BBC News

Ethiopians have woken up to a new leader, and a renewed sense of hope.

Abiy Ahmed has been voted in as leader of Ethiopia’s ruling coalition, paving the way for him to step into the shoes of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, who unexpectedly resigned last month.

He inherits a country that has seen some of the fastest economic growth in the world in recent years.

But it has also been riven by years of protests by people who feel marginalised, with a government accused by many of human rights violations – including torture and extrajudicial killing of political dissidents.

So is Mr Abiy – praised as an astute politician with impressive academic and military credentials – the man to lead Ethiopia into a peaceful, prosperous and free future?

Who is Abiy Ahmed?

Mr Abiy’s background is crucial to the way people view him.

When he is sworn in, he will become the country’s first Oromo leader – the ethnic group at the centre of nearly three years of anti-government protests, which have left hundreds of people dead.

• Africa Live: More on this and other stories from the continent
• Why has Ethiopia imposed a state of emergency?

One of their main complaints is that they have been politically, economically and culturally marginalised for years – despite being the country’s largest group.

The election of Mr Abiy – who is believed to have huge support among the Oromo youth as well as other ethnic groups – may change that.

He is leader of the Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation (OPDO), one of the four ethnic parties which make up the ruling the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition.

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The 42-year-old, who was born in the city of Agaro in Oromia and comes from a mixed Christian-Muslim family, joined the OPDO in the late 1980s.

He has served in the military and rose to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel, before becoming the founder and director of the country’s Information Network and Security Agency, which is responsible for cyber-security in a country where the government exercises tight control over the internet.

After that he became the minister for science and technology.

What does the opposition think?

Mr Abiy is seen by many as outspoken and competent, with a participatory leadership style. This leaves opposition figures cautiously optimistic about the future – as long as he tackles the issues behind the unrest and unhappiness in Ethiopia.

Jawar Mohammed, the US-based director of the Oromia Media Network, who has been accused of stoking the protests, wrote on Facebook: “This appointment carries a unique opportunity, in the real sense of the term, if he is determined enough to capture it, that can translate into the great and historical responsibility of leading Ethiopia and its peoples into the peaceful transition to democracy.”

Yeshiwas Assefa, who leads the Blue Party, told the BBC: “The main point is he has to be someone who understands the demands of the public and the public’s desire for change… He has to reform institutions in dire need of reform.

“We hope Mr Abiy understands well the public’s demand for change…. [and] guessing from various speeches he personally made, Mr Abiy seems to be someone who has a sympathetic view of those demands.”

But Bekele Gerba, deputy head of the Oromo Federalist Congress, who was released from prison earlier this year, pointed out that the power to make changes, like lifting the state of emergency, may not lie with Mr Abiy.

“What I think will determine the country’s fate is how much the military and intelligence community work with and obey the new prime minister, how much they’ll become faithful to the constitution. So things must be seen from this perspective,” he said.

Can Abiy soothe Ethiopia’s wounds?

Analysis by Kalkidan Yibeltal, BBC News

Abiy Ahmed has a big task ahead of him.

He has inherited a ruling coalition beleaguered by a power struggle within its four ethnically based parties, and a country where many are unhappy with the status quo.

He also needs to ensure that the government’s promise to widen political dialogue in the country is fulfilled. It appeared to hit a roadblock after a number of recently released politicians, journalist and bloggers were rearrested.

It is not known what Mr Abiy thought of the decision to bring in a national state of emergency, because he was not in parliament to vote at the time.

But the 42-year-old is often seen as being among a group of young reformers. Thus, it is hoped that his nomination could soothe protesters and buy the government some time to address the public’s demands.

However, his critics argue that he’s been a party insider for too long to be labelled as a reformer.

But Ethiopians will have to wait at least until he forms his cabinet for the first hint of what exactly to expect from his tenure.

What do people think?

Kibour Gena, a businessman who lives in the capital Addis Ababa, told the BBC: “There are priority assignments forwarded by the party that await the new PM; and at the top of his list of priorities will be the state of emergency and bringing peace.

“In order to bring sustainable development and ensure fruitful, long-lasting efforts in the country, peace is of primary importance. So it is necessary to look whether the state of emergency restores or hinders peace.”

But there seems to be some confidence he can fulfil those tasks.

Mohamed Ali, who lives in Weldia, in Amhara region, welcomed news, which came at midnight.

“Every one of us was happy for Abiy Ahmed,” he said. “We believe that he will restore peace and stability in the country. I was extremely happy. I hope that he will manage to make a difference, especially among the youth.”

Mebratu Dubale, who lives in Hawassa (in Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Region), added: “I know he is qualified given his level of education as well as his experiences and his determination in that regard.

“He will be able to finish what was started and lead the country towards a better direction than the one we are currently in.”

The post Abiy Ahmed named as head of Ethiopia’s EPRDF ruling coalition appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Mikael Arage  29/03/2018

“ Three different friends in Addis who happen to have friends who co-worked, studied and grew up with Abiy described him as a very fair, just, rational, scientific, polygot and friendly person.”

The post What next : Abiy Ahmed nominated as chairman of Ethiopia’s regime. appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

The Oromo Democratic Front (ODF) welcomes the election of Dr. Abiy Ahmed as Chairman of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and as Ethiopia’s incoming Prime Minister. He comes into office at a critical period when the country is facing many domestic and regional challenges. He takes over a divided country, a fractured political system, a broken economy, a frayed social fabric amid a complex regional
environment. The biggest challenge would be bringing about national reconciliation, ensuring justice, citizenship rights and equality for all. Ethiopia has age-old issues as well as new ones and we hope the new EPRDF Chairman would be the prime minister of all the 100 plus million people instead of just the party apparatus and a fraction of society. We wish our country would be one where every Ethiopian is able to live in peace and harmony, where all ideas and opinions are entertained and respected, and where all citizens participate in the affairs of their country and equitably benefit from its resources without any fear or discrimination. We are certain that without genuine democratization, the cyclical crisis that grips the country from time to time won’t go away.

To that end, we call upon the new administration to immediately rescind the State of Emergency, to revoke all laws designed to stifle the human and constitutional rights of citizens, to release all political prisoners, and to launch dialogue with all credible political organizations, both inside and outside the country.

The Ethiopian people have been yearning for freedom, justice and democracy for generations. Countless lives have been lost and ever-diminishing resources unnecessarily squandered in pursuit of these noble goals. The crisis of the last three years and the immense sacrifices paid by the Oromo people in particular and the country in general attest to this. We believe the time has come when Ethiopia embarks in earnest on the course of a
truly democratic transformation. It is our sincere hope that the appointment of the new PM is not going to be just a change of guard, but a harbinger of the meaningful reforms the dire situation demands. We also hope that Prime Minister Abiy would face the challenges squarely and carry out institutional reforms, including those of  the judiciary, electoral systems, the media, and the security sector.

We in the Oromo Democratic Front are convinced that Ethiopia’s intricate and complex political problems cannot be solved by the ruling party alone; hence it must open up the political space and allow all stakeholders to play their parts towards resolving the country’s chronic and age-old political and socio-economic challenges.

The ODF is prepared to shoulder its responsibilities in this regard.

We wish the new Prime Minister success in his new endeavor, especially his reform agenda. We would also like to pay tribute to the departing Prime Minister, Ato Hailemariam Desalegn, for his exemplary move in stepping aside from his post to pave the way for change and a fresh start that the country needed.

This change in the ruling party would have been impossible without the sustained popular struggle of the last three years in particular and the sacrifices made. We would also like to take this opportunity to hail the Oromo youth, as well as those of the rest of Ethiopia who have singularly shouldered the role of challenging the authoritarian system with immense costs. We pay tribute to all the martyrs as well as all those who experienced various forms of physical and emotional suffering. At the same time we congratulate the leadership of the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization, especially Team Lemma, first for carrying out reforms and change within its ranks, and for courageously facing the challenges along the road.

Likewise we call upon the people of Ethiopia to sustain their exemplary patience and to give the new administration a breathing space by preserving peace and harmony among all communities and by eschewing all acts that may only play into the hands of detractors wishing to derail the reform process.

Freedom and Justice for All!
The Oromo democratic Front (ODF)

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March 28, 2018

The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) government has finally elected Dr. Abiy Ahmed as its new party Chairman to replace the outgoing Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn. While Dr. Abiy’s election answers the question of who will replace Hailemariam, it also raises two other important questions: whether the replacement represents the usual trickery from the TPLF playbook, or is it a genuine effort by reformists within the regime to address the demands of the Ethiopian people? We will soon learn the answers to these questions.

In the last three years, there has been an internal struggle within the EPRDF between those who are bent on maintaining the status quo and those who want to upend the political system in response to the people’s demand for fundamental change. If Dr. Abiy’s ascendancy to the premiership represents a triumph for the reformist wing within EPRDF to bring about fundamental changes to peacefully transition Ethiopia from dictatorship to democracy, Patriotic Ginbot 7 (PG 7) will view it as a step in the right direction.

It’s no secret that Dr. Abiy’s election comes at a critical time in Ethiopian history. Currently, the country is engulfed by massive protests with people demanding freedom, justice, and respect for fundamental human rights, civil liberties and inclusive governance. In this process, enormous sacrifice has been paid by the Ethiopian people through thousands innocent lives lost and too much bloodshed, agony, and anguish. After all these sacrifices, it must be understood by all that the quest for real change towards a genuine democratic political order shall remain a non-negotiable factor. Any agent of change that does not address this fundamental truth will invite the people’s wrath upon himself.

As the elected chairman of EPRDF, it’s a foregone conclusion that Dr. Abiy will be sworn in as the next Prime Minister. If his premiership is to mean the triumph of reform within EPRDF, it’s imperative to set the right agenda for change and take the following concrete measures starting on day one:

1. Release our comrade Andargachew Tsege and all political prisoners throughout the country without any pre-conditions;
2. Revoke immediately the illegal and draconian State of Emergency and lift all restrictions on fundamental human rights and civil liberties;
3. Stop the killing of civilians and restructure the security forces that have been committing the killings with impunity;
4. Communicate a clear roadmap to convene a national conference of all stakeholders to discuss about the future all-inclusive transitional arrangement.

While applauding the initial success of the reformist group, we are also cognizant of the fact that there are still powerful elements within EPRDF that are not happy with the result of the election and we expect them to use the deep state within their control  to stall and frustrate change. It’s necessary to keep an eye and stand guard against any such potential sabotage.

Since its inception, Patriotic Ginbot 7 has been operating under a firm principle of working collaboratively with change agents from any quarter as long as genuine democracy is their end game. At the same time, until the transition from dictatorship to democracy becomes a reality, we urge the Ethiopian people who have paid immense sacrifice to continue their determined and just struggle for freedom, justice, and democracy until victory.

Justice, liberty, and Unity for the people of Ethiopia!

Contact: foreign@patriotg7.org

The post The New EPRDF Chairman Must Respond Positively to the People’s Demand appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) – In choosing a 42-year-old polyglot from Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group as prime minister, the ruling coalition is trying to ease ethnic tensions and appeal to the legions of disaffected youth.

Former army Lieutenant-Colonel Abiye Ahmed, who speaks three Ethiopian languages and co-founded a branch of the intelligence services, is now under pressure to deliver the stability that his Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) craves.

Abiye got the job on Tuesday, succeeding Hailemariam Desalegn who quit to clear the way for reforms.

Oromiya region, which surrounds the capital Addis Ababa, has been rocked by violence since 2015. This is fuelled largely by a sense among young members of the Oromo ethnic group, which makes up roughly a third of the 100 million population, that they are politically and economically marginalized.

Abiye’s Oromo heritage appears to be a calculated attempt to soothe this anger. But his broader room for manoeuvre may be hemmed in by the strictures of the EPRDF, the rebel coalition that took over from the Derg military regime in 1991.

Dissident politicians say the EPRDF, which holds all 547 seats in parliament, is not yet ready to allow more freedom in what remains one of Africa’s most tightly controlled states.

“Attempts to enact change will depend on the coalition’s readiness,” said Merera Gudina, an Oromo opposition leader and former parliamentarian who spent a year in jail on charges of inciting unrest. “Some of its leaders may still be thinking within their own box and seek cosmetic changes that will not take the country forward.”

The EPRDF has chosen Abiye as chairman of the coalition, meaning he automatically becomes prime minister. However, he still has to be officially sworn in as premier by parliament on a date which has yet to be announced.

“PART OF THE SYSTEM”

Abiye’s rise to lead the coalition was challenged by members of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), a party from the northern Tigray region which dominates the coalition.

Abiye’s Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation (OPDO) and the TPLF are often at odds within the coalition.

“Abiye is part of the system. But it is change in the sense that the OPDO had to fight the TPLF and the system to get where they are now,” an EPRDF member who spoke on condition of anonymity told Reuters.

Street protests in Oromiya began three years ago over land rights and grew into calls for broader political and personal freedoms.

Security forces killed hundreds of people and arrested tens of thousands in what has become the biggest threat to the EPRDF since it seized power. The unrest has also deepened tensions between Ethiopia’s main ethnic groups.

Around 10,000 mainly Oromos crossed into Kenya earlier this month, according to the Kenyan Red Cross Society, after several civilians were killed in what the Ethiopian military said was a botched security operation targeting militants.

Shortly before the Abiye announcement, Oromo refugees at a camp in the Kenyan town of Moyale said a prime minister from their own community might change things.

“If our government changes and we have a good government I will go back home, but for now I cannot,” said Karu Guyo, who crossed into Kenya with all eight of her children.

Oda Asse, a university student said the Ethiopian military targeted young men like him “because we are likely to be active in the resistance”.

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“We would love to get a prime minister from the Oromo community because we are largest community,” he said.

The violence and internal EPRDF disagreements over the pace of political reforms were reasons for Hailemariam’s abrupt resignation last month.

Abiye will become Africa’s youngest leader, half the age of Cameroon’s Paul Biya, who is 85, and much younger than East Africa leaders such as Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, who is 73.

He served in the military for a decade after joining the EPRDF rebels at the tail end of the rule of Derg leader Mengistu Haile Mariam, who was toppled in 1991.

CLOSED SYSTEM

The new prime minister’s background as a party insider could allow him to push reforms. “Abiye has an opportunity to enact change from within as it is a closed system where the line between the civilian and security components is blurred,” said political analyst Berouk Mesfin.

Abiye co-founded the Information Network Security Agency, which conducts online surveillance of citizens, and served as its deputy chairman until 2010.

He also faces the task of further democratising a country long accused by rights groups of clamping down on dissent.

Since January, the government has released thousands of dissidents to placate simmering anger, but it re-introduced a state of emergency the day after Hailemariam resigned. Laws curbing civil society and the press remain.

Abiye must also grapple with unemployment in a country where at least 70 percent of the population is below the age of 30.

Even the officially sanctioned press has not pulled its punches about the difficulties ahead.

“It is incumbent on the incoming premier and his administration to be cognizant of the specter of catastrophe hanging over Ethiopia and do whatever is necessary to provide the kind of leadership which pulls the nation back from the brink,” the Addis Ababa-based Reporter said this month.

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Prime Minister-Designate, Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali

Cc: Abadula Gemeda, Speaker of the House of Peoples’ Representative

29 March 2018

Your Excellencies,

The undersigned international, regional and national human rights and development organisations write to express our grave concern over the recent arrest of 11 Ethiopian journalists, bloggers and political opposition leaders amid a new crackdown on fundamental freedoms. Such measures undermine the Ethiopian government’s international human rights obligations as well as recent political commitments to initiate an era of widespread democratic political reform. As you assume your position as Prime Minister, we urge the Ethiopian Government to immediately and unconditionally release all human rights defenders, political activists and journalists, including the 11 individuals detained this week.

On 25 March 2018, Ethiopian police and security forces arrested journalists Eskinder Nega and Temesgen Desalegn, Zone9 bloggers Mahlet Fantahun, Befekadu Hailu, blogger Zelalem Workaggnhu  and political activists Andualem Arage, Addisu Getinet, Yidnekachewu Addis, Sintayehu Chekol, Tefera Tesfaye and Woynshet Molla.

The arrests were carried out while the defenders were attending a private meeting in Addis Ababa at the home of journalist Temesgen Desalegn. The private gathering was held in recognition of the recent release of thousands of political prisoners amidst ongoing and widespread protests against political marginalisation and land grabbing in the Oromia and Amhara regions which began in late 2015. The eleven are currently being held at Gotera-Pepsi Police Station in Addis Ababa.

Days earlier on 8 March, authorities arrested Seyoum Teshome, a prominent blogger and university lecturer. Teshome, who is a frequent contributor to Ethiothinkthank.com and was detained for three months under the previous State of Emergency, is currently being held in the notorious Maekelawi Prison in Addis Ababa.

While the authorities have not publicly indicated if charges will be brought against the defenders, under the February reinstatement of the national State of Emergency, groups and individuals must seek permission from the Command Post to host public gatherings.

Prior to their release in February, several of the defenders had previously been imprisoned for periods ranging from two to seven years in relation to their legitimate work as journalists, bloggers and political activists. Eskinder Nega and the Zone9 Bloggers are recipients of international awards celebrating their contribution to independent journalism and human rights.

The arrests follow the declaration of a national State of Emergency on 16 February by the Cabinet for a period of six months. The State of Emergency includes a number of draconian and overbroad provisions. Among other worrying violations of fundamental democratic freedoms, the State of Emergency imposes a blanket ban on all protests, the dissemination of any publication deemed to “incite and sow discord” including those who criticise the State of Emergency and allows for warrantless arrest.

Such measures are contrary to international human rights law and the Ethiopian Constitution and are counter-productive to peace and security. The invocation of the State of Emergency criminalises dissent and persecutes human rights defenders, protesters and journalists.

We urge the government of Ethiopia to: (i) immediately release all human rights defenders, political opponents and journalists detained for exercising their legitimate rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly; (ii) end all forms of harassment against journalists and all citizens with critical views on national matters and; (iii) review and amend the State of Emergency to ensure that any limitations on fundamental rights are in line with  international human rights obligations.

Sincerely,

1. Access Now
2. African Law Foundation (Nigeria)
3. ARTICLE 19
4. Asia Democracy Network (ADN)
5. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
6. Asian Legal Resource Center (ALRC)
7. Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE)
8. Association for Progressive Communications (APC)
9. The Article 20 Network
10. Balkan Civil Society Development Network (BCSDN)
11. Bytes4All Pakistan
12. Caucasus Civil Initiatives Center
13. Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL)
14. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
15. Commonwealth Human Right Initiative (CHRI)
16. DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
17. End Impunity
18. Endorois Welfare Council (Kenya)
19. Ethiopia Human Rights Project (EHRP)
20. Freedom House
21. Front Line Defenders
22. Karapatan (Philippines)
23. Global Participe (Republic of the Congo)
24. Greenpeace Africa
25. International Civil Society Centre
26. International Service for Human Rights
27. JOINT – Ligas de ONGs em Mocambique (Mozambique)
28. Odhikar (Bangladesh)
29. OutRight Action International
30. Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum
31. PEN International
32. Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
33. Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights
34. Sengwer Indigenous Peoples Programme
35. Uganda National NGO Forum (UNNGOF)
36. West Africa Civil Society Institute (WACSI)
37. West African Human Rights Defenders’ Network (WAHRDN)
38. World Movement for Democracy
39. World Organization Against Torture
40. Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association (ZELA)

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I did not like how the election of Dr. Abiy Ahmed as the chairman of the EPRDF and as the Prime Minister designate of Ethiopia, pending approval by the Parliament, is being framed and set up by both local and international media and the implication of his election on the demands of the Oromo people in Ethiopia.

Irrespective of whichever media outlet’s one may read, the following five key connections are either implied or purposely made about the connection between the election of Dr. Abiy and demands of the Oromo people. And they are all wrong.

1. Dr. Abiy was not elected to represent the Oromo people. He is an Ethiopian Prime Minister representing the entirety of the Ethiopian people including the Oromo people. The Oromo people never nominated nor elected him to represent them in the Office of the Prime Minister. He is elected as an individual, possibly, representing the OPDO, the Oromo wing of the EPRDF. Therefore, it is wrong to assume that Dr. Abiy is becoming the chairman of the EPRDF and the Prime Minister of Ethiopia by representing the Oromo people.

2. Dr. Abiy was not elected to calm down and sooth the Oromo people and the Oromo protests. To begin with, the demands of the Oromo people was not to elect Dr. Abiy to the office of the prime minister. Second, it is wrong to assume that the Oromo people will be calmed down and being soothed by the election of an Oromo individual to the office of the Prime Minister unless the office Dr. Abiy represents, the Office of Ethiopian Prime Minister, responds to the demands of the Oromo people and all the demands of the #OromoProtests are addressed. In fact, the Oromo protests will continue their struggle until the political, economic and social exclusion and marginalization of the Oromo people in Ethiopia ends. The Oromo people knows he is an Oromo but he does not represent the interests of the Oromo people alone. As a Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Dr. Abiy represents the interests of all Ethiopian people. The Oromo people will not expect either specific favor other than what he could do for all Ethiopia’s or being disappointed if he fails to deliver any of his promises. But, with Dr. Abiy in the office of the Prime Minister, the Oromo people will work with him to end those marginalization and exclusions. The same holds true about the demands of all other Ethiopian people. Simply put, the struggle will continue including by working with him to address the demands of our people for justice, equality and freedom.

3. Dr. Abiy’s success or failure as the Prime Minister is not Oromo people’s success or failure. Dr. Abiy’s success or failure as the Prime Minister is just that. It is his individual success or failure. The Oromo people will not be praised for his success nor condemned because of his failures. But, will I be, as an Oromo, happy at his success? Triple Yes! Yes! And Yes! In fact, I will do everything in my power for him to succeed to advance the causes of equality, justice and freedom in Ethiopia. I believe the Oromo people, the same as all other Ethiopians, will do the same and work hard for his success. Other than that, attributing his failure or success to the Oromo people will be totally wrong.

4. Dr. Abiy, as an individual, is not a superman to do miracle in solving Ethiopia’s multifaceted problems. Rather, his administration, the ministerial cabinet and other executive authorities he appoints, the support of progressive forces in the EPRDF, and the support his administration gets from the Ethiopian public including from those in the opposition will determine whether his administration succeeds or fails. Therefore, instead of focusing what Dr. Abiy could do or not do, let’s look into what we could do both as an individual and as group to help him and his administration bring the much needed transformative regime change in Ethiopia.

5. Dr. Abiy is not an Oromo Prime Minister. He is an Ethiopian Prime Minister. Designating him as an Oromo Prime Minister is a tacit attempt to imply that the Oromo people assumed political power in Ethiopia. That is simply wrong. The Oromo people, together with other Ethiopians, are struggling to establish the government of the people for the people by the people in Ethiopia. The Ethiopian people’s political power to elect and remove from office their representatives through democratic elections are not yet to be secured or even formally acknowledge by the current Ethiopian regime. Therefore, implying as if the election of Dr. Abiy signifies the transfer of the political power to the Oromo people is totally wrong.

I hope both the international and local media will not make these and similar mistakes as they continue to report on this issue.

The post Dr. Abiy Ahmed is an Oromo, But he is not Oromo Prime Minister! appeared first on Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Ethiopia’s incoming prime minister must prioritize addressing the deep-rooted human rights crisis in the country, said Amnesty International, following the election of Abiy Ahmed as chairman of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) party.

‘‘If approved as prime minister, Abiy and his government must take urgent measures to address the human rights crisis in Ethiopia, through concrete and genuine reforms,’‘ Salil Shetty, Amnesty International’s Secretary General.

Abiy’s elevation to the helm of the ruling coalition comes at a time when the country has declared a state of emergency, the second of its kind in less than two years, imposing severe restrictions on the exercise of human rights and freedoms.

If approved as prime minister, Abiy and his government must take urgent measures to address the human rights crisis in Ethiopia, through concrete and genuine reforms.

The state of emergency has met stiff resistance from the people in the Oromiya and Amhara regions and has been criticised by many of Ethiopia’s allies in the West.

In one of the most shocking incidents since the announcement of the state of emergency on 16 February, security forces killed at least 12 civilians and wounded many more in the southern town of Moyale.

The Command Post for the state of emergency admitted wrongful killings of civilians in Moyale, alleging it was caused by “mistaken intelligence report”.

Political prisoners including opposition leaders, bloggers and journalists who were recently released as part of reforms advanced by the former premier, have recently been arrested and detained without charges.

‘‘The killings of civilians, re-arrest of recently released political prisoners and the new wave of arrests bodes ill for the long-promised reform agenda in Ethiopia,’‘ added Shetty.

“Abiy’s new government must start by releasing all prisoners of conscience and reforming or repealing all repressive laws, including the draconian Anti-Terrorism Proclamation and the Ethiopian Charities and Societies Proclamation, which have played a significant role in rolling back the human rights gains in the country.”

Parliament will convene on Monday April 2 to confirm Abiy as the country’s new prime minister.

The post Amnesty- Incoming Ethiopian prime minister must address deep-rooted human rights crisis appeared first on Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

AP

Ethiopia on Wednesday was poised to welcome a young, outspoken new prime minister as many in Africa’s second most populous nation hoped for an end to the most severe anti-government protests in a quarter-century.

The East African nation’s ruling coalition late on Tuesday named a new chairperson, 42-year-old Abiy Ahmed, and a vote to install him as prime minister is expected in the coming days in parliament, where the coalition and its regional affiliates hold all of the seats.

The announcement follows months of protests that left hundreds dead and the surprise decision by outgoing Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn early this year to release prominent politicians, journalists and others from prison to free up political space.

But tensions continued and Hailemariam later announced his intention to resign, and a new state of emergency, the second in less than two years, was imposed in one of Africa’s fastest-growing economies. Earlier this week, a number of recently freed politicians and journalists were re-arrested and accused of gathering without authorities’ prior knowledge.

Ethiopians had eagerly awaited news of their new leader, with many hoping the development would bring calm to the nation of 100 million people. Many Ethiopians on social media at home and abroad erupted in cheers after hearing of Abiy’s selection – a rare sight in the increasingly polarized political environment.

Hailemariam on Wednesday urged the nation to support the ongoing reforms and “refrain from anti-peace activities and contribute your share for the ongoing democratization in the country,” the state-affiliated Fana Broadcasting Corporate reported.

Abiy will be the first person from Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, the Oromo, to be prime minister since the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front came to power in 1991. The Oromo people, despite their numbers, have long felt marginalised and have played a main role in the demonstrations.

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People in major towns across Oromia took to the streets on Wednesday and slaughtered animals in celebration.

Ethiopia’s new leader is widely seen as a fresh face in the ruling coalition, which long has been dominated by the smaller but more powerful Tigray Peoples Liberation Front. Credited with co-founding the National Intelligence and Security Service, Abiy was elected last month as chair of the Oromo People Democratic Organisation, one of the ruling coalition’s four core parties, paving the way for his premiership.

“A fair justice system works only when human rights are respected,” he said during a recent meeting in Oromia.

“I believe that Dr. Abiy Ahmed is the answer to Ethiopia’s youths’ questions,” Yonas Alemayehu, an activist in the restive region, told The Associated Press.

This will be the third prime minister since the current ruling coalition came to power after overthrowing the Derg military regime by force. The ruling coalition on Tuesday also decided to keep Demeke Mekonnen as deputy prime minister.

A Cabinet shuffle might be coming, the coalition’s general secretary, Shiferaw Shigute, hinted on Wednesday.

The outgoing prime minister, Hailemariam, at times had been labeled as weak and in the shadow of former strongman Meles Zenawi, who died in 2012. Others argued that he successfully continued the late leader’s core policies: economic transformation and repression.

In a 2016 interview with the AP, Hailemariam acknowledged that good governance was in decline in Ethiopia, a key security ally of the United States.

“That is the main reason why people are protesting,” he said at the time. “This is really a positive sign. I have recently apologised in front of the parliament for our mismanagement and lack of responsibility that have generated these dissents. We are now taking measures to address those grievances.”

However, the protests have continued to this day.

Yilikal Getnet, a prominent opposition figure, said the declaration of two separate states of emergency and now the change in leadership showed that the tight grip that ruling elites once had over the public was now deserting them.

“This change in leadership is an indication of how unstable the government is,” Yilikal told the AP. “It has got nothing to do with opening up for democratisation or a peaceful transfer of power. It’s time for the ruling party to admit that solving Ethiopia’s current woes are beyond its capacity.”

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Have your Say Ethiopia after Hailemariam Desalegne SBS Amharic

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Mahlet Fasil

Addis Abeba, March 30/2018 – Journalist Temesgen Desalegn, who has been rearrested last sunday along with ten other here in the capital Addis Abeba, is admitted to Zewditu hospital due to sever back pain he developed during his jail time in recent past, according to family members.

“Temesgen did not have the break he needed to recover from the back pain he developed when he was in Ziway federal prison and was following with treatments after his release,” a family member who was on her way to the hospital told Addis Standard. “I don’t know what he did to deserve this.”

Ten others who are detained with him under the state of emergency are all kept in inside the Gotera police station in  “inhuman” condition where around 200 detainees “are packed in a 5 by 8 meter room divided in three sections,” according to a note written and sent out by journalist Eskinder Nega, who was recently released  along with hundreds other political prisoners. A hostile police officer at the prison told Addis Standard’s reporter to “not show up again” and “direct all queries to the command post authorities.”

Journalist #EskinderNega has sent a message from prison that he wants the world to read, below. @pressfreedom @nytimes @BBCWorld @AlJazeera_World He & others have recently been arrested. Follow @addisstandard @tesfalemw @Abelpoly @Edomka@Soli_GM @MahletSN @jomanex @zelalemkibret pic.twitter.com/Hw63CrrE7n

— Maaza Mengiste (@MaazaMengiste) March 29, 2018

During the last weekend, more than 30 people have been detained in Addis Abeba, Bahir Dar, the capital of the Amhara regional state, and in cities in east and west Hararghe zone of the Oromia regional state, among others. The detainees included university professors, former prisoners who were recently released, religious figures as well as local administrators.

Journalist Temesgen is among the 11 individuals detained on Sunday March 25 during a lunch party organized by his mother to celebrate the release his colleagues and friends. Others included journalists Zelalem Workagegnehu, and Eskendir Nega and opposition politicians Andualem Aragie and Woynishet Molla. The list also includes bloggers and rights activists Mahlet Fantahun and Befekadu Hailu of the zone9 blogging collective, as well as Yidnekachew Addis, Sintayehu Chekol, Addisu Getaneh and Tefera Tesfaye.

ዳግም የታሰረው ጋዜጠኛ ተመስገን ደሳለኝ ሆስፒታል ገባ። ቤተሰቦቹ ለዶይቼ ቬለ እንደተናገሩት ተመስገን ቀድሞም ያለበት የወገብ ሕመም በመባባሱ እና ባለሙያዎች የተሻለ ሕክምና እንዲያገኝ በማዘዛቸው ከጤና ጣቢያ ወደ ዘውዲቱ ሆስፒታል ተወስዷል። pic.twitter.com/Ixn4d9JCHL

— DW (Amharic) (@dw_amharic) March 30, 2018

The weekend detainees also included a group of 19 academicians and journalists who remained in prison in Bahir Dar. According to information from family members, the 19 are still kept without being brought to court. But unlike the group held in Addis Abeba, they are kept in relatively better condition and do get visits from family members and lawyers.

Among them, Assistant professor Desalegn Chane of the Bahir Dar University, Temesgen Tessema, former Wello university lecturer-turned-lawyer, author Gashaw Mersha who is currently a practicing teacher in Addis Abeba, Belete Molla, associate professor at the philosophy department of the Addis Abeba university, journalist Nigatu Asres of the Amhara mass media agency and journalist Belete Kassa, former editor-in-chief of the now defunct ‘Yekelem Kend’ newspaper.

Here is list of names of 17 detainees in Bahir Dar, #Ethiopia. Detainees are mostly university instructors, journalists and lawyers. They are on the process to establish regional political party in Amhara region. https://t.co/1GXzNWjacp

— Belay manaye (@Belay_Ma) March 25, 2018

Yesterday, Ethiopian netizens once again took to social media using the hashtag #FreeAllPoliticalPrisoners to highlight the conditions the detainees are held in and to demand their release.

 “#FreeAllPoliticalPrisoners” by @addisstandard
As new round of crackdown by army in #Ethiopia saw more than 30 academicians, bloogers, journalists, & opposition politicians jailed, netizens once again took to social media to demand their release https://t.co/5wZGata56O

— Addis Standard (@addisstandard) March 30, 2018

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By Messay Kebede

Simply put, the question besieging the mind of every Ethiopian is whether meaningful changes are about to occur in Ethiopia following the dramatic election of Dr. Abiy Ahmed as Ethiopia’s Prime Minister. Under normal circumstances, the officially announced and often debated political agenda of the candidate to the position of prime minister determines the expectations of people. In the case of Ethiopia, however, a candidate committed to a reformist agenda––forcefully confirmed in his inaugural speech––was elected to premiership by a ruling party coalition that recently “approved” the imposition of a state of emergency. The state of emergency gives absolute power to the military apparatus with the express purpose of safeguarding the status quo by suppressing the ongoing popular demand for change. Hence the legitimate question of knowing whether the new Prime Minister can initiate serious reforms under a government and a ruling party coalition so openly opposed to change.

Both Dr. Abiy and Lemma Megersa, the two prominent leaders of the reformist wing within the OPDEO, have publicly and repeatedly stated their reformist vision and have raised high expectations among a great majority of Ethiopian peoples. A key element of their vision is the restoration of the purpose of government that was long lost to the leaders of the TPLF, namely, that government is supposed to serve equally all the peoples of a country, not one particular ethnic group at the expense of other ethnic groups. One applauds their vision, but also one wonders how they competed for the position of prime minster while knowing perfectly the immense obstacles that the TPLF would inevitably oppose to the implementation of their vision. After all, the TPLF is the major and deciding force within the coalition. I am all the more perplexed by their decision to contend for the position as they run the danger of losing their reformist reputation each time the TPLF will block, as it surely will, any serious proposal for change. Look what happens when, like the outgoing Prime Minister, you have only the title but not the power.

Be that as it may, there is no denying that the election of Abiy represents a great opportunity for peaceful change in Ethiopia. What is more, it offers the most chance of cementing the growing solidarity between the Amhara and Oromo, which solidarity is the best guarantee for the continued unity of the country. In light of the importance of the event, let us then make sure that we raise the right question. Accordingly, instead of asking whether Abiy can be successful while operating in a situation defined by the hegemony of the TPLF, let us try to determine under what conditions he can effectively prevail. The answer to the first question is a given: it is a flat no. Either Abiy will end up by being co-opted, like the departing Prime Minister, or he will be marginalized and powerless until he is blamed for all the failures and finally removed in disgrace subsequent to the loss of support, even among his own constituents.

Only when the question is changed in the suggested way can we break the trap laid by the TPLF. Indeed, what else is the aim of allowing the election of a reformist leader by a regime opposed to reform but to discredit said leader? True, because of the popular unrest, especially in Oromia, the TPLF was forced to make some concessions. The election of Abiy is clearly an attempt to appease the protests in Oromia by picking as Prime Minister a promising leader from that region. But since the TPLF has no intention of allowing serious reforms, the election of an Oromo Prime Minister puts Oromo protesters in the difficult position of going against a government led by one of their own. This difficulty is the pause that the TPLF needs to buy time to strengthen its weakened position. Moreover, the continuation of protests in Amhara region runs the risk of being viewed as antithetical to an Oromo Prime Minister, with the consequence that it will undermine the solidarity of the two peoples. There is nothing that the TPLF needs more to perpetuate its hegemonic rule over Ethiopia than a confrontation between the Oromo and the Amhara.

It springs to mind that the change of the question amounts to one thing, to wit, empowering Abiy. And there is only one way to bring about this result: the continuation, better still, the strengthening of the popular protests in all the regions of Ethiopia, including Oromia. Only thus can Abiy have the leverage that he needs to impose changes on a regime dominated by the reluctance of the TPLF, the most urgent change being the lifting of the state of emergency. The continuation of the popular uprisings will convince the TPLF that the only way to retain some form of power and, most importantly, to preserve some of the acquired interests, is by allowing Abiy to implement the demands of the people. Short of accepting this condition, the TPLF places itself in a situation of zero-sum game, obvious as it is that the unanswered demands will lead, sooner than later, to its downfall with the likely outcome of the beginning of a civil war.

In other words, the selfish interest of the TPLF advises it not to stand in the way of reform under pain of losing everything by giving people no other choice than violent uprisings. However, if the protests come to an end because of promised reforms, not only no real change will occur, but also the TPLF will secure the necessary time to refurbish itself. Unless people strike while the iron is hot, getting rid of the TPLF will come at a much higher human and material cost, whose end-game could well be civil war and secessions.

The writer, Professor Messay Kebede, may be reached at mkebede1@udayton.edu

The post The Question Is Not whether There Is Change, but how to Empower the New Prime Minister appeared first on Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

VENUE: Positivity Hall, 4^th Floor:  159 Nana Sita Street, Tshwane University of Technology Pretoria, South Africa

Date & Time: March 1^st, 2018 from 2.00 – 6.00 PM

Program Director:  Prof. Mammo Muchie, SARChI- Innovation Studies

Registration: 13:30- 13:45

“Ethiopia has need of no one. She stretches out her hands to God” — Emperor Menelik, February, 1897

“There was never a time when united that Ethiopians lost to an enemy; it is non-existent in history”–Emperor Menilek II, 1909

“Those who are strong, support us with your strength. Those who are weak, support us with your prayers” — Emperor Menelik

“I am a woman. I do not like war. But I would rather die than accepting your deal”– Etige Taitu Bitul, Wife of Menelik II

“Although it had been conquered dozens of times, Ethiopia was the birthplace of African nationalism.” —Nelson Mandela

“So lofty was the status of Ethiopia in the African diaspora that it sometimes was synonymous with Africa itself”—Raymond Jonas

“Ethiopia was one of the few nation-states under African control. Many people of African ancestry embraced it as evidence of the black capacity for self-rule” –Asante

“Adwa Victory made Africa a victor, not a victim” —Former President Dr. Thabo Mbeki

“Better to continue learning our history to know ourselves to make a positive difference to the Africana world’s bright future” — Mammo Muchie

“Ethiopia has a unique distinction in the universe for empowering those that were disempowered, for humanising those that were dehumanised, spiritualising those that were denied their right to worship God and inspiring and strengthening those oppressed to resist oppression” —Mammo Muchie

Relevant educational Links on great Adwa Victory

1. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=624BaD6wKIQ&t=1197s
2. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4GOzVsBwBJ0
3. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vcnKvrTKzOw
4. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zAbBjdjFTZc
5. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=botuSzu17F0

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By ROSEMARY FEITELBERG 

The 64-year-old designer died of uterine cancer, according to a company spokeswoman.

After rejecting the over-the-top wedding gown options of the high-rolling Eighties, Aberra decided to design her own wedding dress in 1985. The following year she built from that experience and started her namesake business, specializing in custom-designed wedding dresses. She landed her first wholesale account with Kleinfeld by trekking to Brooklyn, where the store was then located, to show her collection to Hedda Kleinfeld Schachter.

At that time, Aberra was cutting wedding gowns at her kitchen table and Kleinfeld, according to Mara Urshel, co-owner of Kleinfeld. “She really was a trendsetter in the business. She was the first one who really introduced very classic lines, beautiful clothes and getting away from all the old traditions of lace, beads and everything that really wasn’t modern anymore. She really created the modern wedding dress. Unfortunately, she didn’t have the money to promote it at the time that she did it. And a lot of other people kind of did the same thing later on.

“But she stayed true to her course. You could always tell an Amsale,” Urshel said.

Aberra’s husband Clarence O’Neill Brown, who serves as chief executive officer, said, “Amsale was not only an inspiration to the company, but someone who inspired and impacted everyone around her with her strength, kindness and humility. Working side-by-side, we spent 360 degrees of our life together, and I know only too well both her creative genius and her infinite goodness. Words cannot express the personal loss that we feel, but we are comforted by the avalanche of support we’ve received and the commitment of our team to carry on Amsale’s legacy.”

Mark Ingram, owner of Mark Ingram Atelier, described Aberra as “the inventor of the modern wedding dress. She was doing strapless, plain and sheer allusion necklines and sleeves before anybody in the late Eighties.” Before opening his East 55th Street boutique, Ingram worked for the designer for four years, heading up wholesale for bridal in the late Nineties. Sitting next to the designer in the company’s offices, he observed that she always started her designs with the shape of the skirt, which was always very simple. Aberra also made a point of limiting dresses to one or two fabrics, and maybe adding one embroidered trim or detail.

“It was minimalism in the Nineties which did not exist [in bridal.] We were competing against Arnold Scaasi and the House of Diamond — some big people who were doing some crazy stuff. Amsale was the lone ranger of clean, classic dresses,” Ingram said.

“She was rebelling against the 1980s trend of ‘Dynasty’ and all this horrible big shoulder stuff. She designed her own wedding dress because she couldn’t find what she wanted in the marketplace. That was the start of her business. She wanted clean and simple and that’s what she did,” he added.

Over the years, the designer’s creations were featured in such films as “Something Borrowed,” “The Hangover” and “27 Dresses” and TV shows including “Grey’s Anatomy” and “Brothers and Sisters.” She also suited up an array of celebrities for their red carpet appearances and editorial shoots including Heidi Klum, Gayle King, Vivica Fox, Bethenny Frankel and Salma Hayek

.

Beloved Bridal Designer Amsale Aberra Dies at 64

APRIL 2, 2018 1:30 PM

by EMILY FARRA

Amsale Aberra

Amsale Aberra, founder and creative director of the bridal and ready-to-wear line Amsale, has passed away at the age of 64. Born in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, she moved to Vermont for college, then went to New York, where she earned her degree in fashion design at the Fashion Institute of Technology. Soon after, she was shopping for her own wedding dress and found a gap in the market for simple, understated, timeless gowns—it was 1985 and frills and sparkles were de rigueur. Aberra launched Amsale as a custom bridal business out of her apartment, and it quickly grew into one of the industry’s most recognized brands. Kleinfeld was her first wholesaler in 1991, and in the years since the Amsale label expanded to include evening gowns, cocktail dresses, and bridesmaid dresses.

Before she passed, Aberra had already chosen a successor: Margo Lafontaine, recently the senior studio director at Vera Wang. Lafontaine will oversee Amsale’s extensive bridal and ready-to-wear design teams. Aberra is survived by her daughter, musician Rachel Brown, and her husband, Amsale CEO Neil Brown, who said in a statement: “Amsale was not only an inspiration to the company, but someone who inspired and impacted everyone around her with her strength, kindness, and humility. Working side by side, we spent 360 degrees of our life together, and I know only too well both her creative genius and her infinite goodness. Words cannot express the personal loss that we feel, but we are comforted by the avalanche of support we’ve received and the commitment of our team to carry on Amsale’s legacy.”

Amsale’s Spring 2019 bridal show is scheduled for next Friday, April 13. Per Aberra’s request, the show will take place as planned.

A dress from Amsale’s Fall 2018 bridal collection.

Photo: Courtesy of Amsale

The post Amsale Aberra, bridal designer and Amsale Group founder, dies at 64 appeared first on Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

She speaks about the current situation in Ethiopia & she calls all Ethiopian’s community all over the world to be united.
To help the Ethiopians find a democratic form of government. Their support in a way for democracy and human rights there.

The post A message of unity and solidarity to all Ethiopians from her excellency Honorable Ana Gomes, member of European Parliament. appeared first on Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

It is safe to say that April 2, 2018 will go down in the history of Ethiopia as a day where for the first time executive power transferred peacefully from one hand to another. Never mind that it was within the ruling party but many take the new sheriff in town as a product of popular uprising. In the current state of affaires where TPLF/EPRDF successfully managed to incapacitate the opposition, Dr Abiy is the best that the country can hope for. It was that rare occasion in decades a nation seemed to be united, at least for a day.

The newly elected Ethiopian Prime Minister Dr Abiy Ahmed didn’t disappoint either. He made such a remarkable speech that it was one of the most conciliatory ever heard from that podium, a place where victors have been overplaying their bragging rights to the extent of invincibility. The new PM was unequivocal in mentioning the country by name, as opposed to his predecessors who preferred “people of our country.” The apology for the loss of life of young activists and protesters his party used to dub “criminal thugs” and “terrorists” is timely and attests to his magnanimity.

Not only was there a call for opposition parties but the PM made clear his intentions to make amends with Eritrea. The tribute to his late mother and the new first lady, Zenash Tayachew, was so personal that it reminds all politics, at the end of the day, is about the dreams and aspirations of individuals. He rightfully called it “unprecedented” for that chamber.

While the outgoing PM Hailemariam Desalegn can not shake off his image as the most inconsequential, if not the weakest, leader ever, he can be remembered for presiding over a well orchestrated transition. Hailemariam along with former first lady Roman Tesfaye, showed around the PM office in what seems to be straight out of the White House playbook minus the planes to whisk away the exes.

Two awkward moments in that otherwise well orchestrated procession were: the life size picture of the embodiment of authoritarianism lurking from the background; and the judge who presided over the swearing in is infamous for his politically charged rulings.

While the close ups were not as generous to show us who was in attendance, apart from the obvious members of parliament, religious leaders and members of the diplomatic community, Abinet Gebremeskel and former minister Haile Asegede probably were sitting for the ghosts of Sheikh Mohammed Hussein Al Amoudi somewhere from Saudi prisons.

Finally, after different kind of narrations on the biography of the Prime Minister now there seems to be a consensus and the party’s spokesperson Shiferaw Shigute has read all the details. While they tried their best to get all the pieces together and construct a bio, still somewhere something doesn’t seem to add up. It is highly unlikely a boy from Jimma would join TPLF/EPRDF when he is barely 15.  However the 42 year old will not be judged by those minor details. While anticipations are building up, he shouldn’t be expected to perform miracles. Leaving aside the fairy tales of “double digit” economic growth or making the country a middle income one in the next couple years, protecting the lives of civilians should be the first step in the arduous task looming ahead.

The post Ethiopia’s philosopher king (HA) appeared first on Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

The Guardian

Victoria and Albert Museum director says artefacts could be sent to Africa on long-term loan

Treasures including a gold crown and a royal wedding dress, which were taken from Ethiopia by the British 150 years ago, could be returned to Africa by the Victoria and Albert Musuem on long-term loan.

Ethiopia lodged a formal restitution claim in 2007 for hundreds of important and beautiful manuscripts and artefacts being held by various British institutions, all plundered after the 1868 capture of Maqdala, the mountain capital of Emperor Tewodros II in what was then Abyssinia.

That request has been refused. But in the run-up to a Maqdala display opening this week at the V&A, a compromise has been offered by the museum’s director, Tristram Hunt, who said: “The speediest way, if Ethiopia wanted to have these items on display, is a long-term loan … that would be the easiest way to manage it.”

The offer is significant given the pledge by the French president, Emmanuel Macron, that the return of African artefacts would be a “top priority” for his administration.

The loan proposal has been welcomed by the Ethiopian state and campaigners, but Hunt said it was a complex debate and it was important not to extrapolate a “blanket policy”.

He told the Guardian: “You have to take it item by item and you have to take it history by history. Once you unpick the histories of the collections it becomes a great deal more complicated and challenging.”

The Maqdala display, which opens on Thursday, will show 20 items taken after a military expedition to secure the release of British hostages taken by Tewodros. The British victory culminated in the emperor’s suicide and the destruction of his fortress.

Hundreds of artefacts were plundered from Maqdala and the emperor’s treasury cleared with 15 elephants and 200 mules needed to transport them. Campaigners have identified about a dozen UK institutions that own them, from the V&A in London to the Royal Library at Windsor Castle to a regimental museum in Halifax.

Hunt said there were a number of reasons why a simple return was not possible, including the legal difficulties around deaccessioning and the “philosophical case for cosmopolitanism in museum collections”.

The offer of a long-term loan was welcomed by Prof Andreas Eshete, a former president of Addis Ababa University who co-founded Afromet, a campaign group for the return of Maqdala treasures.

“This can only be a great improvement on what has happened before,” he said. “There are certain things that are important to Ethiopia that are never on display in the UK so I think a loan, on a long-term basis, would be a great gift to the country.”

Hunt hoped by taking this first step it might also educate the British public about the merit of returning objects: “Once they see they are used in a proper way and in a way that is accessible to not only the Ethiopian public but the international public … people may well change their mind about the value of holding on to them for ever.”

The museum has worked closely with the Ethiopian embassy before the anniversary display. The ambassador, Hailemichael Aberra Afework, said: “We are delighted with the new partnership between Ethiopia and the V&A and look forward to working together in the future to our mutual benefit.

“Future cooperation will be especially beneficial in terms of capacity building and skills transfer in the care and maintenance of cultural heritage, in which the V&A has extensive experience.”

The loan may put pressure on other institutions to follow suit. The British Museum has about 80 objects from Maqdala, including a number of tabots – believed by Ethiopian Christians to be the dwelling place of God on earth, a symbol of the Ark of the Covenant.

They have never been on public display because of their religious importance and can only be seen, even by a curator, with the agreement of the Ethiopian Orthodox church.

Other objects are on display but the British Museum argues the value of them being seen by the public is in a global context. A spokeswoman said the museum would consider any loan request from Ethiopia.

Museums have international long-term loans in place but many believe they should go further, with the debate given impetus in November when Macron said in a speech: “African heritage can’t just be in European private collections and museums.”

Hunt said politicians often had “geopolitical, if not trade and defence deals in mind” when they made such statements. “You have to approach it in an item by item manner.

“I think personally It would not be a bad idea to think about how we use development aid money for greater partnerships for conservation, heritage management and artefact support in countries, like Ethiopia, which have an incredible heritage and the prospect of a growing, global market of visitors.”

… we have a small favour to ask. More people are reading the Guardian than ever but advertising revenues across the media are falling fast. And unlike many news organisations, we haven’t put up a paywall – we want to keep our journalism as open as we can. So you can see why we need to ask for your help. The Guardian’s independent, investigative journalism takes a lot of time, money and hard work to produce. But we do it because we believe our perspective matters – because it might well be your perspective, too.

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Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban

Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia’s new Prime Minister, continues to receive messages of congratulations from his peers in Africa and from the global community.

Leaders in the East Africa region took the lead with Somalia’s Mohammed Abdullahi Farmaajo and Kenya’s Uhuru Kenyatta issuing tweets hours after Abiy was sworn in on Monday, April 2.

Both leaders expressed their continued commitment to work with Ethiopia in areas of mutual cooperation. A.U. President and Rwanda president Paul Kagame congratulated Abiy on March 28 when he was announced as new leader.

As chairman of the AU on behalf of other African leaders wanted to express our solidarity with the Ethiopian people & their leaders as they continue to find from within and among themselves solutions to the recent political problems they faced! Kagame said in a tweet.

The African Union (A.U.) which is headquartered in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, issued a statement in addition to a tweet by Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat who was part of the ceremony.

The statement read in part: The Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union, Moussa Faki Mahamat, congratulates Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali on his confirmation as the new Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, following the resignation of his predecessor, Hailemariam Desalegn. He welcomes the peaceful and smooth nature of the transition, which is a demonstration of political maturity.

The United States embassy in Addis Ababa whiles congratulating the new Premier said it was ready to deepen democratic and economic cooperation but reiterated its hope that the February 16 state of emergency be lifted.

The Chinese new outlet, Xinhua, also reports that the Sudanese government had extended its felicitations with Abiy for his elevation to Prime Minister. United Kingdom Foreign Affairs chef, Boris Johnson alse tweeted his congratulatory message.

Ethiopia has a new Prime Minister. Another peaceful transition of power in Africa. Congratulations to PM Abiy Ahmed. You can count on the support of the European Union,” said Neven Mimica, EU Commissioner for International Cooperation and Development

View image on Twitter

Neven Mimica

@MimicaEU

#Ethiopia has a new Prime Minister. Another peaceful transition of power in #Africa. Congratulations to @PM_AbiyAhmed. You can count on the support of the European Union! #AUEU @EUinEthiopia @EthiopiaEU @europeaid

2:21 AM – Apr 2, 2018

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Russia in Ethiopia

@RusEmbEthiopia

Congratulations and our best wishes to Dr. Abiy Ahmed as new Prime-Minister of Ethiopia!

12:14 AM – Apr 2, 2018

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Press Release- Ethiopian Somali Democratic Council  ( ESDC)

We, the Ethiopian Somali Democratic Council, has been in euphoric mood to witness the nomination and confirmation of Dr. Abiy Ahmed peacefully so that we will see the sustaining of economic prosperity, peaceful atmosphere and sustainability of governance  that had been asserted in the last twenty seven years.

The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) government elected Dr. Abiy Ahmed as its new party Chairman to replace the outgoing Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn. While Dr. Abiy’s election answered the question of who replaced  Hailemariam, it was a genuine effort by reformists within the regime to address the demands of the Ethiopian people. In other words, Ethiopia’s ruling coalition elected a new chairman and in a major shift in leadership that could also ease persistent unrest in the last three years in  our country  that is dubbed previous years as one of Africa’s fastest-growing economies.

It’s no secret that Dr. Abiy’s election comes at a critical time in Ethiopian history. However, Ethiopia has had worse situations than these ones and we, Ethiopian Somali Democratic Council, is hoping that the newly elected Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed will overcome the obstacles, will restore peace and tranquility and strengthen the institution check and balance. The tensions also reverberated well beyond Ethiopia’s borders, threatening its status as an anchor of stability and foreign investment in East Africa and its role as a key U.S. ally in the region.

We, Ethiopian Somali Democratic council, welcome the Ethiopian Parliament’s confirmation of Dr. Abiy Ahmed as the next Prime Minister of Ethiopia, and look forward to working with Dr. Abiy. We  commend the peaceful transfer of power in accordance with Ethiopia’s constitution, which then Prime Minister Hailemariam highlighted when announcing his resignation in February as a step toward advancing political reform, and hope for a smooth transition process. This is the first time in Ethiopian history that a guard of leader has been changed without violence. The election of Abiy represents a great opportunity for peaceful change in Ethiopia.

Since its inception, Ethiopian Somali Democratic Council has been operating under a firm principle of working collaboratively with change agents from any quarter as long as genuine democracy is their end game. At the same time, until the transition from Derg dictatorial regime to Federal system becomes a reality, we urge the Ethiopian people who have paid immense sacrifice to continue their determined and just struggle for freedom, justice, and democracy in a peaceful manner. We oppose the arm struggles that have waged from neighboring countries to destabilize the peaceful, economic and political component of our country.

We stand ready to support the government’s rapid implementation of democratic and economic reforms and look forward to the peaceful .Our ethnic group, known as the Somali, maintaining they have been systematically excluded from power and we are asking the newly elected Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to introduce a political program to annul the associate (agarr) that has stifled the aspiration of Ethiopian Somali, Gambela, Afar and Benshengul.

As my people from all corner have succinctly pointed out, as he takes over the Prime Minister’s Office as of this week, Dr. Abiy should embark on chartering the transition by:

1)      Annul the agar (associate) statue immediately.
2) Release all political prisoners held in Somali Region prison particularly Bashir Muktal and throughout the country immediately.
3) Call for a national reconciliation and an inclusive dialogue with all political groups immediately.
4) Repealing legislation and rebuilding institutions which are repressive and stifle dissent, including the anti-terrorism laws, intelligence, military, election boards, judiciary sectors and others.
5) Reform institutions such as intelligence, military, election boards, judiciary sectors and others immediately.
6) Allow independent investigation by international agencies such as UN special rapporteurs into atrocities, killings, and tortures that are perpetrated on civilians by the government security forces in the Somali Region for the last ten years.
7) Bringing all the intelligence, military and political authorities who are responsible for perpetrating atrocities to justice with special emphasis to those associated the Liyu police and military generals’ attacks across from the Somali region.

      Ethiopian Somali Democratic Council  ( ESDC)

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–Why it differs from real democracy—

Aklog Birara (Dr.)

Part III of III

The Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRRDF) created and still dominated by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (the TPLF) traces the tenets of its core ideology of “Revolutionary Democracy (RD/” and the “Developmental State” to Marxism-Leninism, Maoism and Albanian Communism. Had the Soviet communist model continued, it would be part of the international proletarian architecture and thus a competitor to the American led and dominated system of democratic liberalism and the market economy. RD is radically and irredeemably different from either liberal or social democracy.

Ethiopia’s “Revolutionary Democracy” has morphed into a mixture of elite political and economic capture that leaves the vast majority of the Ethiopian people marginalized and millions impoverished; and into a state sponsored “market” system in which the party and government dominate economic life. There is no open and competitive market in Ethiopia. The domestic economy is at the mercy of domestic plunder and entrapment by Foreign Direct Investment and investors. An indigenous or national entrepreneurial and owning business class is unable to emerge because of the political economy of elite capture.

The country’s youth, women and ethnic groups in the Omo valley, the country’s green belt in the south, Gambella, Beni-Shangul, Afar and others continue to demand justice from their own government. The “Developmental state” has not only ignored them; it has literally disempowered and dispossessed them.

The TPLF/EPRDF legitimizes its rule by any means through the formation and support of mass organizations including identity-based groups, youth, women, urban dwellers and trade unions. These mass structures keep an eye on ordinary people. They are almost mini-governments and serve the dual purpose of administering themselves and their localities and as a network of spies for the system. The façade given is that they institutionalize and defend “democracy.” There is no plausible answer for the question of “whose democracy?”

Independent civil society, political organizations and media are criminalized because they question and subvert the party’s monopoly of power and riches.

“Revolutionary Democracy” to which the TPLF/EPRDF is committed is, by definition and in reality, a communist ideology with a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist and Albanian Hohaist world view. The regime that the TPLF/EPRDF “replaced” followed a similar socialist ideology and failed. The military socialist dictatorship failed because it did not accept its prime responsibility to serve and protect the people. By the same token, the TPLF/EPRDF left leaning regime continues to pretend to the global community that it is committed to “democracy and inclusive

development” as well as to the market system. Organized state and private theft (corruption, nepotism, illicit outflow of massive funds out of Ethiopia, contraband trade) continue to bleed Ethiopian society. The party and government operate above the law.

Corruption and illicit outflow of funds estimated at between $30 and $40 billion have devastated the national economy; and undermined the social fabric of Ethiopian society. There is little capital left to establish new factories and to create jobs for millions of young people.

There is little left to modernize the agricultural sector. The structure of the economy remains primitive. Environmental degradation is a threat to Ethiopia.

My argument is that an outdated system that members of the old Soviet Union rejected cannot possibly be good for Ethiopia and for Ethiopians. It is actually alien to Ethiopian society.

Ethiopians and the world community would remember that the Military-Socialist Dictatorship felt strongly that Ethiopia’s broad masses, especially the working class and the peasantry, oppressed women, nations and nationalities deserved a social system that will empower them; and free them from the ravages of famine, from class oppression and from abject poverty. To its credit, the dictatorship abolished the feudal land ownership system and nationalized all lands.

Sadly, land ownership under the current regime is ownership by the governing party, its loyalists and foreign investors. Land to the tiller has been converted conveniently to that of land ownership by the few members of the TPLF/EPRDF elites and by foreign investors who collude with the new class of “owners.”

The reasoning behind the TPLF/EPRDF Marxian and Leninist view is that scientific socialism describes history, society, economics, religion, international relations and private ownership of the means of production and governs the relationships of classes and peoples and the future growth and development of nations better than any other system, including the market system. The ultimate objective of the Marxist-Leninist theory of scientific socialism is to create a “classless society.” Social justice is therefore a critical justification for “Revolutionary

Democracy.” It is a transformative model, so goes the argument. After all, who would argue against this Utopia that treats each and every citizen as equal? RD does none of these.

The reality is this. “Revolutionary Democracy” bestows disproportionate political power to the few. And the few that dominate the government and state superstructure dominate the pillars of the economy including urban and rural lands, telecommunication and transport, manufacturing, customs and trade. This is why there is friction within the EPRDF.

Those who wield power and influence over politics and economics cannot exercise either without controlling the legal system and core institutions. This is why they control the federal legal, security, defense and police, diplomatic, banking and other critical institutions. Real democracy establishes independent institutions that do not serve the party; but the people. It

commits itself to free and fair elections. This is why the rule of law is possible under real democracy; but is impossible under “Revolutionary Democracy.”

Under “Revolutionary Democracy,” the “Developmental State” is endowed with enormous powers to make investment decisions. This privilege enables the party, state and government to choose winners and losers. Consequently, the domestic private sector is crowded-out by party owned and affiliated entities. The regulatory system favors them and the state. The domestic private sector has limited scope to compete for lands, foreign exchange and other critical inputs.

My argument is that Ethiopia’s “Revolutionary Democracy” and the “Developmental State” have no resemblance even to the Marxism, Marxian economics and thus to scientific socialism of yesteryears let alone to the freedom enhancing democracy that most democratic nations enjoy. The Soviet system collapsed because it was unable to fulfil the material, spiritual and political demands of the nations that constituted the Soviet Union. Peasants and workers were alienated both from the means of production and from the benefits of economic growth and development.

This does not mean growth and development did not take place. They did. For example, there was massive and broad investment in social and economic infrastructure and in science and technology. The Soviet system created Sputnik and other extraordinary scientific marvels. But it suffered from quality of life and more important from a deficit of justice.

Freedom, the rule of law and real democracy were squashed. These fundamental principles that empower ordinary citizens to do extraordinary things were suppressed. Then emerged Mikhail Gorbachev, who promoted the famous perestroika or “political and economic reforms.” Sadly, the mighty Soviet Union collapsed without creating a foundation for both freedom and a resilient socioeconomic system. Massive privatization was carried-out without strategic planning. A few families became super rich. Corruption is rampant etc.

The same thing happened in Ethiopia in the 1990s. Similar to the old Soviet system in which an entrenched class with enormous privileges emerged; the TPLF/EPRDF followed the model, privatized national assets; and created a new class thereby negating entirely the pretense of “Revolutionary Democracy.”

Marx, Engels, Lenin, Mao, Stalin and others would wonder in their graves how an African elite would bastardize and degrade the honorable principle of “emancipating” the masses; and instead captures the state for the benefit of a few elites. The new class of elites in Ethiopia has now become a well-entrenched and wealthy bureaucracy not much different from that of the Soviet system that collapsed miserably.

Mao’s system has, however evolved a Socialist economy totally committed to the market system. More than anything else, China’s model is nationalist and has little resemblance to the Soviet system. The Chinese “Developmental state” has lifted hundreds of millions of people out

of poverty; and enabled them to become part of the country’s emerging middle class. Women are among the lead beneficiaries of this system. Surveys show that Chinese youth, women (Half the Sky, to use Mao’s famous term) and minorities feel empowered.

The structure of the Chinese economy has been changed dramatically and irreversibly. At least, the Chinese system has proved resilient in making poverty history. For sure, the Chinese system suffers from a deficit of freedom enhancing democratic governance.

In conclusion, the highly trumpeted TPLF/EPRDF “Revolutionary Democracy” and its “Developmental state” model offer neither adequate bread nor freedom. This is why both the government and development model must be changed sooner than later.

The highly celebrated election of Dr. Abiy Ahmed as Ethiopia’s Prime Minister ushers in a new and promising era for Ethiopia’s 110 million people; and poses a huge challenge for this young and promising leader. While there is no doubt in mind that he will be able to carry-out modest reforms, the hurdles he will face are equally daunting:

• “Revolutionary Democracy and the Developmental state” and its relevance
• The ill-defined demarcation between party ownership of assets and privatization and the Ethiopian private sector
• The rescinding of the draconian emergency proclamation
• The ethnic and language based federal system and the strengthening of Ethiopia; and the narrative of ኢትዮጵያዊነት (Ethiopian as a defining national identity)
• The elimination of corruption at the core or pinnacle
• The release of all political prisoners
• The convention of an all-inclusive conference for peace, reconciliation, national consensus and a peaceful transition that will facilitate the first free and fair election in Ethiopian history
• The transformation of the TPLF dominated and commandeered security, federal police and defense system into a truly independent, integrated and representative Ethiopian institutional asset

These are enormous challenges for any one. Courage and careful planning and execution are therefore vital. So is popular support for fundamental change. We should never lose sight that we cannot afford to lose another opportunity for fundamental change in Ethiopia.

The great South African and world leader, Nelson Mandela, who faced the greatest challenge that any human being and leader faced said this.

“I learned that courage was not the absence of fear, but the triumph over it. The brave man is not he who does not feel afraid, but he who conquers that fear.”

April 3, 2018

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