities and destroy their property.
Jawar has long lobbied for greater Oromo heft in the
federal government and played a vital role in coordinating the protests that helped bring Abiy
to power. But his relations with the new prime minister, always uneasy, have
taken a turn for the worse, as he has
reproached Abiy for centralising power and for not doing enough for the
Oromo since taking office. The day before the Facebook post, on 22 October,
Abiy appeared to condemn Jawar in parliament when he cited irresponsible
actions by “foreign media owners”.[7]
The late October violence reflects an evolution of the
grievances that brought hundreds of thousands of Oromo into the streets in
anti-government protests that began in earnest in 2015. Then, demonstrators were
angered by the government’s abuses, corruption and failure to tackle rising
living costs, youth unemployment and other day-to-day concerns. Protests had
ethnic undertones, giving voice to the Oromo’s
longstanding opposition to the Tigray ruling party’s pre-eminence in the EPRDF
and federal security apparatus. Activists
drew from a narrative asserting that the Oromo were historically downtrodden, left without an equitable share of
federal power and represented by an Oromo ruling party – formerly the
Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation (OPDO) and then, until its recent
dissolution, the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP) – that was subservient to the
Tigray party, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).[8]
Some concerns were more specific: Oromo activists opposed government plans to
develop areas on the outskirts of Addis Ababa, which the Oromia region
encircles, as portending further displacement of Oromo farmers to the benefit
of investors.
Although OPDO leaders faced the ire of Oromo protesters,
many party officials also backed the demonstrations, hoping to increase their power within
the EPRDF. They objected in particular to the Tigray ruling party’s equal vote
in the ruling coalition’s decision-making
bodies, despite the region’s smaller population, and to the Tigrayan
grip on the security sector, including national intelligence agencies and the
armed forces.[9]
Despite
euphoria among the Oromo at Abiy’s appointment, strife has continued in Oromia.[10]
Much has been linked to the August 2018 return of rebel Oromo Liberation Front
(OLF) leaders to Ethiopia.[11]
The week of their arrival saw Qeerroo youth groups
run riot through parts of the capital, including its outskirts in Oromia, in
some cases attacking people of other
ethnicities. While the OLF’s return appears to have been conditioned on its
participation in democratic politics, ODP officials accuse it of
continuing to foment armed rebellion.[12]
Since coming back to Ethiopia, the rebel movement, already fragmented, has split
again. Dawud Ibsa, who led the group in its Eritrean exile, is seeking deals
with Abiy’s party and other Oromo groups.[13]
Others, including some field commanders, are holding out, still skirmishing
with the military in western Oromia.[14]
Interfaith
tensions add another layer of complexity. During the recent unrest, Orthodox
Christian leaders reported mobs targeting their congregants and churches, while
demonstrators also attacked a mosque in Adama city, in central Oromia.[15]
The violence follows similar attacks on
places of worship over the past eighteen months.[16]
These
attacks led some to suspect that religious differences underlay much of the
unrest. Some Oromo nationalists portray the Orthodox Christian church as part
of the predominantly Amhara power structure
under the old imperial regime, which they accuse of suppressing their
identities and culture for centuries. Indeed, the targeting of Orthodox churches as a symbol of the old establishment is a
problem not limited to Oromia: protesters attacked churches in the
Somali region in August 2018 and in Southern Nations in July 2019. In turn,
Jawar’s opponents brand him as an Islamist. Jawar supported an overwhelmingly
peaceful civil resistance movement in 2011-2012 that rejected the government’s
interference in Muslim affairs, but no evidence supports the accusation thathe is pursuing an Islamist agenda.[17]
Responding to the October fighting, Abiy explicitly recognised its religious
dimension, but in a positive way, praising
“Muslims who protect churches from burning down and Christians who stand
guard to prevent mosques from burning down”.[18]
At
bottom, Oromo activists, like Jawar, and opposition groups including the OLF
have political and not religious goals: they want a share of federal power that
matches Oromia’s demographic weight and
protects their regional autonomy. They welcome the de facto influence
Abiy’s premiership delivers for the Oromo but distrust his political agenda.[19]
Some also want Afaan Oromo, the Oromo
mother tongue, to become
a working language of the federal government (at present, all central
government business is conducted inAmharic) and for the Oromia region to administer Addis Ababa.[20]
Several leaders in the Oromo ruling party, including Lemma Megersa, the influential defence minister and a former
close ally of Abiy, may even back the activists’ more assertive agenda.[21]
Opposition among
the Oromo puts Abiy in a bind. On one hand, many non-Oromo accuse Abiy of favouring
his own ethnic constituency, pointing to his alleged leniency in dealing with
Oromo abuses, Jawar’s provocations and the OLF’s insurgency.[22]
Forming an alliance with or adopting policies to mollify Oromo opponents could
pit Abiy against other groups in Ethiopia’s bitterly contested political
landscape. On the other hand, many Oromo appear ready to take to the streets to
protest what they see as Abiy’s failure to advance their interests, with
demonstrations frequently descending into violence. Moreover, the former rebel
movement, the OLF, though fractured, is still popular. An alliance among OLF
factions, Jawar and other Oromo opposition leaders, which is already taking
shape, could present Abiy’s ODP with serious electoral competition in Oromia,
particularly if it can pull away top ODP politicians like Lemma.[23]
The outbreak of communal strife following the 22 October incident at Jawar’s
residence demonstrates just how volatile Oromia’s politics are.
The Oromia bloodshed follows other
incidents of violence across the country over the
past eighteen months. The four regions that have been run by the EPRDF’s member parties – Amhara, Tigray and Southern Nations,
as well as Oromia – face the gravest challenges, showing how the ruling
coalition’s travails lie at the core of Ethiopia’s
instability. As intra-EPRDF competition increases, ethno-nationalist forces within the four parties are ascendant, in some
cases propelled by hardline opposition and protest movements.[24]
Those forces have driven ethnic animosity, particularly among the Oromo, Amhara
and Tigray, as well as violence that since the beginning of 2018 has led a huge number of Ethiopians – some
3.5 million, more than in any other country in the world in 2018 – to
flee their homes.[25]
Trends in Amhara are as troubling as those in
Oromia. The state is the country’s second
largest, with a population of around 29 million, and was another locus of mass
unrest in the years leading up to Abiy’s rise to power.[26]
Some leaders within the Amhara Democratic Party (ADP) – at the time, the Amhara
National Democratic Movement – backed the protests, like their Oromo
counterparts, seeing them as an opportunity
to loosen the TPLF’s grip. Indeed, Abiy owes his premiership in part to a
tactical alliance between Oromo and Amhara leaders, who took advantage of the
growing realisation within the coalition that only genuine change could placate
protesters, outmanoeuvred the TPLF and appointed Abiy as EPRDF leader at the
coalition’s March 2018 Council meeting.[27]
As
in Oromia, protests in Amhara whipped up ethno-nationalist sentiment, now entrenched in the region’s political discourse. The
result is an increasingly salient narrative that presents ethnic
federalism as a TPLF-dominated project aimed at subjugating the region. True,
many ethnic federalism critics – including a large number of Amhara but also
many others – promote a pan-Ethiopian vision and portray ethnic federalism as
eroding national unity. They argue that it renders as second-class citizens
minorities in states delineated for dominant ethno-linguistic groups, not least
because they face barriers in pursuing government services and public office.
They contend that, by placing ethnicity at the heart of politics, the system
feeds ethnic conflict and may even sow the seeds of the state’s collapse.[28]
But much Amhara opposition to the system also has an ethno-nationalist and
anti-TPLF flavour. The transition has
spawned a new party focused on asserting Amhara rights, the National Movement of Amhara (NaMA), which presents itself as
a defender of Amhara, including those living outside the Amhara region.[29]
Pressure from that movement partly explains the
ADP’s ill-fated November 2018 appointment of Asaminew Tsige as regional
security chief. Asaminew, a strong opponent of the TPLF, was jailed in 2009 for
his role in a coup attempt and then pardoned
by the federal government in February 2018 as part of an amnesty by then-Prime
Minister Hailemariam Desalegn. By appointing him, the ADP hoped to boost its
popularity to the detriment of its ascendant ethno-nationalist Amhara
opposition. The move proved disastrous. On 22 June, Asaminew reportedly
directed the assassinations of Amhara leaders in the regional capital Bahir Dar
and Ethiopia’s military chief of staff, the Tigrayan General Seare Mekonnen, in
Addis Ababa, before himself being killed by security forces.[30]
During his short tenure, Asaminew stoked Amhara
nationalism. Heworsened the bad
blood between Amhara and Oromo by warning of impending Oromo domination.[31]
Already, the Amhara-Oromo alliance that brought Abiy to power was strained, with Amhara and others angered by an ODP statement
that the federal capital should be under Oromia’s control.[32]
They perceive the destruction in early 2019 by Oromia’s government of allegedly
illegal settlements, including many non-Oromo homes, on the capital’s outskirts as an
assertion of Oromo power.[33]
In July, the tens of thousands attending Asaminew’s funeral showed the
continued draw of Amhara nationalism, and thus the Amhara leadership’s narrow
space for compromise. The recent bloodletting
in Oromia, and Amhara-Oromo fighting at several universities, have sharpened
tensions.[34]
Attacks on Orthodox churches heighten concerns, flagged especially by the
National Movement for Amhara, about the safety of Amhara living in Oromia.
Mounting religious tensions risk edging a political dispute over Amhara-Oromo
federal power sharing into a sectarian contest.
Tigray
is another hotspot. The region’s ruling party, the TPLF, controls a northern
region representing only around 6 per cent of the country’s population but that
for years dominated the EPRDF and federal security apparatus and still enjoys
outsized influence in the armed forces.[35]
On arriving in office, Abiy replaced many TPLF ministers and security heads,
partly in response to widespread sentiment that the TPLF was to blame for years of repression and graft. The attorney
general, a senior member of Abiy’s
party, issued an arrest warrant against former national intelligence
chief Getachew Assefa, a TPLF politburo member, who is now in hiding.[36]
Articulating a widely held view, a senior
federal official says the government has found evidence of the TPLF fuelling conflict across Ethiopia over
the last eighteen months in order to destabilise the state.[37]
TPLF
officials reject this allegation and resent what they sense is an attempt to sideline the Tigray.[38]
They say Abiy’s government applies selective justice, most prominently
by failing to prosecute the many high-ranking non-Tigray officials who served
in past administrations and also stand accused of abuses. In their minds,
figures like Asaminew who had been released as part of a wide-ranging amnesty
were far more deserving of prosecution than TPLF leaders.[39]
TPLF leaders are also angry at the displacement of around 100,000 Tigrayans,
mostly from Amhara and Oromia regions, during and after the 2015-2018
anti-government protests.[40]
The
TPLF’s waning fortunes have not only fuelled Tigray anger at Abiy’s government
but also energised long-held Amhara claims over two territories, Welkait and
Raya, in Tigray region. Amhara leaders believe that the TPLF annexed those
territories in the early 1990s and then encouraged Tigrayans to move in,
altering their demographic makeup. Tigrayans argue that the two territories’
administration status should be decided on the basis of self-determination but
that only current residents – not those who have left over the past nearly
three decades – should have a say. The TPLF rejects
the mandate of the federal Administrative Boundaries and Identity Issues Commission, which Abiy set up in December
2018 to look into the Amhara claims and other territorial disputes.
Tigray leaders argue that the body is unconstitutional, as its mandate overlaps
with that of parliament’s upper chamber, though probably their fear is
primarily that it will rule in Amhara’s favour.[41]
The Amhara-Tigray
tensions could be the country’s most dangerous, as they have the potential to draw two powerful regions into a
conflict that could carry risks of fracturing the military.[42]
Warning signs continued to flash between Amhara and Tigray in October and
November 2019. Another fatal attack on Tigrayan militia by rebels from Amhara reportedly took place at the regional
border in the disputed area of Welkait.[43]
Renewed violence between Amhara security forces and militia comprising Qemant
people left tens dead; the Qemant are a minority in Amhara pursuing greater
autonomy but their Amhara opponents say they are TPLF-backed, a claim a military officer involved in pacifying the area
said there was no evidence to support.[44]
For their part, some TPLF officials claim that they have organised a standing
Tigray militia, to defend a “security fortress” in the northern province.[45]
Alongside the worrying signs, there is one positive development. Amhara
and Tigray’s leaders, encouraged by Abiy, have recently
been in contact. Senior Tigray officials express a desire to ratchet down
tensions: “We have to have a fraternal discussion”, one told Crisis Group.[46]
Those talks could set out a path toward resolving the territorial dispute.
A last
hotspot lies at the country’s opposite end, in the
diverse Southern Nations region, hitherto ruled by the fourth EPRDF party, the
fragmenting Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM).[47]
There, ethnic groups have seized on the
political opening to call for enhanced autonomy. The largest, the Sidama,
pressed their constitutional right to hold a referendum on establishing their
own regional state.[48]
In July, as authorities missed the deadline for the vote, Sidama protesters
clashed with police and later attacked minorities. The government deployed
troops to contain the fighting, partly by using lethal force.[49]
When voting took place on 20 November, it
passed off peacefully and resoundingly favoured statehood. But if authorities fail to manage high Sidama
expectations about the pace of creating the new region and bring
economic benefits, there could be more unrest.[50]
The government also faces an uphill battle to dissuade other Southern Nations
groups from pressing statehood claims. Should the regional state architecture
fracture, they could struggle violently for power and resources.
Prime Minister Abiy’s moves to expand and unify the
ruling EPRDF coalition, motivated partly by his desire to bolster national
unity, instead risk fuelling the centrifugal forces pulling at the country’s
ethnic fabric. On 16 November and 21 November, the coalition’s Executive Committee
and then its Council approved merging the four ruling coalition parties, plus the five parties that control the Afar,
Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambella, Harari and Somali regions and that are
allied to, but are not part of, that coalition, into a single unified party,
the Prosperity Party. The reforms, which several parties’ general assemblies
also endorsed, aim to overhaul a system that Abiy and many other Ethiopians see
as the root of many of the country’s challenges.[51]
The
new Prosperity Party would centralise decision-making, rebalancing authority
between its executive organs and its regional branches. The upshot would be
that organs at the central level would
exercise greater power than is currently the case within the EPRDF, in which regional parties until
now have been powerful independent entities.[52]
According to the party’s draft bylaws, a key change would be that a National
Congress would directly elect representatives to the new party’s Central Committee.[53]
Direct election would mark a departure from the EPRDF system in which
its 180-member Council – its key decision-making body – comprises 45 delegates from each of the regional party’s central
committees. Moreover, the party’s national leadership would nominate the
heads of its regional branches.[54]
The
merger also arguably represents a step away from formal ethnic power sharing. Under the current system, the mostly
mono-ethnic parties at the EPRDF alliance’s core run regional states in
which those ethnicities predominate. The principal ethno-linguistic groups in each region thus enjoy substantial autonomy
over local decision-making, including
choosing the administration’s working language and security management.
The proposed reforms open the new party’s regional branches to individuals from
all ethnicities and mean that its central committee will not be formally
composed of ethno-regional blocs.
Opponents
perceive this change as inching away from ethnic federalism toward a system
based on territory but not identity. The new party’s draft bylaws suggest that representation in its National Congress will be
based on the population size and number of party members in each region,
indicating a move to majoritarian politics, an
inevitable consequence of which would be to favour the Amhara and Oromo.
Critics also claim that after the election, Abiy wants to amend the
constitution to become a directly elected president.[55]
A senior federal official, however, said the parliamentary system is likely to
remain, even if there is a constitutional review process – which he does
anticipate – after the election.[56]
Much of the EPRDF leadership formally supports the
merger. Amhara Democratic Party leaders welcome it. They believe that Abiy’s new party marks a
step away from ethnic federalism and will
further strip the TPLF of influence in federal institutions.[57]
For now, the ADP’s ethno-nationalist rivals
in Amhara also favour moving away from ethnic federalism, which they
also perceive as a system designed to impose Tigrayan dominance at their expense.[58]
ODP leaders formally support Abiy’s plan, though there are signs of
discontent within the party’s ranks. Muferiat Kamil, leader of the Southern
Nations ruling party, the SEPDM, who is also minister of peace, backs the plan.[59]
Mustafa Omer, acting Somali region president and an Abiy ally, also supports it. In the past, he has spoken of his worries
about balkanisation, describing Ethiopia’s decision to grant regional
states control of autonomous security forces as a historic mistake.[60]
The
merger enjoys additional support from influential figures in society who are
weary of the ethnic-based political system. According to Mesenbet Assefa,
an assistant professor of law at Addis Ababa University, for example:
The
Prosperity Party will help tame the hyper-ethnicised political discourse. It is
true that ethnic federalism has allowed a
degree of self-governance and use of one’s own language and culture. But
it has also fomented hostility that has reached unimaginable proportions in the
country. … The new Prosperity Party will
help balance pan-Ethiopian and ethnic
sentiment. In fact, millions of Ethiopians, especially urbanites who
have mixed ethnic heritage and progressive politics, feel that they are not
adequately represented in the ethnic federal arrangement.[61]
The plan
also generates hostility, however, mostly from those who support ethnic federalism and view the merger as a first step toward dismantling
it. TPLF leaders reject it outright, believing that it signals the end of the
multinational order.[62] Some argue that ethnic federalism protects Ethiopia from its own
history of coercive centralism and cultural homogenisation. Undoing it, they
say, would set the stage for a return to
rule by an abusive centre or even worse. “The most probable outcome is disintegration. But I am not saying we will let that
happen”, said a top TPLF official.[63]
TPLF leaders opposed the merger at
the Executive Committee 16 November meeting and boycotted the 21 November
Council meeting, saying they needed more time to discuss the plans with members
and raising procedural objections.[64] The SEPDM upper echelons are reportedly divided on the issue,
despite Muferiat’s support. An SEPDM EPRDF Council member told Crisis Group
that some approved the merger on the basis of the new party’s commitment to
multinational federation, but that they would leave if that was not honoured.[65]
Even
within Abiy’s own ODP, many regard the merger warily.[66]
They, like Oromo opposition leaders, oppose the outsized influence the TPLF has
previously enjoyed but value ethno-regional autonomy, and so are aligned with
Tigrayan leaders on federalism. On 29 November, Defence Minister Lemma Megersa
broke ranks with Abiy, declaring his opposition to the merger.[67]
He contended that the timing was not right for the merger, saying Oromia’s
ruling party had not yet delivered on its promises to the Oromo. Lemma’s open dissent is significant, given his prominent role
in events leading to Abiy’s assumption of the premiership. As
ex-president of Oromia, he was a key figure
in a group of EPRDF reformers known as Team Lemma that tacitly threw
their weight behind the protest movement, hastening the previous
administration’s exit. Lemma was a leading candidate for the premiership until
February 2018, when Abiy replaced him as
Oromo party leader as Lemma did not hold a federal parliamentary seat, a
prerequisite to become prime minister. Oromo activists also dislike the plan.
According to Jawar:
Sooner or later
the merger will start to erode the federal system. The groups won’t be able to collectively bargain.
It’s too early to dismantle ethnic-based national organisations.[68]
That said, for now Abiy’s dissenting colleagues and Oromo
rivals appear set on waiting to see what emerges from the Prosperity Party.
They will take on the new party at the
ballot box if they believe that it will erode Oromia’s autonomy or otherwise
thwart Oromo interests.[69]
Jawar himself pledges to run for either the Oromo or the national legislature, though he would have to relinquish
his U.S. citizenship to do so.[70]
Indeed, forthcoming elections could
pit supporters of ethnic federalism, including Abiy’s Oromo rivals and
the TPLF, against its opponents, led by Abiy’s new party.
So far, Abiy’s efforts to win over the Prosperity Party’s
detractors have largely fallen flat. The prime minister has asserted that the merger will not affect
ethnic federalism and his supporters deny that it aims to whittle down regions’
influence.[71]
But to many opponents, the plan to
strengthen the central party at the expense of its regional blocs
suggests the opposite.[72]
Because the EPRDF and the federal structure came
into being together in the early 1990s, the two are intertwined and widely
associated with one another. Moreover, Abiy’s advisers and appointees
include critics of ethnic federalism.[73]
Opponents also perceive Abiy’s doctrine of medemer, or synergy,
about which he has recently published a book and which will inform the new
party’s program, as signalling his intention
to undo the system.[74]
At its core, medemer stresses
national unity, with diverse entities cooperating for the common good. A 22 November
statement after the EPRDF Council meeting said the new party would “harmonise
group and individual rights, ethnic identity and Ethiopian unity”.[75]
The intra-Oromo tensions, plus those between the Oromo
and Amhara, the Amhara and Tigray and the TPLF and Abiy’s government, threaten
to derail Ethiopia’s transition. Direct armed confrontation sucking in regional
elites and federal politicians and
potentially splitting the military high command appears unlikely, at least for now.
Indeed, the army is performing a crucial role managing flashpoints, and it has
remained a beacon of multi-ethnic cohesion despite the 22 June assassination of
its chief of staff. But the consequences of such confrontation, were it to
happen, would be catastrophic, raising the spectre of all-out civil war and the
fracturing of eastern Africa’s pivotal state.
Abiy’s overarching
problem in calming those tensions is that acceding to one group’s demands risks eliciting violent reactions from
another. Many Ethiopians demand action against Jawar for his role in the late
October bloodshed.[76] But
moves by the authorities against him are likely to stir up more turbulence in
Oromia and further weaken Abiy’s base. If the government meets Oromo demands –
awarding them greater administrative power over Addis Ababa, for example – it
would trigger resistance from other groups, especially Amhara. Any federal
attempt to assuage the TPLF’s concerns at its marginalisation could provoke
opposition from the many Ethiopians who blame it for an
authoritarian system’s past excesses. Backing Amhara’s territorial claims
could lead to confrontation with Tigray’s well-drilled security forces.
The dilemma for the prime minister
related to ethnic federalism is equally pronounced. Until now, he has largely
trodden a middle path between proponents and detractors. But his ruling party
reform moves him more concretely into the latter camp, raising the prospect of
fiercer resistance by those who see preserving the system as in their
interests. At the same time, mollifying that group risks leaving behind a
pan-Ethiopian constituency that is influential in urban areas yet holds little
formal power, and which would like to turn the page on ethnic politics and has
largely supported the prime minister until now.
The
prime minister and his domestic and international allies can, however, take
steps to cool things down. Abiy’s camp should clearly signal that any possible
future formal review of Ethiopia’s constitution would be inclusive of
opposition parties and civil society. While
some interlocutors describe Abiy as aloof and averse to advice, the
premier has started to facilitate cross-party and inter-ethnic crisis
discussions. He should continue to foster these.[77]
Abiy and his allies should press for intensified negotiations among Oromo
factions and between Amhara and Tigray’s leaders. Ahead of the May 2020 elections, Abiy could convene a meeting with all major
parties, activists and civil society
to help minimise violence and division around what is shaping up to be a high-stakes vote. But if conditions
deteriorate further, he could consider a delay to that vote and some
form of national dialogue.
As
for Ethiopia’s international partners, they should pressure all elites,
including opposition figures, to curb incendiary rhetoric. They should also
bolster Ethiopia’s economy against shocks that could aggravate political
problems and, if Abiy’s government requests
it, provide a multi-year financial package to create space for his reforms.
While Prime Minister Abiy is within his rights to
spearhead the refashioning of the ruling coalition, he would be better advised
to calm fears that the move concentrates power in Addis Ababa and is the
beginning of the end of ethnic federalism, an issue that Tigrayan politicians
in particular view as almost existential. It will be a hard sell. Signals that
Abiy and his allies have sent since coming to power about their intentions to
remake Ethiopia’s federation undercut their claims that they do not seek to
undo current arrangements. Indeed, for many of Abiy’s supporters, remaking
those arrangements is a key political goal and a vocal lobby beyond them
supports such reforms. Still, Abiy can
reiterate more forcefully that any far-reaching reordering of Ethiopia’s
constitutional order under his watch will take place down the line and through
a consensual, consultative process, involving not only the ruling party but
also other factions and Ethiopian civil society. A process along these lines
would also benefit those among Ethiopian society that want to move away from
ethnic federalism, by giving them a voice in reforms.
The prime minister shouldmaintain lines of communication with the Oromo opposition and
continue to facilitate dialogue between Oromo and Amhara political parties
aimed at reducing tensions that occurred after the October violence.[78]
Civil society groups such as the Inter-Religious Council and elders from the
various ethnic groups should press ahead
with their ongoing efforts to stimulate dialogue among both elites and
the grassroots. Oromo elders, for example, brokered a January 2019 agreement
that helped reduce fighting between federal troops and elements of the Oromo
Liberation Front.[79]
They have also reportedly played a role in encouraging talks among rival
factions in Oromia and should maintain this effort.[80]
They should emphasise to rival camps that all parties should channel their
competition through the electoral process and discourage violence.
The government ought to start reversing Tigray’s
dangerous alienation. While its politicians
will inevitably lose from more representative politics, there are ways to mend
bridges. The Tigray elite have already displayed a capacity to act in the
national interest over the past two years. Although often portrayed as having
retreated to their Tigray fortress in anger after losing their dominant
position in Addis Ababa, parts of the
Tigrayan leadership in fact displayed considerable restraint by relinquishing
their grip on power. In early 2018, many feared Ethiopia was careening toward
civil war amid the three-year grinding confrontation between protesters and the
security state. By ceding control, TPLF heavyweights took a difficult but
inarguably wise decision. Prime Minister Abiy and his allies can now take steps
to persuade them to more substantively rejoin the conversation at the centre of
Ethiopia’s future.
A
first step would be to ease Tigray-Amhara tensions and Tigray disquiet over
Amhara’s territorial claims. Abiy’s government could continue to encourage
Amhara and Tigray leaders to intensify and
broaden promising initial discussions aimed at easing their mutually
hostile relations, while pressuring hardliners to allow such conciliatory steps to occur. The Administrative
Boundaries and Identity Issues Commission could assert that it aims to
resolve the status of the disputed territories on the basis of self-determination, even if leaving open questions of who
has a say in their future. In turn, Tigray leaders might reconsider
their rejection of the commission’s role.
Abiy
and his allies could also reconsider what the TPLF perceives as a one-sided
campaign of prosecutions of leading Tigrayans. Though Tigrayans were prominent
in the previous administrations, leaders of other major ethnicities were also
present in federal security organs. Besides, to portray the former regime’s
legacy in a purely negative light would be misleading: it built vital
infrastructure, revived an economy battered by years of civil war, and oversaw
major advances in basic health care and education for the large impoverished
rural population. Transitional justice might be better implemented after
ongoing reforms to judicial and investigative organs are complete.
For
its part, the TPLF could show greater pragmatism. Rather than adopting a siege
mentality and drawing red lines on issues like the ruling coalition merger, its
leaders could seek compromises with Abiy’s government in the same spirit that
some of them show toward nascent discussions with their Amhara counterparts.
Further, if a national dialogue takes place, Tigrayan elites might want to own
up to some of the abuses that took place in
the three decades in which they controlled key state organs. Such a good-will
gesture would hasten national reconciliation and might reduce opposition
to steps to end prosecutions.
The prime minister’s office has reaffirmed that the
government intends to hold the vote on schedule – understandably so, given his
desire to achieve a popular mandate to push forward with his reforms. Moreover,
the legal procedure for deferring the vote past May’s constitutional deadline
is unclear and a postponement could expose the
premier to questions about his legitimacy.[81]
If the vote proceeds, dialling down tensions beforehand will be
critical.[82]
Abiy and his allies could convene a national conversation with opposition
parties and civil society to discuss campaigning and election procedures,
including the security management of contested cities that are electoral
hotspots and how to ensure that state institutions and public officials do not
support the ruling party, as occurred extensively during past elections.
This forum could help on a number of
fronts. It would offer a chance to limit expectations: even with the best of
intentions, polls will be marked by challenges, given that the new electoral
board is still finding its feet and opposition parties, media and civil society
monitors remain weak. It could allow Abiy and the authorities to build good-will
and encourage parties to pledge not to campaign divisively or view the vote as
an existential, winner-take-all affair. Abiy himself might promise to form, if
he triumphs at the ballot box, an inclusive government, for example by bringing
in regional leaders in the cabinet even if they opt not to join his new party.
Initial discussions are also necessary on how to improve inter-governmental
coordination in a federation facing a post-EPRDF future, where opposing parties
may control the central and regional governments.
If, however, the political temperature
rises further, Abiy may have to seek an election delay. A divisive and bloody
campaign, with candidates making openly ethnic-based appeals for votes, could
tip the country over the edge.[83]
Provided that Abiy secures broad support for a
delay and uses the time the right way, he should be able to weather criticism. Tigray leaders want the
vote on time – in Tigray region, they face little competition or insecurity
that could disrupt balloting, and in any case their fears about ethnic
federalism mean that they oppose constitutional violations such as election
delays – though the steps outlined above aimed at tackling their grievances
might help bring them along. Oromo and Amhara opposition
actors from Jawar and the OLF to the National Movement of Amhara could back a
postponement so long as they were included in any major political discussions.[84]
If polls are delayed, some form of national dialogue, with Abiy
presiding, might be an option. Such talks would aim, first, to build consensus on a
timeline for transitional milestones, including a long overdue census and new
dates for elections, including at village, district and city levels. More
importantly, it could set out a process through which Ethiopia’s leaders can
try to resolve deep-seated disagreements over past violence, power sharing,
regional autonomy, territory and the future of ethnic federalism. According to
one top Western diplomat:
The prime
minister could say we’re trying to change the country, build on the past, call together a national conversation, trying to build a new
national social contract. He could present it as the natural next stage in the
nation’s history, orchestrating an extended dialogue that addresses fundamental
constitutional issues, such as the degree of federalism.[85]
In a country historically suspicious of outside
involvement, external actors inevitably are constrained in the roles they can
play. But the more open environment under Abiy means that the country’s
international partners, including the U.S., Europeans and Abiy’s Gulf allies,
can be franker than in the past, even if behind closed doors.
First,
outside powers need freshened-up talking points. Ethiopia’s transition still
offers great hope and merits all the support it can get. But the continued
unmitigated acclaim from abroad appears
increasingly out of step with trends on the ground. Now that Abiy has
been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, Ethiopia’s international partners can offer
constructive criticism as well as plaudits. The prime minister foreign allies
should nudge his government toward a more cautious and consultative approach.
They should pressure Oromo, Amhara and Tigray elites, including Jawar and other
opposition figures, with whom many international actors have contacts, to avoid
inflammatory rhetoric. They should encourage all Ethiopian leaders to defer
contentious demands over federal power sharing, regional autonomy and territory
until after the May elections or, if they are delayed, until some form of
national dialogue or other consultative process is in place. They should back
an election delay if one becomes necessary.[86]
Secondly,
international partners should use financial aid and technical support to
protect Ethiopia from economic shocks, such as from a reduction in construction
jobs due to diminished infrastructure investment, large-scale layoffs of civil
servants, increased external debt-servicing costs due to devaluation of the
national currency, the birr, or basic commodities prices hikes. In today’s
fraught environment, economic discontent could easily incite protests,
dangerously compounding communal divisions. International partners should also
be ready to discuss a comprehensive package of support for institutional and
economic reform during a multi-year transition, if the government requests it.[87]
Western governments could consider following China’s lead and offering Abiy’s
government debt relief, which could reopen some fiscal space to maintain public
investment in vital infrastructure projects that create jobs for a youthful
population.[88]
Since taking office, Prime Minister Abiy has tried to
drive Ethiopia’s transition from the centre, straddling a line between
ethno-nationalists and opponents of ethnic federalism. But his plan to
transform the ruling coalition has widened a fault line that has bedevilled the
Ethiopian state for decades, between those who see ethnic federalism as a
bulwark against the coercive centralism of the past and those who view it as a
source of division and violence. Moreover, even as Abiy and his allies attempt
to push forward reforms, they have to grapple
with other challenges, perhaps most urgently
ethnic strife that could tip the country into wider conflict and an under-employed
young cohort demanding greater economic opportunities.
Ethiopia
has long been an anchor state in the restive Horn of Africa. Its three-year
uprising arguably served as a model for later protests in the neighbourhood.
Many are watching its delicate transition to a potentially more open era with
considerable expectation. Ethiopian leaders and their foreign allies should
redouble efforts to prevent a breakdown and to shepherd the country to a better
future.
Appendix
A: Map of Ethiopia
[1] Internal Displacement
Monitoring Center website. According to the government,
1.8 million internally displaced persons returned to their places of origin
between April and July 2019. “Ethiopia National Displacement Report”,
International Organization for Migration, 22 October 2019.
[2] See Crisis Group
Report N°269, Managing Ethiopia’s Unsettled Transition, 21 February 2019; Crisis Group Statement, Restoring Calm in Ethiopia after High-profile Assassinations, 25
June 2019;and Crisis Group EU Watch
List, “Watch List – Second Update”, 17 July 2019.
[3] Jawar’s Facebook statement read: “Now it appears the plan was not to
arrest me. The plan was to remove my security and unleash civilian attackers
and claim it was a mob attack”.
[4] “Ethiopia human rights commission opens inquiry on recent
violence”, Ezega, 31 October
2019; and “Over 400 individuals detained for inciting violence: PM Office”, Fana Broadcasting Corporation, 31
October 2019.
[5] “Violence during Ethiopian protests was ethnically tinged, say
eyewitnesses”, Reuters, 26
October 2019; and “Tragedy struck
Ethiopia, again: ‘We are dealing with a different scenario’”, Addis Standard, 28 October 2019.
[6] “After a
massacre, Ethiopia’s leader faces anger, and a challenger”, The New York Times, 18 November 2019.
Crisis Group telephone interview, Jawar Mohammed, November 2019.
[7] “Ethiopia activist calls for calm after 16 killed in clashes”, Reuters,24 October 2019.
[9] “TPLF hegemony has ended, but EPRDF power struggle is just beginning”,
Ethiopia Insight,9 January 2019.
[10] “Rallies held in Oromia over threat to disarm OLF”, Ethiopia Insight,
30 October 2018.
[11] The OLF first emerged in
1973 to fight for Oromo self-determination. It has been exiled since 1992, when
it left a transitional government after clashing with the TPLF.
[12] Crisis Group interview, senior ODP official, December 2019. “Two steps
forward, one step back for Oromia?”, Ethiopia Insight, 7 June 2019.
[13] Crisis Group
telephone interview, Oromo opposition party leader, Addis Ababa, November 2019.
[14] Crisis Group
interview, OLF official, Addis Ababa, July 2019.
[15] See “Ethiopia’s Orthodox
Church criticises Abiy’s ‘failure to protect citizens’”, Africa News, 29
October 2019. The prime minister said the death toll from the recent fighting
in Oromia included 40 Christians and 34
Muslims. “Ethiopia’s Abiy says protest death toll rises to 86”, Al Jazeera, 4 November
2019. “Uptick in church burnings raises alarm in Ethiopia”, Public Radio
International (PRI),16 September
2019. “Ethiopian
Islamic Affairs Supreme Council condemns two separate attacks on mosques in
South Gonder”, Addis Standard, 12
February 2019.
[16] Church leaders say
ethno-nationalist groups attacked 30 churches and killed 100 worshippers in
different parts of Ethiopia before the October violence. In February 2019, a
mob attacked a mosque in the Gondar area of Amhara. “Uptick in
church burnings raises alarm in Ethiopia”, PRI,16 September 2019. “Ethiopian
Islamic Affairs Supreme Council condemns two separate attacks on mosques in South Gondar”, Addis Standard, 12 February 2019.
[17] Opponents also
say Jawar receives funds from the Gulf, but they have offered no evidence to
back up these claims, either. On the 2011-2012 protests, see Crisis Group
Africa Briefing N°117, Ethiopia: Governing the
Faithful, 22 November 2016.,ational
currency, the s ian cooperation or synergyutside Oromia and generally are seen
as an attack against the idea of a unita
[18] “Ethiopia
mourns dead after ethnic violence breaks out”, Voice of America (VOA), 29
October 2019.
[19] Crisis Group
interviews, Jawar Mohammed and ruling party official, Addis Ababa, November
2019.
[20] The federal capital generates around one quarter of Ethiopia’s
economic output despite containing only around one twentieth of the national
population. The constitution states that Oromia’s “special interest” in areas
such as the use of natural resources, social service provision or “joint
administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Ababa in the State of
Oromia shall be respected” (Article 49 (5), Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Ethiopia, adopted 8 December 1994). What “special interest” means
is not fleshed out in law, however, and other groups accuse Oromo activists of
seeking to monopolise resources in the capital. Crisis Group interview, leading opposition activist, Addis Ababa, May
2019.
[21] Crisis Group
interview, Oromia ruling party official, Addis Ababa, November 2019.
[22] Crisis Group
interview, leading opposition activist, Addis Ababa, May 2019.
[27] The EPRDF
Council comprises 45 members from each of the four parties’ Central Committees.
[28] For a good
summary of the contending viewpoints, see Mahmood Mamdani,“The trouble with Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism”, The New York Times, 3 January 2019; and
Alemayehu Weldemariam, “Ethiopia’s federation needs reviving, not
reconfiguring”, Ethiopia Insight,
10 January 2019.
[29] Crisis Group
interview, senior Amhara official, Bahir
Dar,November 2019.
[30] On 13 November, Ethiopia’s
attorney general announced the results of an investigation that concluded
Asaminew was responsible. While many Amhara reject that finding, two senior
Amhara officials confirmed it to Crisis Group. Crisis Group interviews, Bahir
Dar, November 2019. Asaminew may have believed that he was attacking
preemptively, suspecting that regional officials were set to remove him from
his position. See Crisis Group Statement, “Restoring Calm in Ethiopia after
High-profile Assassinations”, op. cit. “Attorney General says June 22 Amhara
senior region leaders, army chief Gen Seare assassinations led by Asaminew
Tsige”, Addis Standard, 13 November 2019.
[31] See Crisis
Group EU Watch List, “Watch List 2019
– Second Update”, op. cit.
[32] “[Oromia
Regional State] has no other position concerning Finfinne”, ODP statement,
Facebook, 26 February 2019. Finfinne, which means “natural spring”, is the name
by which Oromo nationalists refer to the capital, rejecting the Amharic name,
Addis Ababa, which they perceive as an imposition by the mainly Amhara rulers
who presided over Ethiopia in the past.
[33] “Anger in
Ethiopia as police demolish hundreds of houses”, Associated Press, 23 February
2019.
[34] “‘Still I’m
afraid’: Victims reel from deadly Ethiopia clashes”, Agence France Presse, 1
November 2019.
[35] Tigray reportedly still
make up some 40 per cent of the army officer corps. Crisis Group
interviews, defence analysts and former Tigrayan military officer, Mekele, July 2019.
[36] Crisis Group
interviews, former TPLF intelligence officer, other TPLF officials, September
and November 2019. Assefa is believed to be in Tigray region but his exact
whereabouts are unknown.
[37] Crisis Group
interview, senior federal official, Addis Ababa, December 2019.
[38] Crisis Group
interview, senior TPLF official, Mekele, November 2019.
[39] Crisis Group
interview, senior TPLF official, Mekele, July 2019.
[40] Crisis Group
interview, senior TPLF official, Mekele,November 2019.
[41] Crisis Group
interview, senior TPLF official, July 2019.
[42] Crisis Group
interview, Tigrayan former senior military officer, Addis Ababa, November 2019.
[43] Crisis Group
interview, former senior security agency official, Mekele, November 2019.
[44] Crisis Group
interviews, two senior Amhara regional officials and military officer, November
2019. The Qemant in Amhara demand more autonomous territory after regional authorities granted them a degree of self-rule.
[45] Crisis Group
interviews, former TPLF intelligence officer and other TPLF officials, Addis
Ababa, September and November 2019.
[46] Crisis Group
interview, Mekele, November 2019.
[47] See Crisis Group
Africa Briefing N°146, Time for Ethiopia
to Bargain with Sidama over Statehood, 4 July 2019.
[48] “Ethiopia’s Sidama
people vote to create new state”, Associated Press, 23 November 2019. The
electoral board announced that 98.5 per cent of the electorate supported the
creation of a new state, an overwhelming endorsement suggesting that minorities
in the region, many of whom opposed the creation of the new state, skipped the
referendum.
[50] Some argue that a
formal constitutional amendment is needed to add a tenth state to the nine
listed in the constitution. Crisis Group interview, SEPDM Central Committee
member, Addis Ababa, November 2019.
[51] Crisis Group
interview, adviser to the prime minister, Addis Ababa,November 2019. Crisis Group interview, senior
federal official, Addis Ababa, December 2019. “Prosperity Party establishment
takes all required legal steps: Premier”, Ethiopian Press Agency, 29 November
2019.
[53] “Third day
EPRDF discussing ‘Prosperity Party’ regulation”, Addis Standard, 18 November 2019.
[54] Crisis Group
interview, senior ODP official, Addis Ababa, December 2019.
[55] Crisis Group
interviews, TPLF Executive Committee and Central Committee members, Tigray,
November 2019.
[56] Crisis Group
interview, senior federal official, Addis Ababa, December 2019.
[57] Crisis Group
interview, ADP Executive Committee member, Bahir Dar, November 2019.
[58] Crisis Group
interviews, NaMA leadership and regional representatives, Addis Ababa and Bahir
Dar, November 2019.
[59] Crisis Group
telephone interview, SEPDM Central Committee member, November 2019.
[60] “Abiy Ahmed
and the struggle to keep Ethiopia together”, The Africa Report, 11
October 2019. Crisis Group interview, senior former opposition leader, London,
September 2019.
[61] Crisis Group
telephone interview, December 2019.
[62] Crisis Group interview, senior TPLF official, Mekele, July 2019.
[63] Crisis
Group interviews, TPLF Central Committee and Executive Committee officials,
Tigray, November 2019.
[64] Abiy’s allies cite the EPRDF’s decision at the October 2018 general assembly,
or Congress, at which each of the four member parties
had an equal say, to bring the five allied parties into the EPRDF and to
formulate a proposal on how to consolidate all nine parties into a single one
as providing a mandate for the merger. TPLF officials say it greenlighted
discussions only, not the merger itself, at that meeting. Crisis Group telephone
interviews, EPRDF officials, October and November 2019.
[65] Crisis Group telephone
interview, SEPDM Central Committee member, Addis Ababa, November 2019.
[66] Crisis Group
interviews, activists and analysts close to ODP, November 2019.
[68] Crisis Group
interview, Addis Ababa, November 2019.
[69] Crisis Group
telephone interview, Oromo opposition leader, Addis Ababa, November 2019.
[70] Crisis Group
telephone interview, Jawar Mohammed, November 2019.
[71] Interview with Abiy Ahmed, Sheger Radio, 14 September 2019; “PM
Abiy Ahmed launches his book Medemer”, Addis Standard, 20 October
2019. Crisis Group interview, senior ODP official, Addis Ababa, December 2019.
[72] Crisis
Group interview, politician involved in crafting the 1995 constitution, Addis
Ababa, November 2019.
[73] These critics include, for example, Berhanu Nega, leader of the
opposition party Ezema; and two Abiy appointees, Birtukan Mideksa at the
electoral commission and Gedion Timothewos Hessebon, a minister at the Attorney
General’s Office.
[74]
Abiy Ahmed, Medemer (Addis Ababa, 2019). One million copies of the book
were printed in Amharic and Afaan Oromoo.
[76] Crisis Group
interviews, ADP Executive Committee member and NaMA representatives, Bahir Dar,
November 2019.
[77] Crisis Group
interview, opposition leader, Addis Ababa, November 2019. Crisis Group
telephone interview, senior EU official, November 2019.
[78] “Seven political parties
operating in Oromia and Amhara agree to work together”, Fana Broadcasting
Corporation, 15 November 2019.
[79] “Breakthrough as
government, OLF-SG agree on immediate ceasefire, encampment of rebel army in 20
days”, Addis Standard, 24 January
2019.
[80] Crisis Group
interview, civil society figure familiar with the talks, Addis Ababa, November
2019.
[81] As recently as mid-November, his office told Western diplomats that
it would proceed with a May vote. Crisis
Group interviews, Western diplomats, 25 November 2019.
[82] “Ethiopia’s 2020 vote
will be free, won’t be delayed by reforms: Abiy”, Reuters, 25 August 2018.
[83] Candidates
contest seats in single-member constituencies, meaning that in mostdistricts,
candidates from the same ethnicity run against each other.
[84] Crisis Group
interviews, Addis Ababa, November and December 2019.
[85] Crisis Group
telephone interview, November 2019.
[86] According
to one senior European official: “We’d better all be very careful about the way
forward, as this is a powder keg. This chase for an election now is deadly and
the international community risks being fellow travellers and enablers”. Crisis Group telephone interview, November 2019.
[87] On 11 December, the
International Monetary Fund said it had reached a “preliminary agreement” with
Ethiopia’s government on a three-year, $2.9 billion loan to support economic
reforms, including a “transition to a more flexible exchange rate regime”. “IMF Reaches Staff-Level Agreement on a US$2.9 Billion Financing Package with Ethiopia”, International Monetary Fund, 11 December 2019.
[88] “China’s reprieve
on interest-free loan only”, Addis
Standard, 25 April 2019. In April, China cancelled interest-free loans it has extended to Ethiopia, although neither
Beijing nor Addis offered details of the deal.
The post International Crisis Group: keeping Ethiopia’s transition on the rails appeared first on Addis Standard.
Press Conference: 
For the last thirty years, the ruling party has included four regions: Tigray, Oromia, Amhara and Southern Nations. The first three ethnic-based regions have mainly represented three of our eighty-six ethnic groups within Ethiopia, each of the three having a political party in the coalition based on the predominant ethnicity of their regions. Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ is the exception in that it is geographic in nature and home to some fifty-six different ethnic groups.
These minorities are now calling us to join the “I’m Human Movement” and to help prepare the ground for a harvest of freedom, justice, peace, stability, and human flourishing. Become the blessing you seek. Contribute to peace in our nation as we treat the person we meet as we would like to be treated.
The announcement comes as President von der Leyen and Commissioner for International Partnerships Jutta Urpilainen met with Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in Addis Ababa.
I wish to congratulate the “2019 Nobel Champion of Peace”, H.E. Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister of Ethiopia. He will be accepting his prize on December 10, 2019 in Oslo, Norway.
Nobel Peace Prize winner Abiy Ahmed has shaken up Ethiopia since becoming prime minister in April last year, but what ideas are guiding the man who receives the prize in Oslo on Tuesday? The BBC’s Kalkidan Yibeltal in Addis Ababa has been reading the book that outlines his philosophy.
STOCKHOLM (AP) — The winner of this year’s Nobel Peace Prize says his horrifying experiences as a young Ethiopian soldier informed his determination to seek the end of a long conflict with a neighboring country.
Nobel Lecture given by Nobel Peace Prize Laureate 2019 Abiy Ahmed Ali, Oslo, 10 December 2019.
Plan of the area B basilica created from a 3D model of the 2015 and 2016 excavations. Walls are designated with letters, and spaces (including rooms) designated with numbers. Walls K, M, N, G, I, J and L represent an earlier building phase; wall A, along with walls B, C, D and F represent a later phase. Photograph (right) is taken from the north-east corner, looking south (figure by C. Hickman, M. Harrower & J. Mazzariello ).
End-of-Mission press releases include statements of IMF staff teams that convey preliminary findings after a visit to a country. The views expressed in this statement are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Board. Based on the preliminary findings of this mission, staff will prepare a report that, subject to management approval, will be presented to the IMF’s Executive Board for discussion and decision.
REPORT 