Tsega Menkir

The Eritrean government, which is led by one man, one party totalitarian regime, has been in power since its independence. The man at the helm of power, Isaias Afewerki, who led the Eritrean People Liberation Front ( EPLF) in its 30 years struggle for independence from Ethiopia, won the war and established the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice party, which anointed him as the country’s only president to date and he has been in power ever since the country’s inception in 1993. From its birth as a new nation, Eritrea, is known more than anything else for instigating war with its neighbours in all its four sides of the borders I.e Yemen in the east; Djibouti in the south east; Sudan in the west; and Ethiopia in the south. Its war with Ethiopia, in 1998, was by far the mother of all its wars whereby more than 100,000 soldiers known to have perished from both sides. The disputed region which has been the cause of the war, Badme, is still in the hands of the Ethiopian government; even though the international court of arbitration decided that it should belong to Eritrea and accordingly, the Algiers agreement which was signed by the late Ethiopian prime minster Meles Zenawi and his Eritrean counter part Isaias Afewerki officially delivered Badme to Eritrea, albeit in paper only. Since then Ethiopia and Eritrea have been in a stalemate over Badme and the solution to the problem has not been in sight.

Last week, the only ruling party in power in Ethiopia since the overthrow of the last military junta aka the dergue in 1991, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary  Democratic Front ( EPRDF ) which is formed out of four sister parties l.e Tigray People’s Liberation Front ( TPLF ); Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation ( OPDO ); Amhara National Democratic Movement ( ANDM); and South Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement ( SEPDM ) has elected the 41 years old new Prime Minister, Dr Abiy Ahmed, who is known to be from a reformist group of the party. In his maiden speech, he extended an olive branch for peace to the Eritrean government in order to find a lasting solution to the stalemate that has been lingering since the 1998 war over Badme.

For a normal country that is in a no-war-no-peace limbo, when the chance for peace is raised and an opening for dialogue is requested; the logical thing to do would have been to accept the offer and prepare for a dialogue whereby, each party would table their proposals and find out their commonalities. In so doing, they can start to lay the ground work for negotiation and proceed or let the public know where they diverge in opinions and henceforth the reason for the talks failure.

One does not need to be an expert in the field of negotiations to know that any party would never immediately surrender all its bargaining chip before even having a seat in the negotiating table. Especially with an unscrupulous nation like the Eritrean government, the Ethiopian government needs more leverage than normally required. Therefore, whether the peace offer is honest or not, and no one is saying that neither the Ethiopian government is an honest broker of peace nor for that matter a staunch defender of its borders; but the immediate decline by the Eritrean government through its spokesman Ato Yemane Gebreab, of the new Ethiopian prime minister Dr Abiy’s peace offer without a proper due diligence of the Ethiopian proposal, is undoubtedly a big let down to the peace loving Ethiopians and their Eritreans counterparts. For sure, if given the voice, the Eritrean people would have loved to give it the benefit of the doubt it so deserves.

This blatant and swift rejection just shows that the Eritrean government is happy with the status quo to continue. It is not a secret that it is maliciously exploiting the stalemate and playing the alleged victim-hood in every opportunity it gets to crucify the government of Ethiopia.

One would ask what benefit would the Eritrean government get from the stalemate and why is its utter contempt for the peace offer ? The answer is pure and simple in that the Eritrean government had only one and single strategy to stardom when it got its independence. Its Achilles heels of a strategy which is based on building its economic power house at the expense of bigger, populous and most importantly subservient Ethiopia has been blown out of water; and it has allegedly been the cause of the 1998 war. And recently, while Its bigger neighbour, Ethiopia, has been engaged in building industrial parks; this has caused more consternation and has been the envy of its northern foe that put salt on its fresh wound. Even though Ethiopia is landlocked, its favouritism towards the use of Djibouti port as well as the recent lease of Barbara port, has dimmed the last hope Eritrea has in its superiority over the use of Assab as a port for Ethiopia. That has been the last straw that broke the camel’s back.

Eritrea, knowing that its hope is in tatters and chances dimmed; it has been behaving like a neighbour from hell ever since the 1998 war was over. To distract attention from its own curious citizens, who were hopeful after the independence that life would be hunky-dory, blaming the ‘Ethiopian aggression’ has been its default answer to its economic misfortune and a precursor for a non-ending national military service that engaged its unemployed youth in a labour camp with no end in sight.

However, the forced labour far from being productive, it has encouraged most of its youngsters to flee the country in droves and sadly for some to perish en route to Europe either in the Mediterranean Sea or fell in the hands of the militant Muslim militias. The blunder of the Eritrean government with its single plan for success, has cursed Eritrea into doom and gloom. Far from turning into the Singapore of east Africa as ambitiously planned; it has ended up taking the country backwards to the stone ages. The fact that the Eritrean government has turned down the new peace offer at the speed of light also tells us that it is prepared at any length with no expense spared to thwart the new found hope and fresh breath of air, Ethiopians have aspired with the recent change of the prime minister.

This just shows us that given a chance, the Eritrean government would stop at nothing to put Ethiopia into misery, extend Ethiopians suffering and most likely prepare to rejoice Ethiopians predicament for the foreseeable future. That sinister motive is scary not as a result of Eritrea’s might, but because it has nothing to lose. Like a neighbour from hell, it wants to take Ethiopia down to the bottom where it is sitting comfortably and having that miserable company it loves to hate.

The post The Reason Why Peace is not fashionable for Eritrea  appeared first on Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:

Now, let’s follow up on the end of adoptions from Ethiopia. Many Americans adopted children from that country not so long ago. One of them is in my extended family. But after an Ethiopian girl endured abuse at the hands of her adoptive American parents and later died, the country banned all foreigners from adopting. Critics say this new policy could mean more children on the streets, although in Ethiopia, it’s a matter of national pride. NPR’s Eyder Peralta reports.

EYDER PERALTA, BYLINE: I meet Nikki and Brad Huelsman at a hotel in Addis Ababa.

NIKKI HUELSMAN: What’re you doing? What’re you doing?

PERALTA: After five years of background checks, paperwork and waiting, they flew from Ohio to finally finish adopting Germa.

HUELSMAN: He wins people over with the beautiful eyes and little cheeks that I just want to kiss, right?

PERALTA: And now, they have him in their arms, a beautiful 3-year-old boy. But even with all that joy, Nikki Huelsman knows they will be one of the last American families to be able to adopt an Ethiopian child.

HUELSMAN: When you pack – start to pack those bags, you’re so vulnerable and you’re so open to being just devastated if it doesn’t happen. It’s losing – it would be a loss of a child.

PERALTA: In January, Ethiopia’s Parliament banned foreign adoptions, saying they were concerned about the safety of their children. In 2011, for example, an adopted Ethiopian child in Seattle died after she was left outside in the cold. The Parliament also said they were worried, that Ethiopian children could suffer identity crises and psychological problems. The Huelsman’s older daughter was also adopted from Ethiopia, and they favor stringent vetting. They also tried to teach their daughter about Ethiopian culture.

HUELSMAN: I want to believe that Ethiopia finds a way to support their kids and keep their kids in country but also becomes open to the fact that a family is a family, whether they’re in the U.S. or they’re in Dubai or they’re in Nicaragua. They’re – anywhere, a family is a family.

PERALTA: None of the private orphanages opposed to the new rules would talk to me on the record. One Catholic nun, who did not want to be named because she feared retaliation from the government, says she just hopes these children don’t end up on the streets. I do visit one state-run orphanage just outside the capital. Welay Seha, the director, shows me around.

WELAY SEHA: This one is a library.

PERALTA: It’s a sprawling compound nestled between towering pine trees. It’s old but tidy. About 195 girls, aged 7 to 18, live here. Welay says they can take nearly 200 more. So they have the capacity and the money to take care of their children.

SEHA: Yeah, we have the capacity because this institution is under the government. There is no shortage of budget here.

(Speaking Amharic).

PERALTA: Welay walks me to a small building where the special needs children live. Their caretakers are in an office, and all of the children are just sitting there, watching television.

SEHA: (Speaking Amharic).

PERALTA: Ethiopia does not have a strong culture of adoption, so these kids will spend their whole lives here. The ones without special needs will stay until they’re 18. I ask Welay if he’s sure that these children are better off here than in a family home in the United States.

SEHA: We are sure enough because our country is growing.

PERALTA: It’s growing.

SEHA: Yeah.

PERALTA: This change comes at a particularly nationalist time in Ethiopia. The country is having political problems, but it is also resurgent. There is an economic boom, and the country has begun asserting itself in geopolitical issues.

Abebayehu Fikadu, an administrator at another orphanage, says this policy has a lot to do with Ethiopian pride. Ethiopian children, he says, should be brought up here so they can help the country move forward.

ABEBAYEHU FIKADU: Even if we are poor, it’s better to be with our society, with country. Feeling nationality is not replaced money, you know.

PERALTA: The Huelsmans the did make it to the U.S. Big sister is a little jealous, but Germa has learned to love the dogs and has even adjusted to the cold. Mom, Nikki, couldn’t be happier.

HUELSMAN: Sometimes I look at him, even now, and think, I can’t believe we’re home. I can’t believe this is all – he’s here.

PERALTA: But it’s a shame, they say, that some families will be denied this joy. Eyder Peralta, NPR News, Addis Ababa.

(SOUNDBITE OF RENE AUBRY’S “LA GRANDE CASCADE”) Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.

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An Eye Witness Account by an American Author/Journalist.

By Kidane Alemayehu and Konjit Meshesha

“They (two British soldiers) observed a man standing near a haystack with a revolver in his hand. When he saw them prepare to fire, he ran behind a haystack, and both men heard plainly a shot fired. They came to the haystack, they saw the man who had run behind lying prostrate on the ground dying, with the revolver still convulsively clutched in his right hand.”
The inscription on a silver plate attached to the revolver read:

PRESENTED
BY
VICTORIA
QUEEN OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND
TO
THEODORUS
EMPEROR OF ABYSSINIA
AS A SLIGHT TOKEN OF HER GRATITUDE
FOR HIS KINDNESS TO HER SERVANT PLOWDEN
1854

The above graphic record is provided in the fascinating book entitled “Coomassie and Magdala” by Henry M. Stanley (1874) who had traveled to Ethiopia as a war correspondent for the New York Herald accompanying the British force that was led by Lieut. -General Sir Robert Napier in 1868. This article is based on his detailed record of what transpired on the last day of Emperor Tewodros’ life as presented in Stanley’s book, pp 449-464. It also presents the astute observation and detailed record of the Magdala loot by Stanley in pp 454-462. It is to be recalled that the purpose of the British force’s incursion into Ethiopia was to achieve the release of British nationals imprisoned by Emperor Tewodros mainly due to the fact that Queen Victoria failed to respond to his diplomatic initiatives for increased ties between Great Britain and Ethiopia.

To continue with Stanley’s account:

Emperor Tewodros’ body was drawn to the center of the spot where the British regiment had halted. By then, the British army had full control of Magdala and loud cheers of “Hurrah!” and “God save the Queen” were being expressed with enthusiasm.
Although seriously wounded, Emperor Tewodros was still alive. Some Ethiopians saw the body and cried out his name thereby identifying him conclusively. According to Stanley’s definition of the body, it looked like “…. a native seemingly half famished; clad in coarse upper garments, dingy with wear, and ragged with tear, covering under garments of clean linen!”. He had been fighting in disguise to avoid being shot by marksmen.

His face was “deep brown” with a “well defined (and) thin mouth” and “two rows of whitest teeth”. He had an “aquiline nose and his nostrils expanded widely as he struggled to retain the breath which was rapidly leaving him. ” His “face was broad, highcheek-boned, with a high prominent forehead, and overhanging brows.” “ His hair was divided into three large plaits extending from the forehead to the back of the neck…” The body measured “ 5 feet and 8 inches, and was very muscular and broad-chested”.

A subsequent post-mortem revealed that he had sustained “only a slight flesh wound on his right leg,” and in addition “his palate was destroyed, the roof of the mouth scorched, and a hole found through the back of the head” leading to the conclusion that “a pistol fired in the mouth had caused the death”.

On confirmation that the body was that of Emperor Tewodros, “the Irish soldiers took hold of his legs, and roughly dragged him to the hammock, where, after two or three gasps, he breathed his last.”

The British soldiers present were mocking him but one of them “covered the bare abdomen and folded the arms upon the breast”. Soon, the crowd around the body grew bigger “trying to get a glimpse” of it including the former captives who also confirmed his identity.
Sir Napier rode up to view the corpse but no words of sympathy were expressed.

Stanley continues to write: “I strolled to where the dead body of the late Master of Magdala lay, on his canvas stretcher. I found a mob of officers and men rudely jostling each other in the endeavour to get possession of a small piece of Theodore’s bloodstained shirt. No guard was placed over the body until it was naked….Extended on its hammock, it lay subjected to the taunts and the jests of the brutal-minded. ” On being informed of the situation, Sir Napier gave orders that it should be dressed and prepared for internment the following day. At the request of the Empress, the Emperor’s body was buried at a church in Magdala after a brief ceremony conducted by his priest.

The last day in the life of Emperor Tewodros started, most probably, around mid-night on April 12, 1868 when he received a final ultimatum from the commander of the British force, Sir Napier, demanding that the Emperor surrender the following day (April 13) by 9:00 a.m. or face an attack.

The morning of April 13 started with a brilliant sunshine followed, later, by heavy rain and lightening, ending in the evening with a glorious sunset.

Having failed to achieve the Emperor’s surrender, and on being falsely informed that he had fled to Gojam, the British commander offered a ransom of “50,000 dollars” to whoever captured the Emperor: dead or alive. The commander also took the precautionary step of placing the 3rd Dragon Guards at the rear of Magdala as “pickets to prevent the retreat of Theodore”. On April 13, the onslaught by the British Army was in full swing. It comprised 1600 Europeans, 800 Beloochees, 800 Punjabees, 42 elephants, and numerous other beasts of burden.

The British army progressed rapidly with the use of its superior armaments and soon captured Selassie and Fahla and by 2:00 p.m. reached the gates of Magdala which was being bombarded ferociously by British artillery. Stanley writes that Emperor Tewodros was noticed mounted on his white horse observing the progress of the British army and encouraging his much dwindled loyal followers to put up a final struggle. Stanley states that the Emperor shouted: “come on, are ye women, that ye hesitate to attack a few warriors?” However, he had to make a hasty retreat in view of the effective cannon balls wreaking havoc to his army. Nevertheless, Stanley states that the Emperor and his few followers kept on fighting up to the last minute firing their muskets until the British army broke through the fortified Magdala gate.

As if to confirm Emperor Tewodros’ harsh measures against his Ethiopian opponents, Stanley relates that he witnessed 308 dead people “murdered by Theodore” on April 9.
After the tragic event of Tewodros’s death, the disciplined British army progressively deteriorated into what Stanley called “ different kinds of military mobs”. Soon, the military mobs spread all over Magdala in search of loot. They ransacked the king’s storehouse, and moved to the imperial quarters where “the men picked up; then, examining the article, pocketed it or threw it down; to be picked up, examined, and pocketed or thrown away by others coming after them”.

From Stanley’s description the plateau of Magdala was dotted with different kinds of dwellings, silken and canvas tents, and what Stanley refers to as koord- like domiciles, cotes, etc. Continuing his observation Stanley states: “ Each of these had mobs around it commenting, gossiping, pocketing, analyzing, breaking into pieces, or tearing into shreds whatever thing their vision or fancy lie upon”. The largest mob was concentrated around the koord- like domiciles. The scene around these treasure tents is described as “a pandemonium breaking out”. He concludes by making a stinging remark not only of the marauding soldiers but also the avarices of three missionaries, a Prussian, German and Russian mechanics that had secured the treasure tents long before the soldiers arrived. The following is an excerpt describing some of the articles that comprised the loot of Magdala.
Stanley opens his account of the loot by stating: “To enumerate even the one-tenth of the articles scattered about would be a task as tiresome as it would be fruitless.” He then continues to give a glimpse of the overwhelming amount of articles spread in front of him.
“In one of the tents was found the imperial standard of Ethiopia-a lion rampant, of the tribe of Judah, worked in variegated colours. In another was found the Imperial seal, with the same distinctive figure of a lion engraved on it. A chalice, of pure gold, was secured by Mr. Holmes, on which was engraved in ancient Ethiopic;-

THE CHALICE OF
KING ADAM LEGUD CALLED GAZOO
THE SON OF
QUEEN BEHUN MOGUSSA
PRESENTED TO KOSKWAN SANCTUARY GAONDAR
MAY MY BODY AND SOUL BE PURIFIED
15th century.

The Abuna’s mitre, 300 years old, of pure gold, probably weighing six or seven pounds troy weight; four royal crowns two of which were very fine workmanship and worth a round sum of money; were worthy things to be placed in a niche of the British museum. A small escritoire richly ornamented with mother of pearl, was found also, full of complimentary letters from European sovereigns, and state papers; besides various shields of exquisite beauty. There were also an infinite variety of gold and silver, and brass crosses, and censers, some of extremely elegant design; golden and silver pots, kettles, dishes, pans; cups of miscellaneous descriptions; richly chased goblets, of the precious metal; Bohemian glasses, Sevres china, and Staffordshire pottery; wine of champagne, burgundy, Greece, Spain and Jerusalem; bottles of Jordan water; jars of arrachi and tej; chests full of ornamental frippery; tents of rose, purple, lilac and white silk; carpets of Persia, of Uschak, Broussa, Kidderminster, and Lyons; robes of fur; war capes of lion, leopard, and wolf skins; saddles magnificently decorated with filigree gold and silver ;numerous shields covered with silver plates; state umbrellas of gorgeous hues, adorned with all the barbaric magnificence that the genius of Begemder and Gondar could fashion; swords and claymores; rapiers, scimitars, yataghans, tulwars, and bilboes;
daggers of Persia, of Damascus, of India, in scabbards of crimson morocco and purple velvet, studded with golden buttons; heaps of parchment royally illuminated; stacks of Amharic Bibles, missals, and numberless albums; ambrotypes and photographs of English, American, French, and Italian scenery; bureaus, desks of cunning make.”

After enumerating the above articles, the author brings to our attention the size of the loot and the chaos and disorder that reigned all over the plateau. “ Over a space growing more and more extended, the thousand articles were scattered in infinite bewilderment and confusion until they dotted the whole surface of the rocky citadel, the slopes of the hill, and the entire road to camp two miles off!”
Before the auction each commanding officer selected appropriate mementos for their troops.

Early in the morning of the third day, the looted treasure was ready to be auctioned off. The pile of trophies was spread over half an acre. Present were Mr. Holmes, a representative of the British museum; a Colonel Fraser, a buyer for a wealthy regiment mess, and private gentlemen who have come ready with funds. As if to give the reader a mental picture of the fierce bidding, Stanley writes, ”Armed with ample funds, he (Mr. Holmes) outbid all in most things. When Theodore’s shield, used by him in his younger days were offered for sale the bidding became energetic and from 10 dollars it speedly went to 200 dollars, for which sum it was purchased by Colonel Fraser”. The auction lasted two days and the money from the sale was distributed among the non-commissioned officers. .
The auction concluded, the loot of Magdala was loaded on the backs of fifteen elephants and nearly 200 mules ready for the journey out of Ethiopia.
On the fourth morning of the fall of Magdala, 30,000 Ethiopians descended Magdala to the Dalanta plateau. That same afternoon as spectators took position on the southern edge of Selassie ridge about 1000 yards away, the Royal Engineers torched and destroyed Magdala. Fanned by the wind, three thousand houses with their content perished in the flame. Stanley states, “The intense heat created from the loaded guns, pistols, projectiles and shells thrown in by British batteries exploded with a deafening reports, and projectiles whistled ominously near us. Not one house could have escaped destruction in the mighty ebb and flow of that deluge of fire.”

After committing Magdala to the scorching flames the British army loaded with the loot of Magdala started its march to the coast. As the rear of the regiment started decent, “cheer after cheer broke from six thousand voices”.

The return of the loot of Magdala has been an on going battle for Ethiopians and others with a sense of history and justice. Considering the enormous volume of historical manuscripts, books, priceless articles and personal items of Emperor Tewodros that was taken out of Ethiopia, the current struggle through the leadership of Dr. Richard Pankhurst to return and reinstate the loot deserves support. AFROMET, The Association for the Return of Magdala Ethiopian Treasures, with branches in Ethiopia and the United Kingdom, demanding restitution of the loot, has already achieved the repatriation of Tewodros’s amulet, which was given late last year to the Institute of Ethiopian Studies. In addition they are actively campaigning to have a statue erected to Tewodros. Through the good will and effort of the Reverend McLukie, a Scottish priest, and officials of St. John Episcopal Church of Edinburgh, the “Tabot” of St. Michael, was returned to Ethiopia in February 2002. Another area that demands a more organized and increased attention and support is Ethiopian properties in the holy land, i.e. Jerusalem, Jericho, and other urban centers in Israel in order to ensure that Ethiopia’s interests which date back thousands of years are duly protected.

Thus ended the life of one of the most controversial and dynamic emperors in Ethiopian history. Stanley provides an interesting glimpse of the most critical day in Emperor Tewodros’ life. His book is an account of the British triumph in fulfilling its mission of defeating Emperor Tewodros and in releasing the 61 captives with 187 servants and 323 animals. Stanley, however, fails to mention the fact that the success of the British army was mainly because, by then, Emperor Tewodros had lost the support of most Ethiopians due to his increasingly harsh measures and also because some of the Ethiopian leaders of the time were more interested in their own political objectives. It is interesting to note that Stanley had a very dim view of Ethiopians with perhaps the sole exception of “Prince Kassa” (later Emperor Yohannes) who greatly facilitated the British Army’s mission in many ways including opening the way for its travel all the way to Magdala without any resistance as well as by making provisions available for procurement as needed by its force. Stanley also provides an account of the meetings between the local chiefs and General Napier who was able to negotiate his army’s travel unchallenged from the coast to Magdala.
Emperor Tewodros’ vision of a united and strong Ethiopia as well as the protection of its rights to its properties in Israel including the Der Sultan monastery remain the dream of all Ethiopians for generations.

The post THE LAST DAY OF EMPEROR TEWODROS II’s LIFE AND THE LOOT OF MAGDALA appeared first on Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Teshome M. Borago

A new Prime Minister is named in Ethiopia, as Dr. Abiy Ahmed became the first self-identifying Oromo leader in the history of the EPRDF ruling party. Many Oromo nationalists worldwide are celebrating, but strangely, so are many of their current and former foes.

It has been a bizarre period in modern Ethiopian politics as virtually all Ethiopian politicians have praised the same man, Abiy, and depicted his rise as a victory for their own political agenda. No matter how contradicting their reasoning appears, every Ethiopian seems to manufacture their own interpretation of who Abiy is and what Abiy represents.

So far, Abiy’s gentle and likable persona with his humble characteristics has temporarily won over even his critics. However, politically, the reaction to his reign is contradictory since people who have criticized EPRDF the last 27 years, are now praising its leader. This unusually irreconcilable and confusing portrayal of Abiy might be due to his diverse background; but it could also be because Abiy is actually an unknown figure in politics. In reality, not many people really know what he truly believes; as he appears to have no stable stance on any subject matter. Abiy often ignores and zigzags around important topics; like the deadly apartheid-federalism in the constitution, the dangerous tribalism & nativism phenomenon in the Amhara/Oromia/Somali regions, the controversial land disputes in Addis & Welkait as well as the coldblooded massacres by Abiy’s own TPLF colleagues.

For Abiy’s fans, It appears that him saying “I apologize” and “We are sorry” during his PM acceptance speech is enough to erase all the EPRDF crimes of the past and the present; including the current imprisonment of opposition leaders Andualem Aragie, Andargachew Tsige, Eskinder Nega and co.

The odd mixture of congratulations for the new Prime Minister have come from all corners of the political spectrum. Some of the positive reactions to this new EPRDF leader are given by personalities who were known to previously despise the ruling party. Even Ethiopian nationalists; who are allergic to the backward tribalism represented by the ethnic-based protests and politics, seem to warm up to Dr. Abiy recently.

For example, Abebe Gellaw, an Ethiopian nationalist and the director of the popular ESAT tv, focused on Abiy’s identity instead of Abiy’s controversial political party. Abebe refused to label the new Prime Minister as “Oromo” and instead used the word “Oromara,” which means an Ethiopian born from mixed Oromo and Amhara parents. Abebe said we must “appreciate the diversity within Dr. Abiy’s extended family that exemplifies the beauty and best of Ethiopia.”

Similarly, Gobena Merga, a NY/NJ area human rights activist, expressed his “high respect” for Dr. Abiy, asking that all Ethiopians continue to empower the new Prime Minister by putting pressure on TPLF.   Also, Prof. Messay Kebede, another personality from the Ethiopian nationalist camp said there are “high expectations” for Dr. Abiy as “a candidate committed to a reformist agenda.” Similarly,Dr. Berhanu Nega said Abiy’s election is “a step in the right direction.”

Even the UDJ opposition party leader, Andualem Aragie, who previously labeled ethnic politics as “barbaric,” had positive things to say about Dr. Abiy Ahmed. Andualem told this writer that Abiy has “a unique opportunity to inspire change from the inside out,” during a phone conversation. Unfortunately, Andualem was sent back to prison the next day.

Unlike Ethiopian nationalists who are late to join this lovefest, most Amhara nationalists have already been fond of Dr. Abiy since early 2017 after his OPDO partner Lemma Megersa made speeches that promoted Oromo-Amhara unity. That solidarity between Oromo nationalists and Amhara nationalists was also manifested at the ballot box, when both OPDO and ANDM unanimously voted for Dr. Abiy last week. From the popular Oromo nationalist Jawar Mohammed, to Bekele Gerba and Lencho Leta, to the respected Oromo activistDr. Awol Allo, virtually every notable Oromo personality has praised Dr. Abiy Ahmed.

However, the most unusual support came from pro-TPLF Tigrayans in Ethiopia and the Diaspora. The premier TPLF online mouthpiece, AIGAFORUM, was filled with congratulatory messages and letters to Dr. Abiy, including by their renowned UTNA organization. In fact, some Tigrayans were proud and suggested that an Oromo leader for EPRDF will cement Meles Zenawi’s ethnic-federalism (segregation) legacy; and depicted the “peaceful transition of power” as a historic event made possible by their sacrifices during TPLF’s armed struggle against the Derg regime. Another pro-TPLF media, Ethiopian Reporter, published an in-depth article on Dr. Abiy’s biography and mentioned how Abiy built the “Meles Zenawi Secondary School” in Oromia in honor of the former TPLF dictator. Even TPLF’s famous leader Debretsion gave a speech recently, claiming that he did not object to Dr. Abiy becoming the new prime minister.

Not only influential personalities but also average Ethiopians nationwide have been in celebration mode, including on social media. But after all this adoration for Dr. Abiy, when he starts to actually govern (and potentially disappoint his followers), how long this love affair with Abiy will survive, is the real question. There are many signs that the status quo will remain. For example, TPLF head Debretsion recently said that Dr. Abiy will not have full power like Meles Zenawi, adding that the EPRDF executive has established a post-Meles “collective leadership” decision making policy. Unfortunately, Debretsion’s statements might be the only ones that matter on the ground.

Abiy’s best chance to save his popularity might be to avoid doing too many video/audio interviews and remain rhetorically vague during crisis, or stay invisible from the public eye as long as he can. In this scenario, It is quite possible that no matter how bad and bloody things get in Ethiopia under Abiy’s tenure; people might not blame him and they will likely point fingers at the TPLF bosses. Since the militarily powerful TPLF already has a 27 years strong reputation for human rights abuses, random arrests, indiscriminate killings and massacres; Prime Minister Abiy may not face direct criticism unless things get completely out of control.

But the situation does not need to get to that level. According to the former United States Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, Herman Cohen, Dr. Abiy must quickly and “boldly pursue democratic reforms and defy power brokers behind the scene.” He told the new Prime Minister that “the International community is with you.”

Will that be enough? Maybe, maybe not. After-all, if the TPLF deep state feels like it can simply ignore Dr. Abiy, with no consequences, then that is exactly what it will do. This is when the people must come into play once again. The Ethiopian American Civic Council and Diaspora activists have recently convinced several US congressman to use House Resolution 128 to put travel ban and sanctions on TPLF military leaders responsible for human rights abuses. Similarly, according to Prof. Messay Kebede, street protests must continue in Ethiopia after Dr. Abiy’s confirmation. Otherwise, TPLF might assume it can go back to business as usual: looting the country, criminalizing dissent and keeping Tigrayan supremacy in the security, judiciary and all vital institutions of the nation. Peaceful change is not easy and it will take more than Dr. Abiy for it to succeed. As long as Dr. Abiy does not become a TPLF apologist like Hailemariam Desalegn; and as long as Dr. Abiy continues to talk like an honorable African statesman and stand with the people, then the people should stand with him until the end. Then maybe, he might actually fulfill the hopes and dreams of a whole nation and live up to his billing.

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Hopes and Concerns: Junedin Sado Pt 1 – SBS Amharic

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The announcement of a new prime minister has led to widespread celebrations, but reforming the country without alienating the army will not be easy.

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By  William Davison

Though it may come with risks, it would be in the government’s own interests to encourage open dialogue and constructive criticism.

The swearing-in this week of Prime Minster Abiy Ahmed and his promising inaugural speech suggests Ethiopia has its best chance yet to address a political crisis that has been building for decades.

This comes not a moment too soon. Youthful protesters, particularly in Oromiya, are emboldened and angry. Since 2015, security forces have killed more than 1,000 people as the government has shown both frailty and ruthlessness in the face of persistent demonstrations. Without altering its current trajectory, the country would risk a worsening conflict.

Promisingly, the promotion of Abiy looks set to ease unrest and provide space for a rethink. The young leader, still in his early 40s, is the head of the Oromo party in the ruling coalition, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). This grouping, in power since 1991, has made major achievements in nation-building and socioeconomic development. It has done this partly through the Marxist-Leninist concept of “revolutionary democracy“. This has entailed monopolising power across all tiers of government, politicising the civil service, and maintaining a weak judiciary and legislature. It has also involved prioritising material improvements over civil rights, leading to restrictions on the opposition, civil society, and media.

The EPRDF has recorded some impressive achievements in office, but it has also witnessed growing rifts between its four regional parties and a rising crisis of legitimacy. With this now reaching a head, it needs to democratise as promised.

The former rebel movement must shed some of its attachment to secrecy, control, and coercion, and convert itself into an actor in a multi-party system. The EPRDF can maintain its commitments to collective action, minority rights, and state-led development. But it needs to recognise that its vision to transform Ethiopia will not be realised if it continues to exercise complete control and therefore provoke intensifying resistance.

This can be done by borrowing from the liberal democratic playbook without straying into neoliberal territory that is anathema to the EPRDF.

The key ingredient for a new Ethiopia

The key initial ingredient will be encouraging greater freedom of expression within government and throughout society. While many point to the inflammatory dangers of social media in a polarised environment, the need for greater openness trumps such concerns.

This is because more information, reporting, and dialogue are crucial to confronting Ethiopia’s many challenges. Increased scrutiny of the government, for example, would help the EPRDF in its mission of fighting corruption. Tolerance of dissent would act as a pressure valve for opposition sentiments. More openness would encourage expert discussion of Ethiopia’s complex federation and better reporting will illuminate localised grievances. Constructive inquiry could also help detoxify sensitive issues such as the perception of Tigrayan privilege at the expense of more populous nationalities like the Amhara and Oromo.

If the EPRDF wants to signal its seriousness in pursuing change, it could reassure dissidents that they can publicise competing viewpoints without punishment. A line must be drawn under draconian actions that inculcate fear, such as the recent rearrests of critical journalists or the prosecution of the Zone 9 bloggers.

The party-affiliated media could be empowered to investigate issues rather than perform a government public relations service. There is already a promising example of this new possibility in Oromiya, where the regional broadcaster has reported on corrupt lands deals. Newly-empowered national journalists could start by looking into the state-owned Sugar Corporation contracts that are suspected to have been mismanaged by a military enterprise. Only through accountability for those perceived as untouchable can the EPRDF begin cleaning out its stables.

Elements of EPRDF doctrine see private media as the potential tool of capitalist elites. However, the weakness of Ethiopia’s press is a hindrance to progress. The vacuum of reliable information makes space for conspiracy theories to dominate, as they have during the discontent.

The absence of a strong media means a disillusioned public is fed competing narratives by state organs and partisan online activists. Meanwhile, events such as the state repression of Qimant activists demanding greater autonomy or the Konso people’s protests over their loss of self-rule in the south go virtually unreported. Before such fraught challenges can be addressed, facts need to be established.

The mechanics for strengthening the press are a matter for debate, but there is a case to be made for measures such as tax breaks for new outlets. Existing responsible-but-critical media in Addis Ababa provide useful precedents for future development. Western donors who spend more than $3 billion annually can surely find ways to help too without being accused of fomenting a “colour revolution” or contravening former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s stipulation that democratisation has to be homegrown. One route could be backing a stalled initiative for an independent press regulator to monitor abuses, such as the anti-Tigrayan hate speechpublished in 2005.

Levelling the playing field

Some experienced observers have called for a snap election to address Ethiopia’s crisis, but a level playing field does not yet exist. There have been discussions with opposition parties on altering the first-past-the-post system and adjusting repressive legislation, but significant actors did not participate, and the forums were held without EPRDF commitment to systemic change.

Implementing a long-standing call for electoral board autonomy is a prerequisite for meaningful elections, and there is a clear case for refining some catchall provisions of the terrorism law. While such initiatives are hashed out, the EPRDF could give more interviews and publicise more of its deliberations. It is as vital that freedom of expression is enhanced within government as well as wider society.

The backbone of EPRDF rule is an ethnonational federation that accommodated different entities during a fragile transition in the early 1990s. This arrangement, which allows for the secession of groups with shared traits, was made with the historic oppression of minorities by mainly Amharic-speaking highlanders in mind. However, some opponents allege the system was devised by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) to divide and rule more populous groups. While that’s a distortion, there are justified concerns that it has led to communities growing apart rather than together, as evidenced by extreme violence between Oromo and Somali factions last year.

Nonetheless, the arrangement suits many groups, including the Oromo, and will remain while the EPRDF is in power. While differences over ethnic federalism and identity politics represent a deep schism, dialogue might soften those fundamental disagreements that poison the national discourse.

On the ground, efforts to bolster national citizenship rights might improve cohesion, while a constitutional court has been mooted to better handle identity claims. A more open government, a less politicised bureaucracy and autonomous institutions would make it harder for elites to mobilise along ethnic lines to claim a greater share of the pot. At the same time, devolving mechanisms such as tax-revenue generation could make regional governments more accountable to their citizens.

In general, a stronger judiciary and more democratic scrutiny would help counter excessive and arbitrary government action and improve the federation’s functioning. In time, language issues, the secession clause, and the system’s ethnolinguistic underpinning might also be discussed. Oromiya has implemented an important measure by removing ethnicity from identity cards, a move that could be replicated. EPRDF tolerance of flags from previous eras would be another worthwhile gesture.

Generally, progress should be possible if critics forward constructive suggestions that deliver autonomy while protecting against further outbreaks of ethnic rivalry.

Decentralising power

Deeper federalism could challenge certain elements of Ethiopia’s Developmental State model, which has relied on centralised policy control and often prioritises national development schemes over local concerns. However, there are in fact few opponents to EPRDF’s approach of protecting strategic industries and investing heavily in infrastructure, often using Chinese loans. If decision-making was decentralised, it is likely that regions would adopt, and increasingly adapt, national strategies. They do this already in many policy areas, notably in Oromiya recently.

As with many problems, calls for the liberalisation of closed economic sectors or privatisation of state-owned enterprises are often treated as zero-sum calculations. In reality, partial steps can be taken without selling out to global capitalism. For example, a telecoms monopoly has extended mobile-data networks nationwide, which is impressive, but given that the service is inadequate and expensive, a degree of rethinking is needed.

Efforts to attract foreign investment into energy have been lacklustre, while the state-controlled fuel supply results in frequent shortages. The financial model protects the economy and crucially allows state banks to provide cheap loans for public enterprises to construct infrastructure. But more needs to be done to promote lending to the private sector. The growth of private businesses will help alleviate mass unemployment and boost a low tax take.

So far, the EPRDF has treated the corporate sector either as a source of cronies or rent-seeking corruption. A relaxation of control will mean a more conducive environment for business to operate and lobby, which could lead to more balanced growth.

At times, the problem has not been state control but failures of implementation when liberalising. This was the case with the bungled introduction of large-scale commercial agriculture or an inadequately administered construction boom. Similar errors can be prevented by more inclusive policy-making and the encouragement of constructive feedback, rather than maintaining the impression that officials who speak out will be branded “anti-development”. To improve outcomes, thorough probes of projects and strategies will reveal which are working and which need work – this again means giving the media and civil society expanded freedoms.

Ethiopia’s economic system is also tied up with its ethnic politics. While power is already shifting from the TPLF, it is crucial this is managed sensitively. Tigrayan leaders see themselves as unjustly blamed for the current ills and note that they spearheaded the defeat of a military junta, protected minority rights, and played a key role in Ethiopia’s celebrated development model. Although imbalances exist, especially in the security apparatus, claims over the dominance of TPLF-affiliated parastatals can be exaggerated, further toxifying the debate. Independent investigation of those companies would probably support the TPLF’s case. In the meantime, it’s beholden on critics to base reporting on evidence and not prejudice.

Opening up for the opposition

If the EPRDF and Abiy build on their pledges, an assertive but responsible response from the opposition will hopefully be forthcoming. To build trust, while they turn their focus to mobilising at the grassroots, opponents should eschew violence, acknowledge government achievements, and denounce the targeting of Tigrayans or any other groups.

Western actors have few cards to play given how the Ethiopian government has diversified its international support and cast itself as irreplaceable. However, if the EPRDF introduces more meritocracy into civil service appointments, maybe donor funds can be utilised to attract more of the brightest Ethiopians into key positions. This has already been tested at institutions like the Ethiopia Commodity Exchange and Agricultural Transformation Agency.

More radically, foreign diplomats should end their virtual silence on political issues. Rather than direct, the West rightly respects and supports government strategies, but it is wrong to not express justified disapproval. To be true partners, donors could show the way in publicly engaging in constructive criticism.

Ethiopia’s crisis is arguably centuries in the making and there’s little chance of it being resolved quickly. However, recent events offer promise. If all sides take conciliatory steps to discover common ground then dangerous grudges may be defused through dialogue.

The first step in this must be the EPRDF encouraging those conversations by increasing the opportunities for freedom of expression. With more groups from within the EPRDF pushing for enhanced democracy than before, and the clamour from outside growing ever louder, perhaps the best hope is that forthcoming struggles are conducted more democratically than they generally have been in Ethiopia’s long history.

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A group of Mafia in Ethiopia Military refuse  newly appointed Prime Minister to release  Taye Dandaaa, a government spokes person in Oromia and Seyoum Teshome from University for exercising  their right for Freedom of Expression. Both officials detained  in the infamous Maekelawi because they opposed to  State of Emergency and exercised their right of freedom of expression.Many Ethiopians believe that the new prime minister can not achieve  his dreams due to Corrupt Military Officials and gang group .Corrupt  Military Officials are planning to assassinate the prime minister by inviting  him to visit Somalia Region of Ethiopia whose the governor  is the right hand  and  back bone of the corrupt Military Officials.

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BBC Nes

The UK’s Victoria and Albert Museum has offered to return on loan treasures to Ethiopia seized by British troops 150 years ago, including an ornate crown, a royal wedding dress and a gold chalice.

The overture came as some of the objects go on display until June 2019 at the museum in London to mark the anniversary of the Maqdala battle in 1868.

Historians say 15 elephants and 200 mules were needed to cart away all the loot from Maqdala, Emperor Tewodros II’s northern citadel capital.

Image copyrightV&A MUSEUM

Ethiopia lodged a formal request in 2008 at various British institutions for the return of the treasures worth millions of dollars taken from Maqdala.

V&A director Tristram Hunt has reiterated that the items would remain the property of the museum but said they could be sent back home on “long-term loan”.

Maqdala 1868

Image copyrightV&A MUSEUM

• In the mid-19th Century Emperor Tewodros decided to modernise his empire, Abyssinia, by opening up relations with the UK
• But things deteriorated after requests for military assistance were ignored
• In protest the emperor detained the British consul and other foreigners
• Britain reacted by sending an army to the emperor’s fortress in Maqdala
• Rather than become a prisoner, Emperor Tewodros took his own life
• British forces left with manuscripts, crowns, crosses, chalices, religious icons, royal and ecclesiastic vestments, shields and arms
• The emperor’s seven-year-old son was also taken to Britain and then educated at Rugby School:

Image copyrightV&A MUSEUM

• He died of pleurisy at 18 and is buried at Windsor Castle – the Ethiopian government has requested his remains be returned
• The UK treasury deposited a gold crown and chalice at the V&A in 1872
• The rest of the V&A’s collection relating to Maqdala came later via private donations and purchases.

Mr Hunt told The Art Newspaper that the offer had been made to the ambassador at Ethiopia’s embassy in London, which advised the V&A in its preparations for the exhibition, which opens on Thursday.

Ambassador Hailemichael Aberra Afework is quoted by the UK’s Guardian newspaper as saying: “We are delighted with the new partnership between Ethiopia and the V&A and look forward to working together in the future to our mutual benefit.”

The V&A says the 20 exhibits going on display will allow a new audience to appreciate the beauty of their craftsmanship, with examples of intricate and skilled metalwork and textiles, and to reflect on their controversial history.

Image copyrightV&A MUSEUM

The display will also have some of the earliest examples of military photography in the UK, which the museum says was the precursor to modern photojournalism.

Image copyrightV&A MUSEUM

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Amnesty International has criticized Swiss moves to return Ethiopian asylum seekers to their homeland. The secret deal to cooperate with the Ethiopian intelligence services was exposed by the Tages Anzeiger newspaper on Thursday.

After years of foot-dragging, the Ethiopian government bowed to European Union (EU) demands last month to repatriate failed asylum seekers. Switzerland has piggy-backed on the agreement, its migration office confirmed to the Tages Anzeiger.

+ Swiss asylum policy explained

Because many asylum seekers arrive in Switzerland without official documents, the Ethiopian secret service has agreed to help identify people. The Swiss chapter of Amnesty Internationalexternal link has condemned such cooperation “with undoubtedly an extremely oppressive state”.

There are currently around 1,500 Ethiopians living in Switzerland and some 300 pending deportation cases. Until now, Ethiopia has refused to repatriate failed asylum seekers, a stance which met with condemnation by the EU and Switzerland. One such case is an Ethiopian ‘hate preacher’ who was convicted in Switzerland last November.

A migration office spokesman told the Tages Anzeiger that each deportation case would be treated on an individual basis and that the procedure is highly regulated.

Last August, a Swiss court ruling opened the way for more Eritrean asylum seekers to be repatriated to Ethiopa’s neighbouring country. This could affect some 3,200 people who came to Switzerland from the country seeking asylum. Several people have received letters stating that their cases are being reviewed.

MILITARY SERVICESwitzerland could send back 3,200 rejected Eritrean asylum seekers

Eritreans whose asylum claims were denied but were admitted into Switzerland on a temporary basis could lose their status due to a court ruling …

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Artifacts, which are on display at Victoria and Albert Museum, were stolen from African country more than 150 years ago.

by Dereje Dessalegn

Ethiopian artifacts looted by the British colonialists in the 19th century are on a display in London, but a top Ethiopian official says the treasures belong toAddis Ababa and they need to be returned to the rightful owner.

Ethiopia hopes the display at the London’s Victoria and Albert Museum (V&A), which will remain open to the public until June 2019, will help in the eventual return of the lost treasures.

The items, which include a gold crown, a gold chalice and a royal wedding dress, were stolen after the capture of Meqdela – the mountain capital of the then Ethiopian ruler, Emperor Tewodross II, in 1868.

“Showing the looted Meqdela artifacts to the public is positive. We hope it is going to create pressure on them [the Museum] that will help us in our efforts to return the artifacts to where they belong,” Desalegn Abebaw, the director of country’s Cultural Heritage Inventory, Grading and Inspection, told Al Jazeera.

In 2007, Addis Ababa launched a formal restitution claim to have the treasures returned back to Ethiopia.

“It’s good to show these artifacts to the public rather than locking them somewhere since the exposure is going to help us to return them back,” Abebaw said.

Loaning the treasures back to Ethiopia

In an interview with the UK‘s Guardian newspaper, V&A director said the museum would consider loaning the treasures back to Ethiopia.

“The speediest way, if Ethiopia wanted to have these items on display, is a long-term loan … that would be the easiest way to manage it,” Tristram Hunt said.

But many in Ethiopia think the return of the items should not be up for negotiations.

“They took someone else’s possession. It is criminal and they should apologise for it,” Elizabeth Wolde Giorgis, director of the Institute of Ethiopian Studies at Addis Ababa University, told Al Jazeera.

“No European artifacts have been looted and taken to Africa. So, why should it be ok for a British museum to have looted African treasures? And not apologise for it,” Giorgis said.

In 2005, a huge 1,700-year-old granite obelisk was returned home to Ethiopia from Italy, 68 years after it was looted by the troops of the fascist Italian leader Benito Mussolini.

The Axum obelisk is regarded as one of Ethiopia’s national religious treasures.

Italian troops seized the obelisk in 1937 and took it to Rome, where it remained until 2005, despite a 1947 UN agreement to return it to Ethiopia.

It was returned from Rome to the northern Ethiopian town of Axum, where it was greeted by thousands of Ethiopians chanting prayers and weeping with joy.

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA NEWS

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BY ALEMAYEHU MARIAM, OPINION CONTRIBUTOR

04/06/18 06:00 PM EDT 

The old saw is “a stitch in time saves nine”. On April 2, Ethiopia installedAbiy Ahmed as its new prime minister. The question is whether PM Abiy could save Ethiopia’s nine regions from being unstitched in civil strife.

Some watchers of the country have expected civil war in Ethiopia for the past two years.  A well-known Ethiopian opinion leader two years agowarned, “A civil war, and possibly genocide, is in the making in the Horn of Africa, in Ethiopia.” The New York Times asked, “Is Ethiopia about to crack?” Recently, one commentator ominously predicted, “Facing the abyss of interethnic civil war, Ethiopia today is on the brink of state failure.” Others have affirmatively answered, “Ethiopia is falling apart.”

The dire predictions of Ethiopia’s implosion originate in the massive protests that began in Ethiopia’s largest region, Oromia, in 2015 over a proposed expansion of the capital’s municipal boundary through a Development Master Plan. The ruling regime cracked down heavily on protesters, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of people and thousands of injuries and arrests, according to Human Rights Watch. In August 2016, the protests spread to the second largest Amhara region which the regime sought to brutally suppress.

The protests were symptomatic of a much larger political problem brewing in the country for over a quarter of a century. Stratfor, the global intelligence corporation, put it in a nutshell:

“The unrest in Ethiopia can be boiled down to three numbers: 35, 27 and six. The first two represent the percentage of ethnic Oromo and Amhara, respectively, that make up the country’s 100 million people. But neither of those groups controls the reins of government. The Tigrayans – 6 percent of the population – do, and for decades, the Oromo, the Amhara and others have been protesting and pushing for more power.”

Abiy Ahmed is the youngest African leader at age 41. He has nearly two decades of military service and is the first Oromo politician to become Ethiopia’s prime minister since 1991.

Abiy’s selection as PM is said to be highly contested. He was the dark horse in the race and other party stalwarts were touted to take over the PM’s job.

In his inaugural address, PM Abiy struck a message of accountability, unity, justice, peace and national reconciliation. He stressed good governance based on the rule of law. He promised to crackdown on corruption. He assured the youth that he understands their plight and will work to improve education and facilitate conditions for entrepreneurship and business ownership. He apologized for the deaths caused by security forces and assured opposition parties that they will be regarded as “competitors, not enemies.”

He reached out to Diaspora Ethiopians that his government will “welcome them with open arms” if they wish to return to help their country”. He added:

“Ethiopians living abroad and Ethiopians living here, we need to forgive each other from the bottom of our hearts.”

He extended an olive branch to the Eritrean government to resolve differences, to which the Eritrean government responded by demanding Ethiopia’s withdrawal “from the occupied territories”.

The speech was well received among the general population, opposition groups and the international community. The U.S. Embassy issuedstatement expressing support and urging the “lifting of the State of Emergency”. It is not clear if this month’s scheduled vote on H.R. 128, a resolution denouncing human rights abuses in Ethiopia, will take place given PM Abiy’s appointment. Expressions of  support also came from the African Union and other African leaders.

Various Ethiopian opposition leaders also expressed support  butcautioned “words need to change to deeds”.

I believe PM Abiy will be successful in pulling Ethiopia from the precipice because failure is not an option for him or the country. There are those who say he is set up to fail because of the rigid structure of the collective decision making process of the ruling coalition described as “inevitably lengthy, often messy or incomplete, roadmap designed by Meles, despite the generated need for movement brought about by fast-changing conditions.”

The agenda the PM articulated reflects the needs, demands and aspirations of Ethiopia’s youth, which represent 71 percent of the population. He has his finger on the youth pulse and feels the rising tide of anger and frustration spreading among the youth from repeatedly dashed hopes and expectations. He knows he became PM because of the sacrifices, mobilization, agitation and support of the youth. Surely, he is aware that the youth seek regime change and will not tolerate a game of regime musical chairs.

Failure of civil peace under PM Abiy’s leadership means an all-out civil war in Ethiopia. I believe the youth are PM Abiy’s insurance policy for success. They are increasingly becoming skilled and effective in the use of mass civil disobedience and peaceful resistance in demanding change.  In March, the youth managed to implement a week-long fuel blockade across the country to pressure the regime.

The elephant in the room is the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), one of the coalition partners in the ruling regime. The TPLF presently dominates the military, the security forces, the economy, and the bureaucracy.

According to Global Security, the TPLF has set up its own private mercenary paramilitary group whose  “purpose of existence is to ensure the regimes hold on power remains unchallenged.” and “accountable only to a select few senior echelon members of  the TPLF.” Others have testified before Congress on  the role of the special paramilitary group in committing torture, abuse and extrajudicial killings.

Failure for PM Abiy is not an option because, as President John F. Kennedy said, “those who possess wealth and power in poor nations must accept their own responsibilities and lead the fight for those basic reforms.” The alternative is foretold. “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.”

Alemayehu (Al) Mariam is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, with research interests in African law and human rights. He is a constitutional lawyer and senior editor of the International Journal of Ethiopian Studies.

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The Economisr

Abiy Ahmed is the first leader in modern Ethiopian history to identify as Oromo

IN ITS three decades of existence, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has gone through only two leaders. Neither came to power through a competitive vote. So it was with a sense of novelty that Ethiopians awaited the outcome of a secret ballot held on March 27th to determine the new chairman of the coalition and, by extension, the country’s prime minister.

The result was also historic. Abiy Ahmed (pictured) won the backing of 108 party bigwigs, while 59 went for Shiferaw Shigute, his closest rival. On April 2nd Mr Abiy was sworn in as prime minister, making the 42-year-old Africa’s youngest leader. He will also be the first in modern Ethiopian history to identify as Oromo—from the largest, and lately the most rebellious, of the country’s ethnic groups.

The region of Oromia has been the scene of deadly anti-government protests for more than three years. Anger over land seizures and government repression is compounded by a belief that other ethnic groups, such as the Amharas and Tigrayans, have for centuries conspired to keep Oromos out of power. The government reimposed a state of emergency in February after the resignation of the last prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn. Mr Abiy’s rise has eased tensions, for now.

He takes office on a wave of goodwill. Taxis across Oromia are emblazoned with his photo. Activists abroad tweeted their support. Even in Addis Ababa, the capital, where locals are wary of his ethnic nationalism, there is optimism. In his inaugural speech Mr Abiy apologised for the government’s killing of protesters. He called for unity and talks with opposition groups. And he promised to make peace with Eritrea, Ethiopia’s long-standing enemy. “He sounded like Obama,” gushes Asrat Abera, a resident of the capital.

The appointment of Mr Abiy reflects a shift in the balance of power in the EPRDF. His Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation (OPDO) now takes the helm of the coalition, which had been dominated by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The TPLF represents Tigrayans, who form only about 6% of the population, whereas Oromos make up over 30%. Many in the Amhara National Democratic Movement, the coalition’s Amhara wing, also bristled at the TPLF’s power. Its candidate for chairman, Demeke Mekonnen, the deputy prime minister, withdrew at the last minute. Mr Hailemariam’s Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement also brought Mr Abiy crucial votes.

The new prime minister faces two daunting challenges. The first is to reunite the EPRDF, which has suffered from infighting ever since Meles Zenawi, its first leader, died in 2012. Before the vote, Mr Abiy and his OPDO colleagues were subjected to criticism from all wings of the coalition. Many resent his ambition and suspect him of using unrest in Oromia for political advantage. Some think he and Lemma Megersa, Oromia’s popular president, turned a blind eye to attacks on non-Oromos. TPLF supporters accused the OPDO of fomenting a Western-sponsored revolution.

Mr Abiy’s second task is to enact the reforms he and Mr Lemma have long promised. After taking over the OPDO’s leadership in 2016, “Team Lemma”, as the reformers are known, rebranded the party as a quasi-opposition. They adopted the protesters’ demands for greater Oromo representation in government and the release of political prisoners. They criticised the army for killing Oromo protesters. In an act of defiance, 88 MPs, mostly from Oromia, voted against ratifying the state of emergency last month. Mr Abiy abstained.

Sceptics note that Mr Abiy is a product of the old political system. He joined the OPDO in his teens. “Some of his chief mentors were TPLF-ites,” says an analyst in the capital. In the late 2000s he helped set up a controversial online surveillance network. His background may have made him more palatable to hardliners in the EPRDF than Mr Lemma, who was once a more likely prime minister. The price of power may have been private assurances that aspects of the security establishment would be left untouched, says Harry Verhoeven of Georgetown University.

Shimelis Abdissa, one of Mr Abiy’s closest colleagues in the OPDO, says his boss will “give a new life to the EPRDF”. But revitalising the coalition will not necessarily lead to the democratic reforms demanded by activists. That may involve taking on the hardliners. Mr Abiy’s supporters are watching him closely. “We now have a yardstick to measure him against,” says Mengistu Assefa, a blogger. “His words.”

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On April 2, 2018, a remarkable peaceful transfer of power was made in Ethiopia when Dr. Abiy Ahmed assumed his new position as Ethiopian Prime Minister, following the unprecedented action of former Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn when he voluntarily stepped down from that position, hoping to make way for peaceful democratic reforms.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed then gave a historic speech before the Ethiopian Parliament, unlike any other in the last fifty years. The vision he laid out was clearly an Ethiopian vision, which affirmed the innate dignity of all Ethiopians, regardless of ethnicity, religion, gender or other differences, the foundation of each person’s right to freedom, justice, the rule of law and protection from corruption and robbery.

He spoke of the need to promote good economic policy, to provide increased technology to the agricultural sector, to the importance of investing in education and to the government’s role in serving the people instead of the other way around. He also recognized the many Ethiopians who have sacrificed in defense of the country in the past and he apologized to the family who lost their love ones. He called on the people of Ethiopia and in the Diaspora—including the youth— to partner together in the challenging job of building a better country.

The speech was filled with hope for a better future for all Ethiopians, exceeding the expectations of almost everyone. He especially noted the contribution of women and acknowledged the significant contribution made by our youth in pushing for democratic change and their rejection of the current autocratic system. Before the Ethiopian Parliament and the people of Ethiopia, he affirmed that their demands for freedom and justice were legitimate. After nearly three years of protests and the loss of countless lives, his vision for Ethiopia clearly embraced their aspirations; yet, the changes these youth seek are not new. 

In the past, the Ethiopian youth of the day laid much of the groundwork for change, similar to the youth of today. In fact, it has nearly always been the youth, our biggest collective group, who have paid the price with their lives. This happened during the student movement of the seventies and again when Mengistu was overthrown; but both times, the efforts to bring change did not lead to a better Ethiopia. What went wrong? What can the youth of the past say to the youth of today? How can they work together to bring a better future to the youth of tomorrow? How can trust be rebuilt so we can join together to support this new vision for a better Ethiopia?

We should not let this opportunity pass by; nor should we fail to learn from prior mistakes, leaving the youth of the future to recycle the same struggle. Will the new prime minister’s bold and reconciliatory vision be widely embraced or will most take a “wait and see” approach, sitting by until the new prime minister “proves himself?”

This is a highly challenging political environment for such change, making the task even more daunting; yet, there is a new opportunity and if Ethiopians empower the momentum, we may overcome the obstacles.

With God’s help and unity around the principle-based vision PM Abiy proposed; it may very well succeed; however, without that support, there are forces that may undermine its success.

If we do not “do the work” now, and it fails, it will be our own fault. Neither can we stop our effort until it is sustainably entrenched in the framework of our society and protected by strengthened institutions and a participatory democracy. No one, even the prime minister, can do it alone without the backing of the people.

We all must be involved so as to hold all of us accountable, including PM Abiy, his cabinet, the EPRDF, the Ethiopian Parliament, regional leaders, local leaders, our institutions and ourselves to a higher vision for a better Ethiopia. Will you be part of this?

The new prime minister’s strong embrace of a new paradigm of thinking is a dramatic positive shift in direction that may avert the dangerous downward descent of the country into ethnic-based conflict and destruction. Any system, like ours, that is heavily slanted to unfairly favor one group over all others, like the TPLF dominated EPRDF, will certainly become its own source of conflict, with constant threats and challenges to its continued existence.

We should all expect a clash of paradigms between the Ethiopian vision presented by the new prime minister and the old paradigm of ethnic federalism, which mainly supports one group, the TPLF, who have dominated the EPRDF. We hope the members of the EPRDF and others, will not be among those seeking to take the place of the TPLF, but instead will be the first to call for a new structure that opens the political space to representation from all Ethiopians. Unfortunately, we expect some resistance from at least two opposing groups.

• The TPLF and their supporters: The existing TPLF power-holders and their cronies resisted PM Abiy’s election as chairman of the EPRDF and his appointment as prime minister, fearing genuine change; however this present arrangement may become the most favorable exit plan that would provide them with the most peaceful transition to a genuine democratic model where they could also benefit. Right now, they may not recognize this golden opportunity before them; and instead, resist it and try to block PM Abiy at every attempt to bring real democratic reforms.

• Ethno-nationalists: Those leaders and their supporters who see nothing wrong with the present model of the ethnic federalism of the EPRDF, may strongly oppose PM Abiy’s Ethiopian vision and see him and his vision as obstacles to their goals. Ironically, they may share a like-minded ideology to the model of the status quo, contrary to the rising numbers of Ethiopians who now support freedom, justice and opportunity for all the people of Ethiopia.

Both of these groups, although themselves vying for power, could attempt to undermine the vision of the new prime minister and of the majority of Ethiopians, believing their survival and advancement depends on owning the power, finding it hard to imagine an outcome that could be more beneficial to them in the long run— bringing more sustainable peace and security to all, including themselves.

This is a clash of paradigms should be played out not with guns in the streets, but instead at the round table through civil debate, evidence and the real needs of the people and country.

The vision as laid out by the new prime minister is based on principles we in the SMNE heartily  endorse— that every life is valuable, regardless of ethnicity or other differences, and that freedom and justice are not sustainable until freedom and justice come to all.

We should not “wait and see” when we have opportunity to advance our values and principles. If this opportunity is seized upon, it could become a win-win for all of us, including the TPLF and others holding to ethnocentric views and ambitions. If it is not seized upon, we may give opportunity to those who oppose it to once again hijack our hope and dreams for a better Ethiopia.

We all know that the newly elected prime minister has been part of the EPRDF system; and that he still is; but people need to know that the demands of people helped bring him to this position. He has taken a strong stand for democratic reforms, unlike any we have seen come from within the system, despite the resistance from some more entrenched in the system. He was not alone in bringing this outcome. Many others have worked together within the OPDO, the ANDM, the EPRDF and the Ethiopian Parliament to endorse not only PM Abiy, but this inclusive vision for all of Ethiopia.

Something new we are seeing is the insider movement within the system that is beginning to strengthen. Add to this momentum, the minorities outside of the EPRDF; had they been able to vote, many would have also stood by this ideological shift to a new broader vision for Ethiopia and away from the nations and nationalities approach that manipulated the model to favor a few.

Three years of pressure for change from our youth have played a significant role in bringing this new prime minister to this office, as efforts from other hard-working Ethiopians inside the country and in the Diaspora. For these reasons, we should not be quick to judge or do nothing to help after so many people have contributed to this outcome. Waiting and doing nothing can give the TPLF time to crush our shared hopes for a vision many of us have already been working to bring. If he and others are blocked from accomplishing this vision, Ethiopians should be ready to again speak out.

The TPLF want to slow down and silence the Qeeroo, Fano and Zerma youth, but to do so, a small space opened up for this new prime minister. This has happened before; but, each time the movement was crushed, like after the rigged 2005 election where the people almost brought down the TPLF. It happened again after the Muslim uprising when the TPLF were again able to crush the efforts of this powerful, peaceful movement for religious freedom. Then the Oromo youth rose up in 2015 in response to the Addis Ababa Master Plan that would force people from their homes and land. Many Oromo youth lost their lives.

That was followed by an uprising in Gonder on July 2, 2016, when Amhara leaders demonstrated unity of mind and purpose with the Oromo, claiming the Oromo blood was their own blood, that all political prisoners were their own, and that the grabbing of land in Gambella was like their own land had been taken.   Such empathy and unity scared and challenged the TPLF, nearly bringing them to their knees before calling a State of Emergency for 6 months, and then extending it 3 more months. Deadly force and the imprisonment of thousands of youth and others crushed it, only for the youth to rise up once again.

The ruling TPLF should understand that the best way out of the ongoing power struggle is to actually satisfy the demands of the people for inclusive freedom, justice and opportunity. Without doing so, the conflict may gain momentum and erupt in a way that brings far more damage to our people and country.

The TPLF hardline approach is like the campfire you think you have extinguished, believing you left only the ashes; but with some slight breeze, some red ember reignites and out of nowhere, there is a fire, perhaps even bigger than the one you left. It can explode into a forest fire and get out of control if ignored. 

Currently, the demands of the people have created new pressure for change. This time that ember led to the resignation of the prime minister, the release of thousands of political prisoners, another State of Emergency— which had to be rigged due to decreasing cooperation among EPRDF insiders— and now to the appointment of a new prime minister who has displayed the courage and wisdom to present a vision unlike any other. How many other embers are still ready to ignite if the vision of PM Abiy and the cooperative efforts of so many within and outside of the system, are blocked?

The unique advantage now is having a prime minister, someone on the other side, who is speaking the same language as the people and who seems to understand some ways to bring change. He has extended his hand out, and now the people must respond with the same if we are going to start a genuine dialogue that will lead to a process to bring meaningful democratic reforms, reconciliation and restorative justice.

Important next steps:

1. End the State of Emergency
2. Release all political prisoners
3. Call on all opposition to start a national dialogue
4. Reform the national security sector to reflect diversity of the nation.

These are things the TPLF would never willingly do unless there was pressure from the people, the international community and an effective organized body intensively working to make it happen.

This is why the “wait and see” approach is a death sentence to the peoples’ hopes and dreams; and instead, will empower the TPLF. The new prime minister has the title, but not the authority over the military, security forces, intelligence, judiciary, and other key components that are by law, supposed to be part of his position. The TPLF will not easily give over control, so there must be active support of him and what he is trying to do.

Those Ethiopians in positions of power, as well as intellectuals, visionaries, religious leaders, elders and other key people must help develop a framework leading to an inclusive national dialogue, reconciliation, restorative justice and democratic reforms so as to bring transformative change.

God has given us so many opportunities, but we wasted them or saw them sabotaged by personal or tribal ambitions. The rejection of the feudal system brought the communist government of the Derg— the Red Terror. The overthrow of the Derg brought the emergence of the present ethnic apartheid regime led by a liberation front called TPLF, which has divided the country, landlocked Ethiopia, deepened ethnic hatred to a point we have never seen before and robbed the country of many of its resources.

If we now miss this opportunity; we could get get more years of oppression under the TPLF; we could find ourselves under the domination of yet another tribal group, or something worse, including the widespread violence and destruction. The people have suffered for too long and deserve better than this. It is time for an Ethiopian vision.

May God strengthen and guide Prime Minister Abiy, the EPRDF, the Ethiopian Parliament, the TPLF,  the TPLF Central Committee,  the people in Ethiopia, including our youth, and those in the Diaspora, helping all of us to do what is right, good, loving, moral, brave, wise, and honorable during this critical time in the country. May God help us value the lives and rights of others, putting humanity before ethnicity or any other differences and caring about the freedom of each other, for no one will be free until all are free.

The post ACT NOW TO EMPOWER THE ETHIOPIAN VISION OF PRIME MINISTER ABIY OR THE WORK OF THE PEOPLE TO BRING CHANGE MAY BE WASTED appeared first on Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

People working on an assembly line at Huajian shoe factory in Dukem, Ethiopia, on April 19, 2012.

East African economic powerhouse Ethiopia swore in a new prime minister this week, whose pledge to smooth out ethnic ruptures in the country could mean that unrest and violence no longer disrupt its economic development.

Abiye Ahmed took his oath of office on Monday, declaring that “Today is a historic day. We bear witness to a peaceful transfer of power.”

Abiye’s leadership is noteworthy as he is an ethnic Oromo, a group which hails from Ethiopia’s Oromia region — of which the capital is also national capital Addis Ababa. Despite being Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, comprising roughly one third of the country’s 100 million population, Abiye is Ethiopia’s first Oromo prime minister.

“Our identity is interwoven and intermingled. We are born Ethiopians and we die as Ethiopians,” Abiye said at his swearing in, as reported by Reuters.

Minasse Wondimu Hailu | Anadolu Agency | Getty Images

Abiye Ahmed, newly elected prime minister of Ethiopia, attends the swearing in ceremony at the House of Peoples’ Representatives in Addis Ababa on April 2, 2018.

Abiye’s rhetoric of national unity is pertinent given that he was elected into power by lawmakers in the midst of a state of emergency, imposed following anti-government protests which led to the resignation of his predecessor Hailemariam Desalegn. Oromos accuse the government of marginalization.

Abiye was a lieutenant colonel in Ethiopia’s military and also holds a doctorate in peace-keeping from Addis Ababa University.

Ethnic tension impacting business

But despite the festering civil unrest in recent years, Ethiopia’s economic fundamentals have remained strong.

Ethiopia is among the poorest countries in the world, and also suffers from recurring famine. But, the country has sustained gross domestic product growth (GDP) of above 8 percent since 2004, with this figure hitting double digits as recently as 2015, according to International Monetary Fund data.

Julio Etchart | ullstein bild via Getty Images

Women queue for water with plastic cans in the outskirts of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on May 16, 2013.

Unemployment was 5.4 percent in 2017, according to the World Bank — a similar figure to that of Nigeria, considered by some metrics to be Africa’s largest economy.

But, ethnic tension is impacting business. “At least 40 foreign-owned assets, primarily flower farms and textile factories, were attacked during anti-government protests in 2015 and 2016,” Ben Payton, head of Africa at consultancy Verisk Maplecroft, told CNBC this week.

“While such attacks have since dwindled, protesters clearly appreciate how they can hurt the government by targeting foreign investors,” he added.

Following China’s lead

Ethiopia’s strong economic metrics could be thanks to its government espousing China-style state-led development. For example, public companies maintain monopolies over several areas of the economy, while citizens cannot privately own any land.

While Ethiopia has ostensibly been mimicking Chinese economic governance, it has also been a major recipient of Chinese funding abroad. Ethiopia is a key tenet of China’s Belt and Road Initiative, a big bucks spending drive to resurrect ancient trading routes centered on China.

Jenny Vaughan | AFP | Getty Images

Workers at Huajian shoe factory in Dukem, Ethiopia, on April 19, 2012.

Ethiopia is a burgeoning manufacturing hub, with the intention of growing the sector to account for 25 percent of the economy by 2027, the state-run Ethiopian News Agency quoted a government official as saying last June. This has primarily been established through Chinese-funded industrial parks.

“The industrial park model has certainly worked well in terms of investment flows — foreign direct investment grew by 27.6 percent last year, largely because of investments in the new industrial parks,” Jane Morley, Ethiopia analyst at Economist Intelligence Unit, told CNBC Thursday.

According to Chinese state-run newspaper the Global Times, Ethiopia is aiming to have 15 such industrial parks by June of this year.

Dealing with demographics

While Abiye has set his agenda on bridging ethnic divides during his first few days in office, managing the Ethiopian economy around its population could prove an issue.

Eric Lafforgue | Art in All of Us | Corbis via Getty Images

Ethiopian farmers threshing grain with bullocks on January 18, 2017, in Lalibela, Ethiopia.

Ethiopia’s population, the second largest in sub-Saharan Africa after Nigeria, has a median age of 18, according to Morley.

“Clearly, far greater private-sector involvement is going to be necessary if sufficient jobs are going to be created and growth be made sustainable over the medium to long term,” she said.

Despite the growth of industrialization, agriculture still accounts for one third of GDP. Low wages are an issue faced by those in newly-generated manufacturing jobs.

“Headline figures mask substantial variations,” Morley explained.

But given the pressing civil unrest which overturned Ethiopia’s political order two months ago, privatizing the economy while attempting to pacify ethnic divides would be a huge challenge for Abiye. He will likely “tinker at the edges of economic policy for the time being,” Morley said

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Victor Muisyo

Sudanese Foreign Minister Ibrahim Ghandour said on Friday that a fresh round of talks to respond to Egypt’s concerns over a mega dam being built by Ethiopia on the Nile has failed

A 17-hour discussion between foreign ministers and intelligence officers failed to resolve differences over Ethiopia’s $4bn (£2bn) Grand Renaissance Dam being built along the Nile.

“We spent the whole day talking as ordered by the leaders of the three countries, but we didn’t reach an agreement… I can’t specify what the disagreements were, but they were technical issues,” Mr Ghandour told reporters.

Talks on the controversial dam were suspended in February amid political turmoil in Ethiopia which led to the sudden resignation of Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn.

A new prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, was sworn in this week on 2 April. Hopes for stability are pinned on Ahmed, the country’s first prime minister from the large Oromo ethnic group, whose members have been protesting for a number of years for better representation.

“The disagreements are technical in nature,” added Mr. Ghandour without providing further details and without giving a possible date for the next meeting. His counterparts in Ethiopia and Egypt refused to talk to reporters.

The Renaissance dam is supposed to become the largest hydroelectric power station in Africa. It was originally scheduled to start operating in 2017, but according to Ethiopian media, its construction is only 60% complete.

Egypt insists on its “historic rights” on the river, guaranteed by treaties dating from 1929 and 1959 that grant nearly 87% of the flow of the river to Egypt and Sudan.

After initially opposing the project, Sudan now supports it.

Egypt fears that the construction of the Grand Renaissance Dam on the Blue Nile which started in 2012 will reduce the flow of the river which it depends 90% for its water supply.

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April 7, 2018

Tegenaw Goshu

The very critical situation we are facing in our country and the very efforts being exerted by the ruling circle for the very survival of its political power by any means available including “smart political game” of telling the people what they are hungry for and desperately want hear as well as offering them with some “generous concessions” cannot and should not be characterized as the real and serious signals of change let alone being the source of excitement and real hope.

Unfortunately, what we are witnessing/hearing/reading from most of our intellectuals or educated fellowmen and women with regard to this very tricky political event sounds so poor and clumsy.  Did we witness or are we witnessing any real signal or clear and detailed vision? Not at all! Yes, we hear and read opinions, comments, and even ideas that declare going to the right direction toward the right and fundamental change through the newly selected and assigned prime minister has no any other option but to move forward.  To my understanding, the prime minister has options, not just one option.  Either be courageous enough and determined to practically show that his premiership is not to serve as a survival agent or tool of his political godfather (TPLF) and the Trojan horse of TPLF (OPDO, ANDM, and SEPDD) and go ahead with his project of bringing about fundamentally democratic system, or else try to mess with people’s real demand and be ready to be forced to resign or pushed out with terrible disgrace.    Because it is crystal clear to any genuinely concerned ordinary Ethiopian that failure and the continuation of politics as usual cannot be or should be an option at all.

The failure or success of the newly selected and assigned prime minister is totally dependent on whether he is a man of his well-received words of political rhetoric.  I strongly doubt as he is a prime minister who is still the very captive of a political game that will never give up its power without the viability of strong and well-coordinated opposition forces that should strongly and persistently be accompanied by peoples’ movement that has been going for a couple of years.

Unfortunately enough, the movement seems slowing down or even sliding back by being victim of the words of the newly assigned prime minister that are not and will not be able to change the very political nature, behavior, attitude, norm, and action of the ruling circle which he has been belonging to more than half of his forty-two years of age. I strongly disagree with the notion that politicians of EPRDF who are forced to speak the very language of the people (Ethiopia/Ethopiawinet, togetherness, democracy, good standard of living, remarkable history and history makers, freedom and justice loving etc.) not because of their own self-initiation and motivation can be agents of fundamental democratic change without the continuation of the struggle in a much more powerful and timely manner. What we are hearing and witnessing is a fairly articulated and seemingly well-intended rhetoric (speech for the general public consumption), not signs of walking the serious walk. Intention is good. But it could be terribly misleading and with disastrous consequences if it is not accompanied by timely and effective deeds. Is it a matter of being pessimistic if we are concerned about what the new PM is doing and how is doing where as he is still an element of the same notoriously anti- fundamental democratic change ruling political club  ? I would argue absolutely not! On the other hand, optimism is not complacency or behaving foolishly toward a serious matter such as ours. Optimism requires a ground to emerge and rise up, grow and become a powerful material force of achieving what we aspire or dreamed.  Any optimism less than this is not only misleading but self-defeating state of mind (mentality).

Yes, the new PM  has delivered  a relatively great political rhetoric which is not  actually new in its essence,  but the reflection of  peoples’ words of  deeply painful cry and decry for  more than a quarter of century  . Would he be able to turn around this horrible political and socio-economic quagmire and dehumanizing practice of his terribly brutal and stupidly arrogant ruling front (TPLF/EPRDF) and create a situation for fundamentally democratic system while he remains in the very political basket of it? Not at all!

We may argue that this kind of argument of mine is pessimistic or badly negative. I would say it is foolish enough  to be victim of extremely simplistic and emotion-driven political way of approach to the very difficult , cynical, hypocritical, and terribly conspiratorial ruling circle which is trying its best to survive and to come back with its heavy and brutal political arm by offering its “best”  piece meal of its “deep and genuine reform or democratic revitalization”  through a prime minister who is much more smarter than the very clumsy and lousy former PM, Ato Hailemariam Desalegn . Yes, his (the new PM’s) ruling circle will allow him or instruct him to be “generous enough” by offering some highly deceiving (mischievous)   piece- meal approaches and actions which essentially means ” you the Ethiopian people, that is what you deserve, not removing the ruling party of ‘revolution democratic centralism’ from its gracefully successful throne of Arat Kilo palace. ”   I wish it could be otherwise. But that is what it is!

To my understanding, it is very disappointing, if not sad to witness the very terribly simplistic, self-degrading, emotion-driven, extremely shallow, and highly misleading optimism coming even from the most highly experienced and educated fellowman and women especially in the diaspora. Is that the way we are seeking for fundamental democratic change and prevalence? I hate to say but I have to say that an ordinary and illiterate man or woman of my country knows how to bring about the change the country is desperately waiting for and  can explain much better than most of our well-educated fellowmen and women who seem just expressing their excitement about the selection and assignment of the new PM without  at least meaningfully and seriously critical  way of discussing and analyzing the very political reality of the country that has been horribly messed up and deeply contaminated by the ruling party still in control of both political  , economic , military and security power . Have we detached ourselves from the very hard reality of our country in practical terms while we simply keep pretending that we are doing great and enjoying kind of never- happened excitement ? Terribly worrisome!

Yes, showing the very obsession (excessive excitement or a mentality of political fantasy) towards the newly selected and assigned PM for the simple reason that he has given a political rhetoric that deeply touches our feelings and tells us what we want to hear is terribly clumsy and frustrating. Not because his words are not great or a matter of dismissing the probability (though minimal) of his personal good intention and desire. But when our intellectuals  including those with great reputation of both their academic level and longtime experience such as professor Mesfin W/Mariam  overwhelmingly excited and intended to believe that the new PM is going to make a historic chapter in our political history does not show the  critical, rational, positively challenging and constructive political personalities of our intellectuals. Not at all!  Hearing these kinds of highly simplistic and   emotion-driven intellectual excitement after the untold sufferings we have gone through for more than two decades is not a good example for this generation whose future should be determined by its own independently led struggle to achieve a fundamentally democratic Ethiopia. To this end, the movement must either make the new PM its own agent coming from his dangerously toxic godfather (TPLF) or the Trojan horse (EPRDF) or let him unequivocally  know that he has to distance ( step down) without killing more time and energy , and consequently  hurting the movement .

I am afraid if we do not try hard to get out from the very mentality of the very self-degrading of feeling happy and excited with the drip and drip and rip or shamefully trickle down change within the existing ruling circle, the bright future we are desperately longing for will stay far and far away, not getting closer and closer. And that would be disastrous.

I am not saying that the newly assigned PM may not personally have good intention and the desire to do the best he can do and make his own political personality and the political history of his ruling circle free from the very deadly criminal political behavior and practice for more than two decades by taking necessary but painful measures.  What I am strongly arguing is that the new PM cannot and will not be expected to bring about any new and democratic change other than piece meal or trickle down offerings as long as he remains the prime minister selected and assigned by his old political godfather (TPLF) and his Trojan horse (EPRDF). I am afraid he may end up being a “better” driver of that Trojan horse than the former used to be. I wish I could be a politically damn person and miracles could happen. Unfortunately, that does not work in the political reality of our country.

What is to be done?  The wave of peoples’ struggle must move much more powerfully and successfully and let the new PM know that if he is not going to be a real agent for a real and genuinely fundamental democratic change and development with an excuse of needing more time and patience, he has to resign or get out from the very politically contaminated palace politics that he could not able to clean it up and make it a real palace of the people. The people cannot and should not shoulder the very deadly and dehumanizing ruling circle in the name of give me, give me, give me and give me time political game anymore!!  Absolutely not!!

I wish not only him but all of us all the best!!!

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 There are few Ethiopians who would not wish to give their new PM a benefit of doubt and willing to give him also time. Most of them wish him success in his difficult new job but almost every Ethiopian expect much from him to solve the complex and multifaceted problems of Ethiopia. Of course, they are cognizant of the fact that it will be very difficult for him to keep and realize all what he promised in his inaugural speech last week to the people of Ethiopia particularly as it is becoming clear that he was elected in spite of the opposition of TPLF leadership. So it goes without saying that its “state in the state” structure which is composed of intelligence, military contrabandists and mafia elements will do every thing in their power to sabotage his reform objectives.

The TPLF old guard will never give away easily. In other word, they won’t give up. The fact is that they have unlimited monopoly of power. They control over the military, intelligence and security of the state. They adopted policy of divide and rule, corruptions, ethnic conflicts and tribalism in order to maintain their power and control over others systematically. TPLF old guard, as part of their hidden agenda, they can instigate Abdi Iley and his Special Police Force (Liyu Hayli) to do havoc in neighbouring regions. After all, they are already demanding from the new PM for allot more ministerial posts to the Somali Region. They are advocating that the affiliated (Aggar Organisations) or Satellite Parties in the Afar, the Ben-Shangul, the Gambella, the Harari and the Somali Regions join EPRDF coalition to assure equality of organizations as well as of the regions. No Ethiopian will reject that proposal, but none will welcome it as an instrument of counterbalancing its dwindling influence inside the EPRDF ruling coalition.

The TPLFs old guard must realize that as one of their spokesman correctly stated in his speech to his follow Tigrigna speakers recently in Frankfurt-Germany that his organization cannot protect all Tigrians in different regions of Ethiopia. It cannot unarm and crush opposing Ethiopians with impunity without jeopardizing the disintegrating of the national army into its component elements and eventually its members join the peoples camp. This could end in the unstoppable disintegration of the state, a recipe for inter-communal strife and even a failed state. Such developments put Dr. Abiy Ahmed’s plans in precarious predicament and might nullify the sigh of relief we all felt when the new PM announced his reform platform. In spite of  all  those  above  mentioned  daunting  challenges  the  new  PM assured the Ethiopians that his people is known for changing daunting challenges into opportunities. This is what every peace-loving Ethiopian peoples, both inside and outside the country, would like to see.

ARDUF will continue, with the rest of Ethiopians, fighting the TPLF until the constitutional, democratic and fundamental human rights are fully recognized, respected, protected and implemented in accordance to the rule of law. Let us help to that without forgetting our task of fighting TPLF and accelerate its eventual demise.

Victory to Ethiopian Peoples!!

Victory to the freedom fighter- ARDUF

(UGUUGUMO)

Military Command Centre (MCC) Information Desk of ARDUF

Afar Revolutionary Democratic Unity Front (ARDUF)

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By Dinberu Degnetu

Various news agencies are reporting that the Ethiopian Government on Friday April 6, 2018 announced it had closed its notorious detention center. What actually happening is the government rather expanding and moving the facility to a new location. It is an effort by the Government to use this good looking news to deter HR 128 from coming to the floor of the American Congress and to buy time to grow out stronger after completely crushing the peoples protest against cruel governance. The Ethiopian Government is much known for its deceptive words. It plants bombs and claim lives so that it gets support of the western nations in arresting innocent citzens blaming them for a terrorist act.

The notorious detention center which the Government wants to get credit for closing is known as ‘Maekelawi’. It is located a couple of blocks away from the center of the capital city. Many elites and intellectuals, that poor country needs a lot from, have been kept for decades, tortured and killed in this jail. These victims have never been prisoners of war. They have never been members of terrorist organizations. They have never been members of Al Shebab or Alka Ida. They are and have been accused of thinking of alternatives solutions for the country’s political problems other than the people in power thinking. They demanded their and /or the people participation in government positions. Or they are brave journalists who produced articles the government has not been happy about.

The victims are mostly from two ethnic groups Oromo and Amhara of which together represent more than 60% of the Ethiopian population. The 99% of the people making the torture are members of the ruling party TPLF (Tigrean People Liberation Front). Tigrean People represent about 6% of the total population of Ethiopia. Most of people being tortured are for fabricated accusations and are from different professions: priests, students, businessmen, journalists, political party members, women, underage kids, mothers and fathers but almost all of them either Oromo or Amhara.

The Ethiopian government does not accept doing anything wrong saying even America who own a matured democratic system is torturing in Guantanamo.

There is a difference. I am not saying what is done in Guantanamo is right but there is a difference:

1. Americans are committing tortures on POW; TPLF’s torturers are doing it on fellow innocent citizens though they are from different ethnicity.
2. America is torturing till a prisoner talks something the interrogator believes the prisoner is hiding. This helped America locate Bin Laden and kill hilm. The interrogator uses scientific vetting techniques before torturing. The TPLF’s torturers do not have any scientific vetting techniques and do not stop sometimes till it ends by the death or pass out of the prisoner or the torturer tires.
3. America is not allowing torture on its soil. Maekelawi is in the center of the capital City of Ethiopia. As recently exposed by one of the prisoners before court, higher officials of the governments are participating in torturing on a part time basis.
4. The worst torture technique America practicing is waterboarding. The TPLF’s torturers do many too cruel sort of torturing methods intentionally to inflict permanent injuries or death.

A witness, a journalist whom once tortured and was in the jail, talked to the VOA Amharic Program in the interview he made on April 6, 2018 ‘They plucked all the 20 nails off Abebe Kasse fingers and toes. They did not stop there. The next morning as soon as Abebe awakes start stabbing the sore on the fingers with sticks till the guy passing out again. I have blood soaked nails of him with me so that I put in the museum when this government goes away. They hanged a water bottle carrying two litters of water on his genitals and swing the bottle with their hands left and right and never stop till he passes out. Now Abebe cannot move without support. Has pain during urination. Abebe is castrated now and moved to the new prison.’

Another young lady interviewed the same day by the same journalist accused for being member of OLF which she totally denies said: ‘I was taken to a room blind folded. I did not know the time, even whether it was daytime or night since I was left in a complete dark room for days. When they take off the piece of cloth from my eyes there were eight men standing around me. They asked me to tell them why I was there. I could not tell them because I did not know. I was told to take off all my clothes. They took all my closes off and was naked when they hanged me on a structure looks a cross and start beating me with a piece of wire. When I waked up I was in my cell covered with dark. I was barely able to move my body”

1. The American interrogators are cultured and grown up in the democratic environment as ordinary citizen and attended schools. TPLF torturers are totally illiterates except the training they got how to shoot and kill people. Above all the bandits are told since child hood Amhara and Oromo ethnic origins are totally natural enemies to them and the people Tigrea.

During the twenty seven years, the current government stayed on power, tens of thousands are believed to be dead and hundred thousand estimated to be jailed. To everyone surprise not a single person higher official or subordinates has been accounted for the crimes committed.

What the most heart breaking to the people of Ethiopia and families of the prisoners is that the Ethiopian Government is supported by the money coming from the civilized citizen of North American nations and European Union countries. The vehicles and sniper rifles manufactured in America are used to massacre innocent Ethiopians indiscriminately on the streets of Ethiopia. The British Government is giving training and materials to the Federal Police force of Ethiopia. Why doesn’t the Marshal law applied to help democratize Europe is not offered to Africa. May the race be a factor?

Dinberu Degnetu

April 7, 2018

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Hopes and Concerns: Junedin Sado – Pt 2 – SBS Amharic

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