Patriotic Ginbot7 Movement for the Unity and Democracy

For Immediate Release

RE: The British Court’s acquittal of Dr. Tadesse Kersmo of all charges   is a Victory for Pro-democracy and Human Rights Activists Around the World

(Washington, D.C., December 21, 2017) Patriotic Ginbot 7 Movement for Unity and Democracy is extremely pleased that Dr. Tadesse Birru Kersmo, dedicated member of the Movement and a well-known pro-democracy activist has been found innocent of “terrorism” charges. The Acquittal of Dr. Kersmo of all charges is a significant victory for all pro-democracy activists in Ethiopia and around the world.

Dr. Kersmo fought these baseless charges against him with courage and tenacity.  He fought the good fight with the support of his family, friends, admirers and solid support of the Ethiopian community at home and abroad. Patriotic Ginbot 7 Movement for Unity and Democracy is immensely proud of his steadfast focus to prove himself as a justice, democracy and human rights defender. Moreover, he once again has proven that his cause is just and all he is fighting for is for the same system that acquitted him to be established in Ethiopia. His unwavering commitment to mentor and educate the next generation leaders in Ethiopia that won him admiration and respect across the board.

Unfortunately, it is the brutal nature and policy of the regime in Ethiopia that sees intellectuals as enemies forced him to flee his country and seek refuge in his adopted country United Kingdom. While in the UK he has remained a responsible part of the UK society and active member of his community. His case has proven that where there is a true democracy and separation of power each function according the law of the land with the principle of “innocent until proven guilty” not the other way around as it is the case in Ethiopia. Majority of members of the Ethiopian diaspora in the UK and around the world fled envision independent judiciary and a democratic political system for their country.

It is with an immense joy and enthusiasm we are celebrating Dr. Kersemo’s acquittal. While the verdict is an individual victory for him and his family, we see it also as an affirmation of our cause which is establishing free and democratic order in Ethiopia. During the court proceedings our mission, vision and goals were presented to the judges and jury in which they understood as a struggle between tyranny and freedom by proclaiming Dr. Kersmo not guilty. This verdict gives the people of Ethiopia and Patriotic Ginbot 7 Movement for Unity and Democracy an extra wind at our backs to solidify and continue our fight to which Dr. Kersmo is valuable contributor to the struggle. Patriotic Ginbot Movement for Unity and Democracy once again urges the British government to review and reconsider its policy towards the authoritarian regime in Ethiopia.

Finally, we applaud the valiant determination of his exceptional legal team, without whom Dr. Kersmo would have been powerless to defend himself to prove his innocence. We are grateful for their judicious counsel and their great victory in the UK court of law.

We also thank the jury that rendered their just verdict and hope someday soon that we can build a democratic system in Ethiopia with a truly independent judiciary that respects the law of the land and renders judgement solely on the merits of the case.

Justice, liberty, and Unity for the people of Ethiopia!

Contact: foreign@patriotg7.org

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By Zemariam

It is unfortunate that, still most people do not see the root cause of the problem in our church that led us to our present dire situation. According to our byelaw, the archdiocese with its Archbishop has the highest authority on spiritual matters.

Church Byelaw Chapter 3 Article 9:6 says “Whereas, the archdiocese has spiritual authority over the church, the physical funds as well as assets including fixed and non-fixed properties belong to the Assembly of Membership Congregation.”

When the byelaw is crystal clear in assigning authority over spiritual matters to the Archbishop, the following unacceptable & unlawful behaviors were deliberately encouraged by the Plaintiff board members a.k.a Ato Abate Zewdie Group, or simply identified in this article as the Plaintiff.

1. The rebellious Priests continually attempted to undermine the power of the Archbishop, publicly speaking against him personally, and against the Holy Synod. The most notorious in this regard were Aba Hailemichael who is now in Washington DC area and the ex Kesis Alemshet.

2. The Board, particularly those who ironically present themselves now as Plaintiff, completely failed to discipline the Priests who have been working against the archbishop, by instigating disobedience and unrest within the laity. Also, the complete silence of the Audit Committee puts its members in the same footing with that of the Plaintiff Board members.

3. Contrary to their fiduciary responsibility of maintaining order, the plaintiff board members collaborated with the divisive & rebellious priests, and members that were acting in violation of the article in the byelaw chapter 3 article 9:6, by attempting to undermine the authority of the archbishop through various defamations.

4. It is only God that cannot err and accordingly, the following canonical and legal remedies were available to both the Priests and members, in addressing their concerns or their allegations against the Archbishop.

• Priests – The Fitha Negest (Law of Kings) clearly mandates that any priest within the Ethiopian Orthodox Church submits complaints with evidence to the Holy Synod, following the church’s rich traditions that are not elaborated here. However, the priests acted with a total disregard for the cannon laws of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. The Priests were distributing flyers and bringing controversial issues to Sunday mass, to instigate innocent members and create chaos. The Plaintiff Board members and the Audit Committee were accomplice in their silence to these unlawful behaviors of the renegade priests since they failed to enforce the authority of the Archbishop, inscribed in Chapter 3 article 9:6

• Church Members. The only way for members to rightfully complain against the archbishop is, request addition of the complaint as agenda item for discussion either at an annual or special meeting of the congregation. However, the Plaintiff group chose to follow a devious tactic of setting up a Fact Finding Committee, and attempted to remove the archbishop through the back door merely basing on the dubious report of the committee.

5. Although the Byelaw demands holding one General meeting each year in September, the board completely failed to call annual general meeting of members both in September 2015 and in September 2016. Although the defendant group presented various petitions to the Board and the Audit Committee demanding for a General Meeting of members, its multiple written requests were given deaf ears. The Plaintiff group knew that majority of members would not agree to its allegations against the Archbishop, and hence continuously denied members of their right to participate in the General meeting or Special meeting ,and have a say on the most significant problem the church has faced in two decades.

6. The Board held a meeting on 6/12/16 and decided to call a General meeting of members, and present the so-called ‘Fact Finding and Solution Seeking Committee Report’ for discussion in the annual meeting of the congregation. There was an agreement that it would be unlawful for the Board to remove the Archbishop without the consent of members. However, instead of calling the General Meeting, the Plaintiff group called another Board Meeting on 10/09/2016, and presented the same agenda discussed & settled in the prior meeting. At that moment, the defendant board members left the meeting on two grounds (i) There was no point re deliberating on the agenda settled in the prior meeting on 6/12/16, and (ii) removing the Archbishop without a joint consent of members in the General Meeting and that of the Holy Synod representatives, would be against the byelaw for the church.

However, the Plaintiff Board members chose to follow an evangelical church methodology, and tried to give a verdict based on opinion of Committee of Elders, disregarding the authority of the Holy Synod and the General Meeting of the congregation. The irresponsible and the unlawful act of the plaintiffs, to fire the archbishop flared up the whole situation.

• General or Special meeting of the Congregation (Tier I Structure) is the highest administrative body that elects the board and has a significant say in resolving disputes between the Board and Priests/Archbishop. The Board (Tier II Structure) is accountable to the General Meeting of members and it appoints the Executive committee.

• The Executive committee is formed by the Board and it is the lowest level or Tier III administrative structure with in the church. Chapter 3:16:8 of the church byelaw says “አስፈላጊም ሆኖ ሲያገኘው ጊዜያዊም ሆነ ቋሚ ሰራተኛ በህግ ይቀጥራል ያሰናብታል” and the correct translation of this is that the executive committee can, as needed, hire and fire permanent or temporary employees without violating relevant In order to discern that law, here, refers to relevant Federal laws, State laws and the Church’s byelaw, one does not need to go to law school.

• The executive committee in exercising its powers to hire and fire, is required to make sure that its actions are consistent with other legal provisions within the church byelaw. It is illegal for the executive committee to fire a Priest or an Archbishop, in contravention with specific provisions that award special authority to other higher body like general assembly of the congregation. Accordingly, the following are relevant byelaw provisions that need serious consideration by the executive committee before taking a decision to fire.

Byelaw Chapter 3:19:3

Whenever controversies arise between the board and the Head Priest, the decision taken by the Archbishop and the Assembly of Membership Congregation shall be final.

Internal Guideline Page 19 (Ethiopic “ረ” read as ‘Re’) – the 2012 Amendment

ችግሩ በሀገረ ስብከቱ ሊቀጳጳስና በአስተዳደሩ መካከል ከሆነ ግን ጉዳዩ ለሲኖዶሱ ተላልፎ የማህበረ ምዕመናኑ ጉባኤና ሲኖዶሱ የሚወክላችው አባላት በጋራ እንዲያዩት ይደረጋል። ሁለቱ የሚሰጡት ውሳኔ የመጨረሻ ይሆናል።

…When the dispute is between the Archbishop and the Board, the issue will be passed on to the Holy Synod. And members’ representatives of the General Meeting and representatives of the Holy Synod will enquire in to the issue together. The joint decision of the two representatives will be final.

Note:

The 2012 amendment was presented to the 2012 general meeting, and it was approved by acclamation. There are email correspondences among the plaintiff, and other church activities that prove the amendment has been effective since 2012. The problems are (i) Even if the document is an amendment to the Chapter 3:19 of the byelaw, the document is still appended to the Internal Guideline. This only shows the poor understanding of the Plaintiff when it comes to legal matters. If you amend the byelaw, why append the amendment to Internal Guideline, instead of the byelaw itself, where you find Chapter 3:19 (ii) The Plaintiff Group has denied the validity of the amendment altogether.

• The Grand Manipulation. It is comical that the termination letter served to the archbishop says, we are firing you with your role as a priest, not as an archbishop. The letter also prohibits the archbishop from entering the church facilities. Isn’t it true that if one is a priest he is not an archbishop, and vice versa? How is the archbishop going to serve in his capacity as an archbishop when he is not allowed to enter the church facilities? Isn’t that a grand deception? Isn’t switching to the Addis Ababa Synod the hidden grand motive?

• Clearly the Tier III, Executive committee, does not have the mandate to fire the clergy contrary to the byelaw. It can only take this action after getting the approval of members in the General meeting (Tier 1). Also the consent of the Archbishop is required in case of a dispute with a priest, and the consent of the Holy Synod representatives is required, when the dispute is with the archbishop.

• Common Sense. The right of the archbishop cannot be any lower than the right of a Head Priest. If the consent of the General Meeting is required to resolve a dispute between the Board and the Head Priest, the consent of the General meeting should, if not more, at least equally be necessary, to determine the fate of an Archbishop in an Orthodox environment. This is a simple common sense one cannot lose sight of! The concept of Matrix structure is in play. The Head priest is accountable to the Arch Bishop and to the Board. Similarly, the Archbishop is accountable to the Holy Synod and the church’s congregation.

7. To make the situation even worse, the church Administrator Aba Hailegiorigis and the Board Chairman, Abate Zewdie, allowed the priests to conduct Sunday liturgy, even after receiving a clear written instruction from the Holy Synod that no Liturgy was to be conducted by the priests, without the approval of the Archbishop. The misconduct of the priests, holding Sunday Liturgy after uncanonically removing the archbishop, completely ignoring the direct written order of the Holy Synod not to do so, exacerbated the problem to a whole new level of misunderstanding & division among church members. This forced the defendant group to resort to other remedies to protect the interest of the Holy Synod in Atlanta Sehalite Mehret Cathedral.

8. The Plaintiff Board members, instead of accepting their mistakes, and trying to apologize or asking for reconciliation, reconfirmed their total unlawful and dictatorial behavior by taking the case to court. It is alleged that the Plaintiff has used over US $ 100,000.00 of church funds paying for its legal team. As members of the church, the defendants, have a say on use of church funds but it is being used against them without their say on the budgetary process. The defendants, though, are using their own personal funds in defending their case, in effect are paying for both sides.

9. Still the allegations on the Archbishop are not presented to Members for deliberation. Everything is a rumor with he said, and she said. The significant number of church members did not participate with questionnaires of the Fact-Finding Committee because it was designed with ill motive, and it was against the Orthodox tradition of empowering the Holy Synod in resolving a dispute of this magnitude or nature.

The members who had a complaint could have simply gathered in Starbucks, and come up with list of allegations against the archbishop.  Instead, they tried to deceive more than six hundred members by creating a committee that would pose as neutral, but whose only agenda is present a stepping stone for the Plaintiff Board member’s originally designed agenda of removing the archbishop, through the backdoor i.e. without the consent of members in the general meeting. That was why only seventy-one people responded from about six hundred members.

The Board was simply required to (i) call Annual General Meeting of members (ii) deliberate on the agenda (the allegation compiled at Starbucks or wherever), and (iii) if the majority agrees with the allegation elect member representatives for discussion with representatives of the Holy Synod. (Iv) Member representatives meet with Synod representatives to make that final decision on the fate of the Archbishop. Removal of the archbishop requires joint agreement of the representatives of members and that of the Holy Synod.

So far, not a single meeting of the congregation has been held since 2014, and until that occurs all the allegations against the archbishop are mere rumors with a he said and a she said. It is normal and healthy for anyone to complain against another. The problem in our church is not because there are complaints. The root cause of the problem in our church is how the Board and the Audit Committee chose to address the issues. It all started since the plaintiff chose to undermine the authority of the archbishop over spiritual matters, and follow procedures that are poisonous and hence alien to Orthodox Church traditions, and the church’s byelaw. One thing for sure is that due process has not been followed by the Plaintiff Board Members and the Audit committee. They have violated the right of the Archbishop as supreme authority in the church on spiritual matters, and the right of members to express their opinion in general meeting on important matters to the church.

You should be asking why these people would go against the archbishop. As members of the church, our issue is with the due process. Let us hear the allegations formally in the general meeting, and let the accused be given a chance to answer. Then only then, we would know what’s up.

It was wrong for Megabi Haddis Eshetu, Deacon Daniel Kibret or others to get involved in the internal affairs of the church/the exiled Holy Synod. We are particularly shocked at the action of Megabi Haddis Eshetu, as our expectations of him are higher. Did he talk to the archbishop before he took sides? Did he try to verify? Was it right for him to take role of a religious father to a rebellious group that rejected the exiled Holy Synod? Isn’t he expected to advise the group to sort out their differences with the Holy Synod first? Is the Holy Synod a buffet for the laity to choose from? Isn’t what we are evidencing at Atlanta Sehalite Mehret the height of Sebhat Nega’s claim that he has broken the backbone of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church?  Is Megabi Haddis Eshetu to apologize for his actions? The three rebellious priests, that probably have misled Megabi Haddis Eshetu, are now excommunicated by the exiled Holy Synod, and we are now required to refer to them as Ato Hailegiorigis, Ato Abraham and Ato Alemshet. The main culprit Aba Hailemichael is still at large, hiding within the Addis Ababa Synod.

At this crucial time, it is necessary that the true Ethiopians join in prayers and remember the hundreds of fellow Ethiopians who lost their lives and their families because of the divisive and backward ethnic based politics in our country. There are fellow church members who have not yet realized that the same force is lurching in our church creating divisions among us.

The Archbishop is the highest authority over spiritual matters. That is per the byelaw. If anyone has a problem with the archbishop, follow the due process. No due process, meaning dictatorship. Why?

Wishing all Ethiopians a Happy New Year!

Zemariam

Church Member

The post Atlanta Sehalite Mehret Kidst Mariam – The Root Cause of the Problem appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Local government: Mayors, police, school boards get the job done

(State Dept./D. Thompson)

This article is part of a three-part series on how federalism works in America. Other installments will focus on state governments and the federal government. 

Sandy Evans spent nearly six years urging the Fairfax County School Board in Virginia for later start times in secondary schools, also known as high schools.  Evans decided to run for a vacant spot on the 12-member school board and won. She resumed her push to have high schools start later than 7:20 a.m.

In 2014, Evans and other new members on the school board, backed by a new superintendent and others, approved 8:10 a.m. start times for high schools in the Fairfax County School District, which is the 10th largest in the United States. “It wasn’t the only issue by any means, but it certainly was my top priority on the board to get that done,” Evans said.

Welcome to local government in the United States.

What do local governments do?

The U.S. relies on a system called “federalism,” in which government powers are divided between local, state and national responsibilities. It’s an important concept to understand, because citizens encounter different levels of government daily, but in different ways.

Local government represents a crucial cornerstone of American life because it is the entity that citizens interact with the most, said Karla Jones, director of international relations and federalism at the American Legislative Exchange Council, an organization based in Washington. Local governments offer a wide swath of basic citizen services. They include providing water and sewer service, removing trash, plowing snow, offering housing services and transportation, enacting standards for school curricula, and protecting the public.

For example, when Americans call emergency services to report a crisis in the home, a local police officer, firefighter or paramedic will come to the house to investigate. Those first responders are most often paid by and answer to the local government, which gets its revenue from local taxes.

“It is the basis of governance, and it’s partially due to our federalism where whatever powers aren’t given to the national government devolve to the state and to local municipalities,” Jones explained.

This graphic summarizes the kinds of entities in each branch of government.

How many local governments are there?

There are nearly 90,000 units of local government in the United States, according to the 2012 Census of Governments, taken every five years.

Illinois had the most of any state with nearly 7,000 units. Hawaii had the fewest, with 21 units.

In general, local government falls into two tiers: bigger chunks called counties (called parishes in Louisiana and boroughs in Alaska) and municipalities or cities/towns. In some instances, counties are divided into townships.

Depending on the state constitution, municipalities can be structured in multiple ways. They can be called villages, boroughs, towns, townships, or cities.

Local government is all about give-and-take. For example, Fairfax County School Board member Evans originally wanted the high schools to start at 8:30 a.m. “Everyone had to give a little to get it done. You have to learn to listen to other people and to compromise,” Evans said.

This article was written by freelance writer Lenore T. Adkins.

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December 22, 2017

In its history Ethiopia has faced numerous foreign invaders that have encroached on its territory or violated its sovereignty, but it never faced an internal challenge that threatened its existence, until now. The combined weight of continued repression, obscene corruption, boundless abuse of authority and runaway poverty and inflation have become too much to bear. From end to end the population is revolting against the dictatorship and this is leading the country to the brink of chaos. Pent up anger and fury is fueling a popular movement that has shown tenacity and widespread acceptance.

On the other hand, while the people are calling for change the ruling party (TPLF/EPDRF) is making every effort to stay in power; at times it resorts to State of Emergency to impose its dictatorship on the people. At other occasions, in an act of deceit and subterfuge, the ruling party, keeps churning out the same old

cliché that they are in “deep reform”; people are not asking for any reform, deep or shallow; people are demanding real change and that change starts when the ruling party and its entourage step down.

Reports show that the EPDRF executive meeting is beset by rancor and feud between those who realize change is due and those who gang up to keep the status quo. Seekers of change with in the ruling party have been threatened and some assassination attempts have been foiled. Despite escalated repression, despite enormous sacrifices, the popular movement is chugging ahead; large swats of the country are becoming ungovernable.

Increasingly, the government’s machinery of coercion is proving to be inadequate to maintain peace and order. Lately, conflicts are brewing between the top level of the regional parties and the federal/TPLF government; a few of the regional parties are openly defying the authority of the Federal government. Some have expressed displeasure with the interference of federal/TPLF authorities in their region. Looked more closely, two regional parties representing the most populous parts of the country (OPDO and ANDM) are not in harmony with their creator and mentor- the TPLF, which enjoys political and economic supremacy in the whole country. This discord is fracturing the ruling party from within, thereby making it ineffective and unable to lead or to govern. At this point the dictatorship has reached a stage where it cannot govern without deploying lethal force. On the other hand, the popular movement is gathering momentum and despite heavy sacrifices it shows no retreat before ensuring freedom and democracy.

Another remarkable development is the recurrence of skirmishes between the so called National Army and Regional police forces. For all intents and purpose the Agazi army is commanded by TPLF and is considered like its private army. Shoot outs between the two have been reported in some regions; in some instances, the skirmishes occurred when the police intervene to prevent the army from shooting at demonstrators. Increasingly an encouraging solidarity is evolving between the local police and the population, thereby proclaiming the beginning of the demise of the dictatorship. TPLF’s poisonous pangs are falling off at an alarming rate.

The ruling group’s ethic based, inward looking politics is now displaying its ugly face. Ethnic tension is brewing and spreading very widely. Despite the

government’s denial, ethnic based conflicts are witnessed in many parts of the country. This is a situation that seriously concerns both the Shengo and the general public. Ethiopians need to channel their frustration and express their anger at the very government that has planted the seeds of mistrust and division but not against each other. The solution is to stand up for our rights and against our repressor, the TPLF/ EPRDF, and not against each other.

At this very difficult time, there is a need to continue eroding the regime out of existence but at the same time demonstrate solidarity and unity among Ethiopians of all ethnic and religious backgrounds.

WHAT MUST BE DONE

• Shengo calls upon all opposition political entities – inside and outside the country to come together and form a Grand Coalition immediately; we urge the international community and the UN to support, finance and facilitate the formation of such a coalition.

• We call on all Ethiopians – inside and outside the country to stand behind this coalition and demand the ruling party to transfer power to the Grand Coalition in a transitional arrangement. This call is extended to the armed forces of Ethiopia and the entire civil service as well.
• In the event TPLF/EPDRF? hesitates to transfer power we call upon the Ethiopian people to oust the dictatorship from power through an extension of series protracted civil disobedience campaigns, strikes, and other methods of peaceful struggle. The Opposition must encourage defections from the ruling party, either individually or in groups, and must embrace and protect those who have shown solidarity with the popular movement.

• Patriots and citizens of Ethiopia, the waiting game should come to an end; during the last couple of years, we have followed the evolution of the crisis through leaps and bounds. Ethiopia cannot afford any more time for discussions and hollow intellectual analysis. We have seen enough pictures of our people being massacred in practically every major city. As we speak killings targeting members of one or another ethnic group are being committed in different parts of the country – most of them planned and implemented by government agent

• Compatriots, are we waiting for a full-scale carnage, consuming our people, our cities and our villages? The time to save our country is now and we must act; there is only one action we suggest at the moment: Formation of a National Salvation Government and a transitional process.

Ethiopia Shall Prevail!!

The post SHENGO CALLS FOR IMMEDIATE ACTION FORMATION OF A NATIONAL SALVATION (Transitional) GOVERNMENT FOR ETHIOPIA appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

December 22, 2017
Tesfaye Yigzaw

Ethiopia has survived a long excruciating years endangering its existence as a liable country under a tribal dictatorship of Tigray People Liberation Front. The long awaited hope for transformation has finally coming to end a single tribal dictatorship, but a future to form a democratic government remains elusive unless democratic forces come together to make a well planned program for a better of all its citizens.

First generation starts

Second generation builds

Third generation destroys

This three statements best describe a contemporary Ethiopian crisis. The calamities on the ground today was initiated back in sixties during students’ movement whose lack in a fundamental knowledge in politics, history and social science of the country led for today’s ethnic federalism. The birth of ethnic politics funded by foreign interest groups/ countries had risen amongst students’ movement: Tigray People Liberation Front, Oromo Liberation Front, Ogaden National Liberation Front, of course Eritrean People Liberation Front was a chief architect while the rest were foot soldiers. All four of these groups marched together to Addis Ababa in 1991 after a brutal dictator vacated a grand palace. Without public consultation they put forward a constitution they had drafted at the bush a law of a country. They dismantled the institutions that were built by our ancestors for thousands of years. Our forefathers and mothers founded with their blood and bones kept the unique freedom from invaders passing on virgin land to generations. Instead of praise, our heroes and heroines unfortunately had been disparaged.  The formulation of ethnic administration was intended to dismantle the unity of people to further disintegrate the country. Among the founders of ethnic federalism, the disgruntled Oromo Liberation Front and Ogaden National Liberation Front were relinquished the power to TPLF, and resumed its ethnic movement from ground zero. Since then TPLF has a full control of state power, security and economy with feeble satellite ethnic fronts it had organized by keeping under its shadow.

The country has never known political parties nor well defined political ideology. Except very few opposition groups, most are organized under ethnic consortium which has become a danger to a country’s very existence leading to ethnic conflicts. The ongoing bloodshed is a result of ethnic federalism persuaded by TPLF. This is obvious when religion and ethnicity become part of political forces.

There is a rhetoric coming from ethnocentrism group that a majority based on number of population should control state power, this is another danger for building a democratic government.  .

In short, the predicaments of the country have been contributed by multiple groups especially those are advocating ethnic politics. To reverse a current trends to benefit every citizen without prejudice minority groups for unwavering peace. Here, a principle of three proposed using the beautiful tricolor of Ethiopian flag for laying out a foundation for democracy. The principle of three is open for debate, and needs further public scrutiny.

Principle of Three:

1. One country, one constitution and one flag
2. Establishing a democratic government, rule of law, and a respect for individual rights
3. Executive, judiciary and legislatives establishments are to function independent of each other elected by people.
4. Free media, freedom of speech, and expression
5. Administrative regions abolishing current ethnic administrations by replacing with its old names: Kefle Hager, Awraja and Wereda. Representatives should be elected by people for local and national representations.
6. Political parties not to exceed more than three
7. Political parties should not be formed by religion, ethnicity and military.
8. Federal government based system where Kefle Hager, Awraja, and Wereda would be administered by local representatives through democratic election, where a central government oversees a military, intelligent, security and economy.
9. A right of children, women and minorities should be overseen by federal government.
10. A labor law, health and environment should be overseen by federal government.

The post Ethiopia is in a process of transformations rather than disintegration.   appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

• WHAT IS HAPPENING TO US?
• WHAT COULD HAPPEN TO ETHIOPIA IF WE DO NOT CHANGE?
• WHAT KIND OF COMMON VISION WILL BRING TRUTH, FREEDOM, ACCOUNTABILITY, RECONCILIATION AND JUSTICE FOR ALL OF US?
• WHAT CAN BE DONE IN THE CURRENT CRISIS?
• IS IT A MATTER OF HEART—CONSCIENCE, HUMILITY AND WILL?

_____________________________________________________________________

WHAT HAS HAPPENED TO US?

Why have so many students at our universities, soccer fans and civilians been killed or wounded these past weeks and months because of the increasing climate of ethnic hate that exists and is spreading across our country? Those recently being mourned by their families, friends and communities were allegedly targeted based on ethnicity, whether Tigray, Oromo, Amhara or Somali.

This hate did not come out of nowhere; but, to a significant degree, is a toxic byproduct of Ethnic Federalism and the TPLF efforts to divide and conquer the majority to enable them, a minority, to maintain power; yet, it appears to be worsening daily and may become uncontrollable. Has the “beast of ethnic hatred” finally burst out of containment to threaten all of us, like a contagious disease that infects others exponentially? What are the solutions? Pretending it does not exist or that it is the responsibility of someone else to fix it, will not work.

It is a problem that cannot be solved by one group, because although ethnic hatred may have been advanced by the TPLF, it would not have worked so well for 26 years without a high degree of cooperation from the majority. Therefore, we cannot stand by, with pointed fingers at others, without considering how we may have not done enough or even helped open the door to this formidable threat that now belongs to all of us—whether we like it or not!

Who are the next perpetrators and victims? Someone avenging the death of an innocent victim from their own ethnic group by claiming the life of another innocent victim from an “enemy” group? Will our children or loved ones number among the victims or the perpetrators? Will it be the TPLF’s security forces killing “ethnically identified” opponents for protesting the murder of a previous victim? Do we collectively hate all people from one or another group because of what some have done? Are our hearts hardened toward others so we devalue their lives? Do we secretly or openly want others, including innocent victims, to suffer revenge killings based on ethnicity? Where does it stop once on that path? What has happened to us? Is this who we want to be as a society?

WHAT COULD HAPPEN TO ETHIOPIA IF WE DO NOT CHANGE?

It is nearly impossible to keep up with details on all the ethnic-based killings and attacks being carried out in the country. It is especially difficult to follow the sequence of related killings because one killing leads to another and that one to another and so on in a chain of revenge killings.

We have seen examples of this over the last months, resulting in violence, killings and unrest at many universities throughout the Oromo, Amhara and Tigray regions of the country. Students and civilians carried some of the killings out; but the majority were at the hands of federal security forces, like at Chelenko where they shot and killed eighteen students in the head for protesting other killings. What we may be seeing is a fear-based, panic-stricken reaction from TPLF headquarters and security forces on the ground to the rising resistance; however, these brutal tactics are inciting a backlash that could trigger a bigger, more unified movement of resistance. Students no longer feel safe at these universities.

The Minister of Education has acknowledged the possible danger to the students and as a result, eighteen universities in the Oromia and Amhara regions have been closed. Tigrayan students previously attending these schools were escorted to their own region by federal security agents. On the other hand, Tigrayan universities remain open and non-Tigrayan students attending these schools have been under pressure to remain; allegedly, because their departure or the closing of the schools would be a sign of weakness, showing the government to be out of control in their own region.

In response to some of the recent violence, thousands of mothers publicly protested in the streets last week against the killings and brutal atrocities committed to their sons and daughters. This week, many former students, dressed in black in the Oromia region are doing the same in amazing displays of peaceful protest.  Sadly, the future looks very grim if Ethiopian young people are unable to safely attend schools and universities for fear of being killed by each other or by security forces for no reason other than ethnicity.  As a result, these protests are continuing in many locations in Oromia, perhaps until meaningful change comes.

The same problem exists now whenever a soccer tournament is played where players from Tigrayan background participate. Rising ethnic tensions among Tigrayan, Amhara and Oromo soccer fans have turned into deadly violence related to the intermingling of ethnicities at these competitive sporting events.  It has come to the sad point that the only way it is safe to compete is if the teams from Tigray do not participate.

Why are we passing ethnic hatred to the next generation, only to be played out by our youth in a deadly game? Will our youth, especially in Tigray, increasingly become prisoners of their own regions or communities, afraid to venture out into the world without protection, as anger is stirred up on all sides? Are they judged guilty only because they were born in this region or because they are the same ethnicity as the TPLF regime? They may totally disagree with what the TPLF is doing, but still face danger from others—outsiders— based on their ethnicity, not on their viewpoint or lack of understanding. Many are still young and have been “protected” from hearing or seeing the reality of life for those from other groups. In fact, if you check out the pro-TPLF websites [like TigraiOnline, AigaForum and others], the social media and comments given by many; you will see a vacuum of information and perspective from any viewpoint other than the TPLF’s. As animosity grows, will they and others, including ourselves, become prisoners of our own tribal worlds?

This is intolerable, but as the “beast of ethnic hatred” expands its “territory,” it is inevitable that our own territory will diminish. What could happen to sporting events, educational institutions, and our economy in Ethiopia if we Ethiopians cannot safely intermingle? 

We join in condemning this barbaric and inhumane treatment of any of our fellow Ethiopian people by our own people; yet, no one should be surprised by the transference of years of purposely cultivated ethnic division and hatred to our youth. This should be an unsettling warning to us as it gets more and more out of control. What could happen to our lives as Ethiopians if we do not set our sights on change?

In the past week, some sixty or more Ethiopians were killed in Eastern Ethiopia, resulting in the deaths of Ethiopian Somalis and Oromo. Allegedly, some of the perpetrators were armed men, with Ethiopian Somali killing the Oromo and vice versa. Other alleged perpetrators were members of the Ethiopian military or the Somali Paramilitary (Liyu Police). This comes following a mass killing of up to 200 persons in October 2017, allegedly committed by both Ethiopian Somali and Oromo police or security forces of the opposite ethnicity. Sadly, this happened despite the fact that people of these two different ethnicities have lived mostly peacefully, in close proximity to each other for many years, with numerous persons intermarrying. The October massacre led to the displacement of over 700,000 people [government estimates] who have not yet returned. A thorough and transparent investigation has not yet been completed.

This is all happening at a time when the international community is so preoccupied with multiple crises throughout the world that no one has hardly noticed what is going on in Ethiopia. Nearly ten years ago, in 2008, the International Crisis Group warned that Ethiopia was a ticking bomb that could explode due to ethnic policies and favoritism towards the ruling party’s own ethnic group. Unfortunately, the crisis has deepened rather than been resolved, requiring swift action on the part of Ethiopians.

This deadly crisis must be faced, but whether or not we Ethiopians will succeed depends if we are able to join in agreement about a common vision. As already emphasized, one group cannot do it alone, for the kind of change we need requires widespread participation in a shared common vision that can be integrated into the fabric of our society. Yet, it is the substance of that worldview or ideology that forms the common vision that will determine whether its outcome will be better, no different or worse than what we now have.  Hitler, Stalin, Mussolini, Mengistu and Meles all had varying ideologies that engaged the people in a common vision for a period of time; but they were dangerous and led to the destruction of many. There are many examples— good, bad and in-between. Let us consider what is important to preserve or discard so our common vision will benefit all Ethiopians.

WHAT IS THE FOUNDATION FOR A COMMON VISION THAT IS MOST LIKELY TO STOP THE SPREAD OF ETHNIC HATRED AND VIOLENCE?

Foundational to any vision is how we view others. Do we believe our own tribe, group, ethnicity or other sectarian group should be favored over others; perhaps justifying it based on suffering past grievances? Do we really think that we should benefit above others because now “it’s our turn to eat,” as the African saying goes? Competition for power for ethnic-based self-benefit at the exclusion of others is what we now have. How is it working? In a country of over eighty ethnicities, how inclusive are the benefits? How fair is our justice system? How equitable are opportunities distributed or accessed?

Who decides the value of the life of another human being? Is it God-given to every human being or do we set up ourselves or trust in some charismatic or ambitious leader to decide on a person’s worth based on our or his or her opinions and judgements?

Do we decide based on someone’s ethnicity, gender, age, language, region, religion, political view, education, family connections, elitism, or money? Is it based on whether or not that person or group of persons is useful to me or my group— only to be discarded or trampled on once we no longer need them? How about if those persons are sitting on valuable land or resources and they obstruct access to what I or my group wants? How do I measure their value when I want what they have? Do they then become expendable until I need them the next time? 

How we answer these questions will determine the outcome of this battle against the beast of ethnic hatred, which most often is fueled by greed, ambition, self-interest and self-preservation. No wonder everything is covered up with deception and speaking the truth is ruthlessly suppressed. Where is the transparency and accountability that helps monitor justice?

Where are the robust institutions that should hold all of us responsible when my and your self-interest violate the rule of law or threaten the well being of others, whether minority or majority ethnic groups?

No society is ever without flaws, because each of us is part of it; but yet, we can do better to hold ourselves, others, our institutions and our government more accountable to replace ethnic hatred— deeply entrenched in our current system— with a high view of the humanity of every Ethiopian. No one can be left out here. It must include Tigrayans, Amhara, Oromo, Somali and the eighty or more other ethnicities in our country.

Now is the time to urgently pursue a new paradigm based on principles of valuing the rights, dignity and worth of all humanity, especially our fellow Ethiopians with whom we share a country— putting humanity before ethnicity or any other difference.  

We also must hold each other more accountable—in a country with little to no accountability—until it becomes deeply entrenched as a foundational value within Ethiopian society. Truth will be essential wherever deception and darkness have fed the beast of ethnic hatred and the ambition that often accompanies it.

As TPLF and their region’s power and control are challenged by the mounting hostility against them from the majority of Ethiopians, as well as internally from other parts of the EPRDF, the people of Tigray face increased alienation and isolation. The misguided vision of the TPLF has backfired and is already restricting their freedom of movement within their own country for “No one is free until all are free,” as oppression incites an opposition. 

The TPLF should be seeking a way out of the corner they have constructed themselves. The TPLF and the larger coalition of the EPRDF have alternatives; however, each alternative taken will produce different results.We do not want a remake of the same model under a different ethnic name, whether a majority ethnic group or a coalition of minority groups. Neither do we want leaders who merely seek power. We want servant leaders, from the federal to the regional to the local levels who seek a new paradigm that can benefit all the people of Ethiopia.

Can truth, reconciliation and justice all join hands to strengthen our people at the local, regional and federal levels, enabling them to find meaningful and just solutions through earnest dialogue? Let us talk to each other, face to face, rather than talk about each other. In light of that, let us go forward to convene, dialogue, and develop a transitional plan for the short-term that reduces that hostility towards one another rather than intensifies it. Once accomplished, we can begin work on long-term goals to create a healthier, more equitable and more well-functioning Ethiopia.

One recent approach to finding a practical solution to ethnic conflict that could be replicated was taken by our Ethiopian Somali and Oromo brothers and sisters in Minnesota. In a previous article following the horrific killings of Ethiopian Somali and Oromo two months ago and in personal conversations with leaders, we encouraged these communities in Minnesota to meet to work out a plan of action that could lead to greater peace and reconciliation in Minnesota and Ethiopia. They have done exactly that with diligence, wisdom and respect for each other and this past week have made public their resolutions. They did it by coming together to talk with each other; and together, to find shared solutions, which they now will do their best to implement.We congratulate them and hope others will follow suit.

WHAT CAN BE DONE IN THE CURRENT CRISIS?

Unquestionably, the power and control the TPLF confidently assumed was perpetually theirs is being challenged as never before. In fact, it appears to be crumbling before our eyes as other members of the EPRDF now demand accountability and correction from the TPLF for the many recent killings and past injustices affecting other members of the EPRDF, like in the Oromia and Amhara federal states. The TPLF sought to bring these issues before the Ethiopian Parliament, which was quickly rejected by others at a recent EPRDF Executive Committee meeting as an attempt to change the focus and stakeholders; however, other Ethiopians may soon join in this new effort to confront the TPLF with the serious inequities and repressive nature of the regime.

Now, there are rumors that the TPLF is trying reach out to the minorities, like those in the Ethiopian Somali, Gambela, Benishangul-Gumuz, and Afar regions, the hoping to bribe them to join with the TPLF to stand up with them against the Oromo and Amhara by promising to release all their political prisoners. This is a plan for the TPLF to stay in power; not a plan to empower and include these minorities. As soon as these minority groups are no longer useful or if they make too many demands on the TPLF for equality, they maybe easily discarded. Yet, who says the TPLF would get what they wanted once all these political prisoners were released? It could easily backfire.

We personally reject any cooperation with the TPLF that would prolong their illegitimate hold on power and the brutality, injustice and robbery being perpetrated on other Ethiopians. 

Instead, we recommend the following:

• The relentless pursuit of correction, by all stakeholders, to address all sectors, levels and components of the current system, replacing what is broken with what is true, right, just and good.

• The release of ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS FROM EVERY REGION

• The convening of a mutually-agreed upon and inclusive national dialogue to address issues of importance, including the formation of a transitional government, security issues, national reconciliation, restorative justice and other immediate needs.

• The cessation of killing, violence and destruction with the immediate development of a localized, regional and federal plan to ensure safety and security throughout the country. This would include the promotion of intervention and remedies by local and regional communities, elders, religious leaders and others in efforts to minimize conflict and to promote reconciliation and the peaceful resolution of conflicts.

IS IT A MATTER OF HEART—CONSCIENCE, HUMILITY AND WILL?

The alternatives for handling this crisis are not equal. More killing and violence will set the stage for serial killing and violence and all parties should refrain from such actions. We must look at ourselves and our groups. We can know we are in the wrong, but still deny it, cover it up or justify it because we do not want to change. Right now, that position may upend our country, making it all the more critical to reconsider our positions, starting at the top levels of power and going to the grassroots level.

This should be a time for conscience to lead us to do what is right, true and good. It will require humility to examine ourselves and our assumptions about self and others. It is a time to see the pain and needs of not only ourselves, but also of others so as to re-think our positions that may be self-centered, ethnic-centered or both. This takes a lot of humility.

If we have erred, we should be quick to admit it and to make changes. This also requires moral strength and courage. Those who do this will be the leaders who can show the better way out of this crisis to others.

In a historically religious country like Ethiopia, most know that religious practice is different from truly living out one’s faith with heart. Are we missing what is God’s best because we have hardened our hearts towards others or what is right? The transformation of hearts can create hope in hopeless situations. It can create “fountains in the desert,” achieving far more than anyone could achieve by other means, including force.

May God soften our hearts and help each of us to listen better to our consciences about the way we view, treat and respect the rights of others. May He show us where we are devaluing others, where we are deceitfully misusing these others for our own selfish purposes or survival, or where our attitudes, actions and influence are contributing to ethnic hatred, divisions or favoritism of some over others. May we do our part and may God help us shape a common vision that will bless all the people of Ethiopia and beyond.

========================= ==========================

For more information, contact Mr. Obang Metho, Executive Director of the SMNE.

Email: Obang@solidaritymovement.org

The post HOW WE FACE THE BEAST OF ETHNIC HATRED WILL DETERMINE OUR OUTCOME AS ETHIOPIANS appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

ESAT Latest Ethiopian News December 22, 2017

The post ESAT Latest Ethiopian News December 22, 2017 appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

(OPride) — For nearly 26 years, the Ethiopian parliament unanimously rubber stamped diktats from the executive branch despite a clear separation of power between the two branches of government. Since 2005, the last time a serious opposition party was in the 547-seat chamber, the legislature has lost any vitality. Even the sporadic protestations by opposition MPs — most notably from Merera Gudina, Bulcha Demeksa and Beyene Petros — are long gone.

A former MP, who has fled to Norway, once spoke of how he envied opposition lawmakers, who had at least the right to talk—a right he was never allowed to exercise as a member of the ruling party.

But the winds of change seem to have finally reached the halls of the Ethiopian parliament. Introducing a monkey wrench to an already complicated and cutthroat power struggle, on Thursday, MPs from Amhara and Oromia regions, who together represent more than 60 percent of the country’s population, announced a boycott of the regular sessions of parliament. They are demanding Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn to stand before them and explain the reasons behind ongoing deadly violence across the country.

“We have resolved not to resume work unless the Prime Minister talks to us,” Neima Ahmed Yusuf, a Oromo MP who represents the Mieso district in the violence-affected West Hararghe Zone of Oromia, told the Voice of America on Thursday. “We are here representing the Oromo people and our people are being subjected to daily indignities: loss of life, destruction of properties and more than half a million have already been displaced. Mothers are giving birth on the streets; the sick are dying on the streets without any care.”

She added: “I represent my party but ultimately we all are here representing the Ethiopian people. I am certain that the plight of the Ethiopian people is a matter of concern for all my colleagues in parliament. In this regard, it is not just the OPDO and ANDM MPs who are demanding answers for the deepening security crisis. All EPRDF members, including TPLF representatives, are asking the prime minister to come and give us explanation on why this is happening. However, while the other MPs will continue working, as OPDO — since we are the ones receiving these daily reports—we opted to stop working until an agreement is reached on this matter. We simply don’t have the conscience to engage in regular, day-to-day activities of parliament on the face of mounting daily reports of civilian death and displacement.”

The boycott was not entirely surprising. The signs were there all along. Amhara and Oromo youth have staged popular protests since 2014 against what they say is political and economic marginalization. In early September, Abadula Gemeda, who served as the Speaker of the House since 2010, resigned from his post, citing disrespect to his party and Oromo constituency.

A few weeks later, the Prime Minister’s speech to lawmakers where he defended his party’s annual agenda saw a remarkably low attendance. Last month, in another unprecedented feat, the EPRDF-controlled House of People’s Representatives barely reached a quorum.

The latest parliamentary boycott, also unparalleled in Ethiopia’s history, is part of a growing tremor that is ripping apart the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front coalition (EPRDF). It comes after months of deadly clashes between Oromia and Somali regional states, where more than 70 people were killed in the last week alone.

The dramatic protest by Oromo and Amhara MPs underscore the depth of rejection facing those wielding real power in Ethiopia. It also marks the deepening of the now-public power struggle and infighting within the EPRDF Executive Committee. On Dec. 20, the party’s top-36 leaders, who make the Executive Committee, meeting since last week, issued a terse statement that gave little clues about where it is leading the country.

The dominant Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), fresh off six-weeks-long self-evaluations known as gimgema, which saw top leadership changes, went into the EPRDF meeting on the offensive. Its one-time unquestioned supremacy is facing growing threats from the resurgent Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (OPDO), a junior partner in the ethnic-based EPRDF coalition, and the latter’s growing alliance with the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM).

TPLF’s aggressive posture might have paid off: The EPRDF statement had the handprints of the former’s own statement from the end of November written all over it.

The gathering was preceded by panicked whispers from Tigrayan bloggers and activists that this was a do-or-die moment for TPLF. The meeting opened with an awkward motion from OPDO’s most senior official and one of the founders of EPRDF, Abadula, whose abrupt resignation in September sent shockwaves throughout the colossal system.

Abadula’s motion, which was reportedly endorsed by ANDM, cut right into the heart of what OPDO sees as the key malaise ailing the country: Tigrayan cronyism and its domination of the country’s politics, economy, military, and intelligence sectors.

However, a week into the meeting, EPRDF leaders remain locked in a bitter power struggle only made worse by deepening political and ethnic tensions across the country. Popular grievances that stoked three years of protests in Oromia and later in the Amhara region are still unaddressed.

Image: PRI.org

The country is grappling with the worst internal displacement of people in its history. Nearly 700,000 Oromos and a sizable number of ethnic Somalis have been displaced over the past year by a TPLF-enabled cross-border raid by the Ethiopian Somali state’s paramilitary force, the notorious Liyu Police. Charges of collusion between the latter and the top brass of the national army and intelligence services have taken the mistrust between the members of the EPRDF coalition to new and dangerous heights.

In its rumbling Dec. 21 statement, EPRDF acknowledged a growing schism, mistrust, and suspicion among its member organizations. It also admitted that the party’s much-advertised deep renewal, launched last year in response to popular protests, were not deep enough after all.

The self-criticism echoes similar statements made last month by TPLF during its own internal self-evaluations. Nonetheless, the rare admission underscores the fact that all is not well in Ethiopia despite a veneer of calm.

The governing coalition’s statement parked the problems ailing the county on the doors of the EPRDF executive committee. It wasn’t clear if the final outcome will include a leadership shakeup at the top of the party’s hierarchy.

The issue of naming a capable and transformative leadership team to steer the country into calmer waters has dogged the party since the death in 2012 of its erstwhile leader, the late Meles Zenawi.

In July 2017 (ሐምሌ 2009 ዓ.ም), on the heels of cataclysmic protests throughout Oromia state that shook the foundations of Ethiopia’s developmental state, EPRDF named a committee overseen by TPLF’s current chairman, Debretsion Gebremichael, recently disclosed internal party documents show.

The committee, tasked with choosing the next “transformative” leadership of EPRDF and its member organizations, was comprised of Aster Mamo, Muktar Kadir, Abiy Ahmed, Getahun Mekuria, Tagesse Chafo, Leggese Tullu, and Shiferaw Teklemariam.

It is ironic that two OPDO leaders—Muktar and Aster—who were pushed aside by the waves of popular unrest in Oromia were included in a committee set up to choose a leadership that will oversee human resource development, scientific and technological innovation, and transformational change. Nonetheless, the number of Oromo participants in the committee suggests that EPRDF might have intended to install a Oromo prime minister at its upcoming congress, slated for March 2018, or have one with strong Oromo endorsement.

That the committee is chaired by the roguish chairman of the most powerful EPRDF member organization implies that whoever ascends to the premiership will be constrained by the status quo and will be amenable to being puppet-mastered by the Tigrean aristocracy—a repeat of the current arrangement where Hailemariam is the titular head of the party and government whereas real power is wielded by his princely Tigrean subordinates in the political, military, and intelligence services.

However, given the souring of relations between OPDO and TPLF, it is unthinkable for the latter to put its backing behind a prime minister from OPDO—even a nominal one. And no Oromo would opt for another Tigrean premier, let alone someone as controversial as Debretsion. Regardless, a leadership shakeup could still be in the cards.

In fact, a change in the top leadership of the governing coalition, which may include the removal of Hailemariam and his deputy Demeke Mekonnen of ANDM, and the head of the EPRDF Secretariat, Shiferaw Shigute, who like Hailemariam represents the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM), is one of the possible outcomes expected from the EPRDF meeting. In addition, the possibility of merging the four-EPRDF member organizations into a single national party has been floated at the meeting, according to insiders.

However, this is not a new agenda. According to recently leaked documents viewed by OPride, the plan was discussed at the last EPRDF congress but tabled for further discussion at the upcoming congress in March. Unless the current political crises force their hands, the actual merger was supposed to be finalized in 2020—perhaps before the next national election (March 2020) or after it (August 2020).

The vague EPRDF statement was short on details but it is entirely possible that all sides could go out of this meeting saying their problem definition and vision prevailed—hence the continuation of the status quo.

Without a drastic shift in direction, the party is bound to face more turbulent winds ahead. Since the will to survive is as relevant to individuals as organizations, it is difficult to envisage that EPRDF would take the suicidal course of rejecting the reform agenda championed by Lemma Megersa and the OPDO’s youthful and energetic leadership.

Similarly, it is difficult to conceive that TPLF and its most loyal partner, Hailemariam’s SEPDC, will allow a program of change that would diminish their undue and undeserved influence that has ran the country aground. Likewise, if the new OPDO-ANDM alliance holds with minimal defections from their ranks, it is difficult to imagine how a cross-sectional governing majority could be cobbled together to avert the risk of civil war that is becoming more and more probable every passing day. That means the current executive leadership will stay on as a placeholder as differences are worked out behind closed doors. In short, the impasse within EPRDF could very much continue to resemble that of the country.

The post Oromo and Amhara MPs boycott parliament as winds of change and a bitter power struggle reaches legislature appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

The ruling party in Ethiopia, EPRDF, is in a series of meetings to discuss the current situation in the country. Member parties of the front are said to have completed their individual meetings and came up to the front to discuss together on the worsening situation especially ,the conflicts between neighbouring ethinc groups and the ongoing civil disobedience in different parts of the country.

The post EPRDF: Might is not Always Right!!! (Abebaye Tegen) appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Semahagn Gashu Abebe (PhD)

One of the mechanism used by TPLF to control the country’s political and economic system is through the mechanism of democratic centralism. The system has been used by Marxist ‘vanguard’ parties to enforce discipline and to prevent factionalism, while discouraging any independent thinking among the members. The system was initially developed by Lenin in 1921 to silence diverse opinions in society and reinforce absolute control. Lenin argued, ‘free discussion within the party should be tolerated and even encouraged up to a point, but, once a vote was taken, all discussion had to end. The decision of the majority should constitute the current party “line” and be binding upon all members.’

In other words, democratic centralism allows the expression of ideas to a certain point and after the ‘vanguard’ party had reached a decision, all party members including the society have the obligation to abide by those decisions. After a policy or decision is made by the top leadership of the party, all the people living in that country, let alone members of the party, have the duty to abide by it. The public has no any role in contributing its views on the subject since the vanguard party is assumed to act always in the interests of the masses.

By its nature, democratic centralism is contrary to the ideals of democratic governance. While democracy requires leaders to abide by the decision or interest of the public, democratic centralism requires the public to abide by the policy forwarded by the top elite who claim to know what is best for the society. In democratic centralism, if any member of the party attempts to challenge the decision, it will amount to factionalism and serious measures will be taken against dissenters.

The importation of the system of democratic centralism to the Ethiopian political sphere is closely linked with the radicalization of the students’ movement in the 1970s. As a product of the leftist political movement in Ethiopia, TPLF inherited and extensively used the organizational principle of democratic centralism and Maoist conceptions of mass political mobilization during the armed struggle. Consistent with the Leninist conception, the democratic centralism used by TPLF allows party members to have the right and obligation to discuss the agendas presented freely, to oppose, support and provide critical comments. At the end of any TPLF meeting, democratic centralism requires the majority decision to be accepted by the minority. After a decision is made, members have no right to mobilize others against decisions passed by the party. By demanding absolute loyalty, democratic centralism has enabled few individuals to have absolute power and dominance while the ordinary members are left only to follow orders and preventing them from asking question or correcting the mistakes of the organization.

After it controlled political power, democratic centralism has proved to be an efficient mechanism that has helped TPLF to control its members to the lowest level. Since the party has structures extended to the lower kebele administration, democratic centralism has enabled the party to extend its control over all aspects of life in the country. The regional and kebele administrations are controlled by cadres of TPLF rather than being representatives of the community. Compared to the opposition parties that have poor organizational structures, democratic centralism has enabled TPLF to use its party channels as instruments of policy execution as well as extending repression to the grassroots level.

Democratic centralism has also been instrumental in crushing political opponents. The system was effectively used to dismiss powerful party leaders from TPLF in 2001. Though the root cause of the split within TPLF was largely on policy difference in the leadership, the difference was finally settled through the aggressive use of the system of democratic centralism. Veteran members of TPLF were dismissed from the party after being accused of violating the democratic centralism principle of the party. The dissenters were labelled as factionalists and dismissed from the party since the party’s internal rule provides that those who do not accept the majority decision should be excluded.

Though the application of democratic centralism has enabled TPLF to be efficient in terms of ensuring discipline within the party structure, the wider application of the system has brought serious implications to the democratization process in the country. Apart from being used to maintain discipline within the party, democratic centralism is one of the major principles currently regulating government structure and intergovernmental relations. The principle is also responsible for undermining the separation of powers principle and the significance of official channels of government.

In order to exercise checks and balances in a democratic system of government, there has to be a reasonable distance between the various organs of government. Though there are legislative, executive and judicial organs in the Ethiopian constitutional system, the separation of powers principle has been undermined due to the extensive application of the party’s policy of democratic centralism. Since members of the parliament representing TPLF/EPRDF are tied to democratic centralism, there is no any effective way the parliament could control the executive branch. Any opposition to the party’s policies may entail serious consequences since it is considered as   factionalism. In a parliament wholly controlled by TPLF, virtually every decision is made by the regime and largely enforced by tightly controlled party and government apparatus through the system of democratic centralism.

The aggressive use of democratic centralism has also blurred the separation of government and party structure. The system has seriously undermined the clear distinction between party and government apparatus in the country especially in lower administrations. As far as a government official is loyal to party policies, the authority of the public or legal institutions in controlling the corruption of party loyalists is very limited.  Legal or disciplinary measures will only be taken against the corrupted party loyalists when the central organ of the party gives the green light to that effect.

Democratic centralism has also undermined the application of the constitutional principles of accountability and transparency. In a system that is firmly controlled by the system of democratic centralism, government business is discussed and decisions are made at party meetings that precede meetings of state bodies. In such systems, a few political party leaders make major decisions while the passing of decisions in government institutions is being a formality. The decision-making process of the system is largely secretive and restricted to few members of the politburo or the executive committee.

The application of democratic centralism across the system has also seriously undermined the authority of the regional governments. Despite the fact that the constitution provides numerous powers to regional governments, they are largely expected to act in accordance with the party position whether a policy is relevant to the region or not. Regional governments are largely expected to endorse central government policies due to their obligation to abide by the party rules. Due to the existence of strong democratic centralism mechanisms, regional authorities are keener to keep their party connections rather than to be accountable to regional institutions or the public. The political fate of the regional authorities is largely determined by the party organ at the center rather than regional government or party apparatus.

In the last three years, the entrenched repressive democratic centralism system used by TPLF to preserve its hegemonic power has resulted in widespread protest and conflicts in the country. The Ethiopian people have clearly expressed their detestation of the injustices committed by TPLF and the restricted political space in the country. It has become clear that the democratic centralism system that has been used by TPLF to control the people under its iron fist for the last twenty-six years has reached to its limit. Though there is no any indication that TPLF is abandoning its system of democratic centralism, it has realized that the status-quo cannot maintained and change is inevitable. But unless TPLF’s system of democratic centralism is completely annihilated, a genuine democratization process will never take roots in the country.

Source Used – Semahagn Gahsu Abebe, The Last Post-Cold War Socialist Federation: Ethnicity, Ideology and Democracy in Ethiopia, Routledge, 2014.

The post  The Implications of TPLF’s Democratic Centralism on the Democratization Process in Ethiopia appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

BY NIALL STANAGE – 12/24/17

President Trump’s first year in office has produced a relentless stream of controversies.

Trump’s willingness to flout political norms has outraged his critics, even while it has delighted his supporters.

In a sign of just how tumultuous 2017 has been, some stormy episodes that would have been enormous stories under other recent presidents do not even crack the Top 10 list below.

We found no space on the list for a Trump speech to the Boy Scouts in July that drew widespread criticism for its overtly political nature; nor for his suggestion that TV anchor Mika Brzezinski was bleeding from the face due to cosmetic surgery; nor for his jab at Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) as “Pocahontas” during an event honoring Native American veterans.

Here are the ten biggest Trump controversies of the year.

1. The Firing of James Comey

The decision to fire the FBI director was the biggest self-inflicted wound of Trump’s first year.

It led directly to the appointment of Special Counsel Robert Mueller by Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein — and to a world of pain for the president.

Top aides have been indicted, the Russia probe has hung over his first year in the White House and the president himself faces questions about whether he obstructed justice.

Comey delivered dramatic testimony to Congress after the firing. His words were carried live nationwide by at least one dozen TV networks.

The widespread suspicion — though Comey did not explicitly say this — is that the FBI director was fired because he refused to back off an investigation into former national security advisor Michael Flynn.

“It’s my judgment I was fired because of the Russia investigation,” Comey said.

Trump was reportedly advised against firing Comey even by some of his most stalwart aides, including then-chief strategist Stephen Bannon. He went ahead, and the reverberations dominated the rest of the year.

They will echo into 2018.

2. Charlottesville

Trump’s reaction to a rally by far-right activists in this Virginia city dominated August, and led to some of the strongest criticism of him from within his own party.

The “Unite the Right” rally stretched over the weekend of August 11 and 12.  Among those attending were unabashed white supremacists, neo-Nazis and anti-Semites. They had come to the city to protest the proposed removal of a statue of Confederate General Robert E. Lee from a park.

Predictably, there were clashes between those attending the rally and left-leaning groups opposed to them. A protestor, Heather Heyer, was struck and killed by a vehicle driven by a man reported to have far-right sympathies. According to police, the ramming was an intentional attack.

Trump initially said that there had been “hatred, bigotry and violence on many sides.” The response, suggesting a moral equivalence between neo-Nazis and those who protested against them, caused a furor.

The controversy deepened further when, at a subsequent appearance, Trump said there were “very fine people on both sides.”

In addition to a blizzard of Democratic and liberal criticism, Republicans including former Presidents George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush, Sen. John McCain (Ariz.) and 2012 GOP nominee Mitt Romney all publicly dissented from Trump’s position.

3. Travel ban

Trump had been in office for just a week when he signed an executive order that led to protests in streets and at airports.

The first version of the travel ban that the administration tried to enact banned most travelers to the United States from seven nations with majority-Muslim populations.

Trump and the administration argued such a move was necessary to protect the United States from the threat of terrorism. But it ran into immediate legal challenges. Lawyers argued there was clear religious animus and discrimination, a point that they reinforced by highlighting Trump’s campaign-trail promise to enact a “total and complete shutdown” of Muslims entering the United States.

The first version of the ban became bogged down in the courts, as did a second iteration.

But the White House finally got a victory in early December, when the Supreme Court allowed a third version of the ban to go into effect while legal challenges to it are ongoing.

4. Taking a knee in the NFL

Trump has had a contentious relationship with the National Football League dating back to the 1980s, when he was a prominent investor in the rival United States Football League.

But he kicked things into a completely different gear this year, hammering players who opted to drop to a knee during the playing of the national anthem in protest at racial injustice.

Trump put himself squarely in the middle of the issue during a speech in Alabama in September. Campaigning for incumbent Sen. Luther Strange(R-Ala.), who would go on to lose the GOP primary, Trump said people would “love” if NFL owners reacted to a player taking a knee by saying, “Get that son of a bitch off the field right now. Out! He’s fired!”

The outburst initially produced a greater degree of solidarity among the players. Trump, though, was loath as ever to back down, and hit the players and owners several more times, especially via Twitter.

It was not clear who won the fight politically, though Trump has repeatedly noted a decline in TV ratings for the NFL.

5. “Little Rocket Man”

Trump’s unorthodox approach extended to the international arena.

His supporters see his disregard for diplomatic niceties as a long overdue move toward American assertiveness. His detractors regard it as reckless and dangerous.

The most vivid example came in Trump’s ongoing feud with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un. In a speech to the United Nations in September, Trump called Kim “Rocket Man” — a simultaneous reference to North Korea’s missile program and the Elton John hit often played at Trump rallies during the 2016 campaign.

During the same speech, Trump said that the United States would “totally destroy North Korea” if it felt it had to do so.

In response, Kim called Trump “the mentally deranged U.S. dotard” and threatened to make him “pay dearly” for his rhetoric.

Trump called Kim “a sick puppy”— and modified his nickname to “Little Rocket Man” — on subsequent occasions.

6. A controversial condolence call

Trump had already shown during the 2016 campaign that he had no compunction about tangling with the relatives of U.S. troops killed in combat, if they criticized him.

Last year, it was Khizr and Ghazala Khan, the parents of a U.S. Army officer killed in Iraq in 2004. The Khans appeared at the 2016 Democratic National Convention in support of Hillary Clinton.

This October, it was the family of Army Sergeant La David Johnson, one of four U.S servicemen killed in an ambush in Niger.

The row began when Rep. Frederica Wilson (D-Fla.), a friend of the Johnson family, told a local NBC News affiliate in Miami that Trump had told Johnson’s widow, “you must have known what he signed up for.”

Wilson accused the president of having been insensitive and said that Johnson’s widow, Myeshia, had said that Trump did not seem to recall her husband’s name.

On Twitter, Trump insisted that Wilson had “totally fabricated” what he had said. Members of Johnson’s family, however, stood by Wilson’s account.

The controversy followed on the heels of a related Trump flap, when he claimed, inaccurately, that President Obama and other past presidents “didn’t make calls” to bereaved relatives.

7. Indictments

The Russian probe led by Mueller began delivering its most serious problems for Trump in late October, when former campaign chairman Paul Manafort and his associate Richard Gates were indicted on charges related to money-laundering.

A lower-level campaign advisor, George Papadopoulos, was also indicted. The bigger threat for Team Trump in that instance was the revelation that Papadopoulos was cooperating with prosecutors.

The biggest news of all came in December, when Flynn, the former national security advisor, pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI.

Flynn, too, struck a deal with Mueller’s team.

Flynn’s flip is the single most dangerous element so far for Trump and his closest confidants.

8. Kirsten Gillibrand “would have done anything”

The president reacted explosively after Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.) said he should resign in light of the accusations of sexual assault and other misconduct that have been leveled against him by more than a dozen women.

“Lightweight Senator Kirsten Gillibrand, a total flunky for Charles E. Schumer and someone who would come to my office ‘begging’ for campaign contributions not so long ago (and would do anything for them), is now in the ring fighting against Trump,” he wrote on Twitter.

The suggestion that Gillibrand “would do anything” for campaign cash was widely seen as a sexual innuendo.

But White House Press Secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders defended the president, arguing at a media briefing that“ only if your mind is in the gutter would you have read it that way.”

Other female Democrats, including Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) came to Gillibrand’s defense, as did a number of media figures.

Gillibrand herself accused Trump of “a sexist smear attempting to silence my voice.”

9. Sean Spicer and the inauguration crowd

White House press secretary Sean Spicer set the tone for much of what was to come on the first full day of the Trump presidency, lambasting the media for their coverage of the previous day’s inauguration.

Among his criticisms was that the media had not recognized that “this was the largest audience to ever witness an inauguration, period, both in person and around the globe.”

The in-person crowd at Trump’s inauguration was significantly smaller than the audience for Obama’s equivalent event in January 2009, as photographic evidence made clear.

Spicer also got several other facts wrong in his broadside, but he continued to stand by it as long as he served in the White House.

After he left, he was asked by the New York Times if he regretted the episode.

“Of course I do, absolutely,” he replied.

10. The Mooch is loose

There has never been a White House Communications Director quite like Anthony Scaramucci.

The financier and Trump friend — “The Mooch” to fans and foes alike — was appointed by Trump on July 21, and fired 10 days later.

Spicer resigned as White House Press Secretary on the same day as Scaramucci was tapped by Trump. Spicer was soon followed to the exits by his friend and ally Reince Priebus, Trump’s first chief of staff.

There had not been any time for that tumult to settle down before Scaramucci gave a profane on-the-record interview to The New Yorker’s Ryan Lizza, in which he attacked Priebus and Bannon in crude terms.

There was no way back from there. The arrival of retired Marines general John Kelly as chief of staff spelled the end of Scaramucci’s short and tempestuous tenure.

The Memo is a reported column by Niall Stanage, primarily focused on Donald Trump’s presidency.

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Teddy Afro signs million Birr a contractual agreement for 10 concerts to tour United States

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CAIRO – 23 December 2017: In a bid to break the current stalemate affecting the negotiations concerning the establishment of the Renaissance Dam, Minister of Foreign Affairs Sameh Shoukry visits Ethiopia this week to meet with his Ethiopian counterpart.

“Egypt is only aimed at having the relationship it shares with both Ethiopia and Sudan established on mutual trust and cooperation, and therefore could serve the common interests between the three countries,” Shoukry added in his interview with Akbar al-Youm on Saturday.

Shoukry stressed that all concerned parties must be equal on the negotiation table under international law, and that Egyptian interests must be taken seriously into consideration.

Egypt has approved the report prepared by PRL Consulting on the guidelines that should be followed when conducting studies on the effects of the dam; however, Ethiopia and Sudan rejected the findings of the report, crippling the continuation of the studies necessary for the establishment of the dam.

Egypt did not halt technical studies on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), unlike some rumors circulated by media, Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation Mohamed Abdel Aty told African, Arab and foreign ambassadors in a meeting on Thursday.

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PHOTO: The refugees are already only getting 80 per cent of their ration entitlement. (AP: Elias Meseret)

AP

Some walked for days to escape the threat of Africa’s deadliest Islamic extremist group and the desperation of drought. But the problems for more than 200,000 Somali refugees are far from over.

Now huddled in five sprawling camps in Ethiopia, the refugees face ration cuts in the coming months unless more international support arrives.

Their plight is often overlooked in a region where hunger and conflict in Somalia and South Sudan put millions at risk.

“The projection we have is that our already reduced aid handout for these Somali refugees is sustainable only up to March 2018,” Edward Moyo with the World Food Program (WFP) said.

“How are we going to explain to a pregnant mother who has a number of other children that we are going to cut her ration beyond what she’s already going through?”

In nutrition centres across the camp that is home to nearly 40,000 refugees, health workers say they are seeing a growing number of Somali children with malnutrition.

And yet the number of new arrivals from Somalia continues to grow, at a rate of as high as 1,000 a day.

PHOTO: Somalia is experiencing its worst drought in seven years. (Reuters: Feisal Omar, file)

The parched landscape, dotted with refugee shelters made of bamboo and corrugated metal, leaves no possibility for the refugees to attempt feeding themselves by other means.

“I fled Somalia fearing Al Shabaab militants and the severe drought there,” Rukia Mohammed Osman, 37, a mother of eight who fled the Gedo region in Somalia’s south, said.

“My husband is a disabled person so I had no choice but to leave,” she said.

Millions of Ethiopians also experiencing food insecurity

WFP is appealing for $27 million to support 650,000 refugees from across the region who now live in Ethiopia camps.

“Refugees are currently receiving only 80 per cent of their entitlement,” Leighla Bowers, the UN agency’s head of communications in Ethiopia said.

“They will be receiving even less across the entire country and the majority of them will be suffering from that unless more resources are made available.”

Aid groups have said Somalia is experiencing its worst drought in seven years, and many of the refugees are arriving in Ethiopia from the Bay, Gedo and Middle Juba regions.

It is an echo of Somalia’s devastating famine in 2011 that claimed the lives of 250,000 and sent many more into neighbouring countries.

This time, aid groups say, the response has avoided that kind of death toll.

‘Very difficult’ to fund aid programs in Africa: UN

On a visit to the region this week, UN refugee chief Filippo Grandi acknowledged the challenge of raising money for humanitarian crises on the world’s poorest continent.

“It is very difficult to fund programs in Africa. I’m not ashamed to say it,” Mr Grandi said.

Ethiopia, which hosts one of the highest numbers of refugees in Africa, is also experiencing a severe drought and more than 5 million Ethiopians are food insecure.

PHOTO: Al Shabaab stages regular attacks in Somalia’s capital Mogadishu. (Reuters: Feisal Omar, file)

But it has been praised for welcoming the thousands fleeing Somalia and elsewhere and for recently announced plans to absorb the refugees into local communities.

Many understand that the traumatised arrivals had little choice but to flee.

“If I stayed in Somalia, I may be forced to join Al Shabaab militants,” 16-year-old Yusuf Abdurahman said.

“I want to be a math teacher, that’s my plan, not to join the militants.”

AP

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Communications Minister Ayoub Kara speaks to reporters prior to the weekly cabinet meeting at the Prime Minister’s office in Jerusalem on November 12, 2017. (Olivier Fitoussi/Pool/Flash90)

Ayoub Kara says delegation was coordinated with ambassador and the ‘inclusion of businessmen is the basis of any high-level visit to Africa’

The radio report named those associates as real estate brokers Asher Biton and Hillel Levi; Likud Central Committee member Avi Korkus; Moshe Indig, a Likud activist from Jerusalem; and Dovie Maisel, the vice president of the United Hatzalah rescue organization.

Upon arriving in Ethiopia, the group was also joined by Ze’ev Schiff, who the report said has business interests in the country. He is also the husband of Kara’s bureau chief, Shirley Schiff.

During the trip, Kara arranged meetings for the group with a number of top Ethiopian officials, including the foreign minister, agriculture minister, and the head of the country’s investment commission. The report said Kara was present at those meetings.

In addition to the meetings in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, the delegation also visited Bahir Dar, a district in the north of the country with attractive land investments. Kara did not appear to have any official meetings while there, according to the report.

Upon their return to Israel, Kara’s associates used the contacts they made on the trip to try and broker land deals on behalf of Israeli investors, according to the report.

It was not clear from the report whether Kara requested permission to bring the delegation along but was denied, or never requested at all.

In response to the report, Kara defended the group’s presence on the trip, saying it was coordinated with Israel’s ambassador in Ethiopia.

“The inclusion of businessmen is the basis of any high-level visit to Africa,” Kara told Army Radio.

Kara, Israel’s first Druze minister, has previously landed himself in hot water for failing to coordinate his meetings abroad with the Israeli authorities.

Likud Minister Ayoub Kara meets with prime minister of the Sahrawi Republic of southern Morocco, Abdelkader Taleb Omar in Ecuador on May 24, 2017. (Courtesy)

In June, Kara drew Morocco’s wrath after posting a photo of himself meeting Abdelkader Taleb Omar, the Prime Minister of the Sahrawi Republic of southern Morocco, at the swearing-in ceremony of Ecuador’s newly elected president.

Morrocco, sending a message via an Israeli embassy in Europe, protested the meeting between Kara and Taleb Omar, saying it could not tolerate such support of its neighbor-rival, Channel 2 news reported at the time.

The Sahrawi Republic is a partially recognized state that controls a thin strip of area in the Western Sahara region but claims sovereignty over the entire territory. Morocco, however, controls and administers the rest of the disputed territory and rejects any Sahrawi claims to it.

Israel does not have official diplomatic ties with Morocco but the north African state is considered one of the Arab world’s friendliest nations toward Israel.

Responding to the protests from Morocco at the time, Israel’s Foreign Ministry said the meetings were not coordinated or approved by the Prime Minister’s Office.

 

 

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(africanews) –Negeri Lencho, Ethiopia’s Minister of Information has disclosed that relative calm had returned to university campuses rocked by deadly violence weeks back and that teaching and learning had started.

In an interview with the state-owned ENA, the Minister said the clashes that occured in some universities ‘lack sound reason.’ He added that persons who sought to exploit the situation had spread the effects of the clashes to other areas.

He bemoaned how investments in infrastructure had been damaged in the process. His colleague Minister of the Education Ministry Tilaye Gete had said in mid-December that the clashes were political in nature

“The government is convinced that the problems are complex and need lasting solutions,” he said stressing a similar point by Lencho that the problem was created by a few students sponsored by forces bent on disrupting the country’s peace.

Lencho also implored students to abide by a curfew and the deployment of security forces because both measures were to cement the peace. He said the government had no plans to permanently station security forces on the campuses.

Whiles investigations continue into the cause of the respective incidents, the involvement of student leaders, community elders and university authorities had greatly helped achieve the current peace.

The United States and the European Union in recent statements have expressed worry about the deteriorating security situation in Ethiopia. Aside the varsity chaos, federal forces have killed 16 people in the town of Chelenko in Oromia state while Oromia’s border tension wil Ethio-Somali state has claimed over 60 lives.

The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has also admitted the security crisis and said it was working at a durable resolution.

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BefeQadu Z. Hailu

(A note inspired by a Facebook post of Yemane Mitiku)

The people in social media and beyond are perplexed about what is going on within EPRDF. Almost all assumptions are made based on the news that reached the public from what is happening behind closed doors. However, it can be reached at a point where we can be sure there is internal struggle which is manifested in a lot of issues that resulted in personal cults of team Lemma Megersa of OPDO and sometimes Gedu Andargachew of ANDM. Herebelow, I put what I have observed from commentators why people appreciate the sensational progress OPDO in standing against widely accepted TPLF’s supremacy as well as why they reject it.

Who Rejects Team Lemma and Why?

1. Those cadres who want to protect TPLF’s supremacy within EPRDF and the Federal State;

2. Those OPDO cadres who want to submit to TPLF and replace current leaders of OPDO;

3. Those activists who don’t know political games apart from their hates to a group and affection to the other;

4. Those people who want to be champions of the other possibility – to say “I told you so” in any case when TPLF wins over OPDO;

5. Those people who honor TPLF/EPRDF more than it deserves to be – these people think every complicated step is a designed conspiracy by TPLF/EPRDF as if it (TPLF) had been using well designed strategies to suppress dissents previously instead of using violence;

6. Those opposition groups and figures who think change can only be possible through their touches and blessings; and,

7. Those people who think the way to change is black and white, as if one way or no way is the solution and as if there is no evolutionary way nor alternative ways exist to make changes.

Who Romanticizes Team Lemma and Why?

1. Those people who hoped OPDO’s resistance will stop the dominance of TPLF within EPRDF, consequently impoving representation in power, as well as correcting social and economic imbalances among citizens;

2. Those people who hoped oppositions will get a chance to reorganize and end up in a victory in the middle of the hustle within EPRDF;

3. Those people who hoped there will be a chance of democratization the internal power struggle of EPRDFites because they need supports from the public to win over the competition;

4. Those people who felt relieved (for the time being) from the endless labeling and name calling of Amhara and Oromo politicians because of Lemma led OPDO-ANDM alliance movement;

5. Those people whose only problem is TPLF’s dominance in and among EPRDF members;

6. Those fanatic Oromo nationalists who are happy as long as an Oromo person is in the fore frontline of the game;

What to, and Not to Hope

The Internal struggle for power within EPRDF is the result of people’s resistance against repression. Members of EPRDF used public resistance to their advantage; however, this doesn’t mean the people cannot take advantage over the internal struggle and whatever is coming out of it.

Some public protests in Oromia ended peacefully without the usual brutal crackdown of security forces; some policemen who fired live bullets among civilian demonstrators in Shashemene were brought to court; Oromia government strongly demanded federal forces to stop interfering in regional affairs; Oromia regional state assigned previously tortured, OLFite-labeled, repeatedly jailed person in a key position in the regional justice office (case of Taye Denda’a). Looking at these promising evidences and more, there is too much to hope. But also, some things should be cautiously watched: the exaggerated blaming of Somali state alone in the clashes involved Ethiopian Somalis with Oromos, incidents in which “others” were singled out in the region and the ethnic based tensions in the universties located in the region should be of serious concern.

Having said this, below, I put forward assumptions I wish to remind folks to (and not to) hope from the current phenomenon.

1. Hope for the end of TPLF supermacy (with the risk of replacing it with OPDO supermacy);

2. Hope for the opening of political space to some degrees (with the risk of losing it again once OPDO (or ANDM) has consolidated power);

3. Hope for the resolution of sickening Oromo-Amhara politicians disagreement of what happened in the past and what we should do in the future (with the risk of following majority dictatorship which favors only the major two ethnic groups); and,

4. Hope for more regional autonomy to come (with the risk of losing the strength of federal government).

All the hopes listed above are based on the possibility TPLF won’t revive back; otherwise, all the hopes for change will be overridden and the status quo will proceed with more complicated authoritarian pattern. The chance of TPLF winning back is dependent on two factors: the first is on its capability to break the timely alliance between OPDO and ANDM, and the other is that TPLF will use its access to intelligence and its might in the military.

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The Mastermind of Ethnic Federalism Ethiopia

As long as people believed in ‘a bright future,’ they fought side by side irrespective of nationality – common questions first and foremost! But when doubt crept into people’s hearts, they began to depart, each to his own national tent – let every man count only upon himself! The ‘national question’ first and foremost! – Marxism and the National Question— J. V. Stalin

The T-TPLF constitution is designed to destroy the very idea of one Ethiopian nation, one Ethiopian people. It is founded on the quintessential doctrine that there is no “Ethiopian Nation”. There is no “Ethiopian People.” There is no “Ethiopian culture”. There is no “Ethiopian history.” There is no “Ethiopian national identity.” There is no “Ethiopian flag” as a symbol of national identity. There is no “Ethiopian Dream”. There is no Ethiopia! There is only a collection of “nations and nationalities”,  trapped in an arbitrary geographic territory known to international law as “Ethiopia”, just waiting, yearning and itching to breakup into tribal chieftaincies and principalities.  There is only a make believe confederation of “nations and nationalities” in a mythical land called “Ethiopia”. The Poison of Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia’s Body Politic— Alemayehu G. Mariam

Author’s Note: This is the second installment in my series, “Ethiopia-win-et: Deconstructing the T-TPLF’s Ethnic Federalism.”

The series aim to debunk the phony ideology of “ethnic federalism” and prove beyond a shadow of doubt that it is a diabolical system designed and created  by the Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (T-TPLF) to scam, hoodwink and bamboozle Ethiopians into believing ethnic apartheid supremacy is actually federalism, autonomy and self-government.

The series also aim to present thoughtful and provocative analyses and arguments supporting my view that “ethnic federalism” should be dumped into the trash bin of history and the groundwork be laid for a real federalism in the post-T-TPLF New Ethiopia. I shall vigorously argue in favor of “classical federalism”, the theory and practice of governance based on divided sovereignty and the constitutional division of power between a national and sub-national governments.

Moreover, by deconstructing the intellectually and historically bankrupt ideology of ethnic federalism, I aim to challenge others (including the T-TPLF and its minions to come forward and put up a defense) to offer competing perspectives, ideas and views on the theory and practice of federalism. A robust debate on federalism today could serve to intellectually empower young Ethiopians not only to question the bogus ideology of ethnic federalism but most importantly to help them think creatively about a real federal system for their post-T-TPLF Ethiopia.

In Part I, I explained why I decided to tackle ethnic federalism focusing on the fact that it is a colossal con job contrived by T-TPLF leaders to perpetuate their virulent form of internal colonialism and ethnic apartheid supremacy. The T-TPLF took the old Stalinist rancid wine of “nations, nationalities and peoples” and put it in a new bottle of ethnic federalism to justify and ensure its unrivalled ethnic supremacy and domination over 100 million Ethiopians. Ethnic federalism serves only one purpose: The perpetuation of T-TPLF minority ethnic apartheid rule by any means necessary or unnecessary.

In Part II, I aim to explore the dark mind of the man who resurrected ethnic federalism from Stalinism (the 20^th century symbol of state terror and totalitarian rule).

The late thugmaster of the T-TPLF, Meles Zenawi, is the quintessential symbol of state terror and totalitarian rule in Ethiopia. Just as Stalin used his notion of “nations, nationalities and peoples” to establish and maintain Bolshevik communist supremacy, Meles used the same notion to establish and maintain his ethnic apartheid supremacy.

Stalin understood the irrepressible power of nationalism. He argued, “A nation is formed only as a result of lengthy and systematic intercourse, as a result of people living together generation after generation.” Stalin found the intergenerational evolution of shared consciousness of people living together (nationalism, shared loyalty and devotion to a nation, a sense of national consciousness) an insurmountable obstacle to his plan of Bolshevik communist totalitarian rule. Stalin had to create a fiction of “nations, nationalities and peoples” as a powerful antidote to “bourgeois nationalism”, which the ruling classes assumedly used to divide  their citizens by nationality, race, ethnicity, religion, etc., and rule over them while preventing unity and solidarity among the working class.

Likewise, Meles Zenawi and his T-TPLF cabal understood the irrepressible power of nationalism. They understood that Ethiopian nationalism could create a unifying consciousness for “a bright future” and serve as a mechanism to harness the collective energies of all sectors of Ethiopian society to work and fight together for one destiny – the New Ethiopia — irrespective of their ethnicity, language, religion, etc.

Meles and his T-TPLF minions adapted Stalin’s fiction of “nations, nationalities and peoples” as an antidote to a supposed “Amhara nationalism, oppression and supremacy”. By dividing the people of Ethiopia into “nations, nationalities and peoples”, Meles and his minions sought to use ethnic federalism as a uniting force to overthrow their Amhara oppressors. They managed to create a Kililistan Solar System around which 9 kilils revolved around the pentagrammed T-TPLF star.

Like Stalin who sought to ensure the supremacy of Bolshevik rule on the ashes of “bourgeois nationalism” in Russia, Meles Zenawi set to destroy any consciousness of Ethiopian-ness by creating an Amhara boogeyman to ensure the supremacy of his ethnic minority rule.

Meles’ ethnic federalism has become a deadly poison in the Ethiopian constitutional body politic. The T-TPLF constitution is designed to create perpetual disunion among the Ethiopian people by dividing and corralling them like cattle into insular “nations and nationalities” or Kililistans. By corralling the people of Ethiopia into communal, linguistic, cultural and regional groups, the T-TPLF put a constitutional scheme in place that would permanently and irreversibly destroy the social glue of tolerance, harmony and understanding that has kept them united as a people for millennia.

Understanding the mind of the mastermind who concocted the poison of ethnic federalism

Since I plunged headlong into the Ethiopian human rights struggle following the 2005 election in Ethiopia, I have been trying to understand the mind of Meles Zenawi and his T-TPLF minions and the evil they have perpetrated for over a quarter of a century.

Understand the mind of evil?

In my April 2013 commentary “The Audacity of Evil”, I tried to “understand” the problem of evil in Ethiopia. I made an attempt in that commentary to get some insight, a glimpse of the moral makeup of Meles and his T-TPLF minions who live in a completely different moral universe than myself. Meles and his T-TPLF created an Orwellian world where ethnicity trumps humanity every time.

When I speak of the triumph of evil in Ethiopia, I realize that there is nothing I can say by way of reasoned argument or presentation of evidence to persuade those in power to forsake their evil ways and deeds. I have concluded that those in power in Ethiopia live on a planet shielded by the equivalent of a moral Van Allen radiation belt that keeps out all cosmic rays of virtue, decency and goodness.

Of course, there is no such thing as “understanding” evil.

Is it possible to “understand” the Holocaust, the Rwanda or Darfur Genocides?

Is it possible to “understand” the recent genocides in the Oromia, Amhara, Ogaden and Gambella regions of Ethiopia?

To “understand” the deaths of millions, hundreds of thousands and tens of thousands of innocent human beings is to implicitly to justify evil, and somehow diminish its enormity.

It is impossible for me to see the world through Meles’ eyes.

It is impossible for me to see Ethiopians as nothing more than “nations, nationalities and peoples.” That is because I cannot see their ethnicity, only their humanity.

I cannot see Ethiopians as a people divided by religion. I see them all created in the image of God.

I cannot see Ethiopians as a people trapped in a Tower of Babel eternally condemned to become strangers to each other. I see the diversity of languages in Ethiopia as “forms of life” in the Wittgensteinian sense: “We do what we do because we assume a given form of life, which gives our actions, ourselves, and the world meaning.”

To me, language is essentially a powerful weapon in the battle for hearts and minds and the medium by which anyone who can muster courage can speak truth to power.

I do not know if some people are born evil.

Philip Zimbardo of the (in)famous 1971 Stanford Experiment and author of the “Lucifer Effect”, says all humans are susceptible to the lure of “the dark side”; and exposed to the right (wrong) situational forces and group dynamics, they could be transformed from ordinary decent human beings into monsters. Zimbardo argues people themselves are not necessarily evil but if put in a system where they are compelled to exercise their power in an evil way, they will do evil. He defines evil as “exercising power to intentionally harm (psychologically), hurt (physically), destroy, or commit crimes against humanity.”  Could that explain the genocides in Rwanda, Darfur (Sudan), Cambodia (Pol Pot), Bosnia-Herzegovina and so many others.

Are some people born evil? Norman Mailer, arguably the most brilliant American writer of the second half of the 20^th century, in his novel “The Castle in the Forest”, a study of the childhood of Hitler, posed the question, “When did evil enter Hitler’s soul?” His answer, “At the moment of conception”.

When did evil enter the souls of Meles and his minions?

Are the individuals in positions of power in Ethiopia evil by nature or was evil thrust upon them?

Were they victims of evil themselves and now seek to avenge the actual or perceived evil done to them and ended up being evil themselves?

Did they become the very (“Amhara”) evil monster they slew?

Is the gratuitous evil Meles and his minions practiced as business as usual a psychological illness, an incurable sickness of the soul?

I do not have answers to these questions.

What I believe is that hate is learned. Hate is learned in the family, in the culture, in the ethnic consciousness.  I agree with Nelson Mandela: “No one is born hating another person because of the color of his skin, or his background, or his religion. People must learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite.”

Hate is like greed. I am reminded of Gordon Gekko’s credo in the 1987 film “Wall Street”: “Greed, for lack of a better word, is good. Greed is right. Greed works.”

For the T-TPLF, “Hate, for lack of a better word, is good. Hate is right. Hate works.” Hate divides the people of Ethiopia. Hate makes possible ethnic apartheid supremacy. Hate is profitable. Hate, like greed, is good.

But I know, without a doubt, ethnic federalism is the intellectual product of the evil of  hate. Ethnic federalism by its true name is ethnic hate. Ethnic distrust. Ethnic fear and loathing. Ethnic enmity. Ethnic revenge. Ethnic discord and strife. The ultimate and full expression of ethnic federalism is ethnic supremacy, which will inevitably result in ethnic civil war.

Ethnic federalism is an evil garbed in political language. To paraphrase George Orwell, ethnic federalism is designed to make lies about the division of power between a national and subnational governments sound truthful and murder to enforce those lies respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind.

Truth be told, ethnic federalism is the African version of “Aryanism”.

Meles Zenawi and his T-TPLF minions believe they have a birthright to rule Ethiopia. Trapped in their own echo chamber, they have convinced themselves that they possess infinitely superior capacities for valor and bravery in the field of battle, for intellect, for civil administration, for economic planning,  for entrepreneurship, for social organization, and for advancing civilization. They truly believe they are the Ubermenschen (“supermen”) who are destined to rule over a primitive collection of Untermenschen (subhuman) “nations, nationalities and peoples”. That is the Mind of the T-TPLF!

Hitler and the Nazis were obsessed by their demented racial theory that Jews were the cause of all the troubles in the world. Their “final solution” was the extermination of the Jewish people. They chose the most ghastly and horrific means to achieve their objectives.

Meles and his T-TPLF today are obsessed by their ethnic theory that Amharas are the cause of  all the troubles in Ethiopia. Their solution is the extermination of the Amhara people.

In their Manifesto, Meles and the T-TPLF declared, “Ethiopia is a country created by Emperor Menelik and since there are many nations and nationalities invaded by Menelik, these groups must gain their freedom from what is now called Ethiopia and establish their own country.” Meles and the T-TPLF argued, “Amhara are the enemy of the Tigray people. Amhara are not only enemies but also double enemies. Therefore, we must crush Amhara. We have to destroy them. Unless Amhara are destroyed, beaten down, cleansed from the land, Tigray cannot live in freedom. For the government we intend to create, Amhara will be the main obstacle.” That is the Mind of the T-TPLF!

The T-TPLF demonized and vilified Amharas as monsters and waged virulent vilification campaigns against them for 26 years. In the end, they became the very “Amhara monster” they set out to slay. Indeed, they have become the “New Amhara”. The hate they cast on the Amhara has boomeranged on them. They should have heeded Friedrich Nietzsche’s admonition, “He who fights monsters should see to it that he himself does not become a monster.” The T-TPLF fought an imaginary Amhara monster and in the end became a real monster detested by every segment of Ethiopian society.

Meles Zenawi and his minions concocted ethnic federalism as the ultimate poison to kill off the Ethiopian nation.

As I explained in my March 2015 commentary, “The Poison of Ethnic Federalism in the Ethiopian Body Politic”, ethnic federalism is a toxic political combination with a valency that includes such deadly political chemicals as, “There is no Ethiopian Nation. There is no Ethiopian People. There is no Ethiopian culture. There is no Ethiopian history. There is no Ethiopian national identity. There is no Ethiopian flag as a symbol of national identity. There is no Ethiopian Dream’. There is no Ethiopia!”

If there is no Ethiopian nation, then there will only exist “nations, nationalities and peoples” under the total control and domination of the T-TPLF. That makes it possible for those who claim to represent one “nation, nationality and people” to control  a whole country.

Meles calculated that to kill off Ethiopia and on its ashes establish his minority apartheid ethnic regime and ensure it survives, thrives and flourishes, he needed a scaremongering strategy for the various ethnic groups. So he invented the Amhara boogeyman: “The Amhara boogeyman will get you. He will come and take your land. He will forbid you from talking in your language. He will enslave you.” To ensure the other ethnic groups will not create solidarity and demand their rights, Meles and the T-TPLF spread their gospel of ethnic federalism. “For the first time in history, we have given you the right to learn in your own language. We let you govern yourselves by creating your own legislative bodies. You can choose your own president, as long as he does what we tell him to do. You are free to do anything you want in your kililistans as long as we approve! But dig this! We own your land. We can take it, sell it or do whatever we want with your land. Capisce (Capeesh)!”

Ethnic federalism was conceived in Meles’ mind as the perfect “poison pill” which can incapacitate the majority ethnic groups into political paralysis, alienate them from each other, create antagonisms between and among themselves and prevent them from uniting and creating solidarity against  T-TPLF ethnic supremacy.

Meles calculated that for his ethnic federalism to work it must be constitutionalized. The Preamble to the T-TPLF constitution declares, “We the Nations, Nationalities and People of Ethiopia…” have written the constitution to 1) “secure the right to self-determination” for “people of the nations and nationalities”, 2) ensure the territorial insularity (separateness) of the “people of the nations and nationalities” so that they can “live with our rich and proud cultural legacies” 3) “rectify historically unjust relationships”, and  4) facilitate “liv[ing] as one economic community”. Note: Not one political community!

Is it possible to understand the mind that is threatened by the pens and keyboards of young Ethiopians posting their opinions of social media and websites and sentencing them to long prison terms?

Is it possible to understand the mind that practices torture on innocent citizens simply because they are political opponents or dissenters?

For instance, convicting an innocent young journalist on trumped up “terrorism” charges, sentencing her to a long prison term and throwing her into solitary confinement is evil because such acts cause great physical and psychological pain and suffering.

Is it possible to understand the cold-blooded massacre of thousands of unarmed demonstrators time and again?

Is it possible to understand the mind that actively promotes the displacement of large  indigenous populations from their ancestral homes and selling their land to fly by night operators?

Is it possible to understand the mind that insists each person must be identified by  ethnicity, language, region and religion to receive public service?

Is it possible to understand the mind that proclaims to the world that stealing elections in broad daylight  by 99.6 percent or 100 percent?

Is it possible to understand the mind that rationalizes the daylight theft of  billions from a poor country’s treasury while 20 percent of the population is starving to death?

Is it possible to understand the mind that it is perfectly acceptable to cheat, rob, steal and kill with absolute impunity and without accountability?

Is it possible to understand the mind without a moral compass and operates on the principle that there is no evil but in the eye of the beholder? 

The late Meles Zenawi has left a dark and bleak legacy of ethnic hate which is now bubbling into a creeping civil war. The evil he has done and his T-TPLF continue to do lives on in the prisons they built, the justice system they corrupted and the lives of good young Ethiopians they destroyed.

I remain optimistic that in the end good shall triumph over evil because the ultimate battle between good and evil in Ethiopia will not be waged on a battlefield with “crashing guns and rattling musketry”; nor will it be fought and won in the voting booths, the parliaments, the courts or bureaucracies.

The battle for good and evil will be fought, won or lost, in the hearts and minds of ordinary Ethiopian men and women who have the courage to rise up and do good and fight evil.

“The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing.”

Perhaps the most difficult question of all is this: “Is it possible to understand the mind that believes the best way to resist evil is to remain silent, to turn a blind eye, deaf  ears and muted lips?

Perhaps there is a clear answer to that question. Martin Luther King taught, “He who passively accepts evil is as much involved in it as he who helps to perpetrate it. He who accepts evil without protesting against it is really cooperating with it.” Evil lurks in all places.

ETHIOPIA-WIN-ET is the only antidote to the poison of ethnic federalism, ethnic apartheid supremacy.

To be continued…

——-///—————–

Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino. His teaching areas include American constitutional law, civil rights law, judicial process, American and California state governments, and African politics. He has published two volumes on American constitutional law, including American Constitutional Law: Structures and Process (1994) and American Constitutional Law: Civil Liberties and Civil Rights (1998). He is the Senior Editor of the International Journal of Ethiopian Studies, a leading scholarly journal on Ethiopia. For the last several years, Prof. Mariam has written weekly web commentaries on Ethiopian human rights and African issues that are widely read online. He blogged on the Huffington post at  http://www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/ and later on open.salon until that blogsite shut down in March 2015.

Prof. Mariam played a central advocacy role in the passage of H.R. 2003 (Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007)  in the U.S. House of Representatives in 2007. Prof. Mariam also practices in the areas of criminal defense and civil litigation. In 1998, he argued a major case in the California Supreme Court involving the right against self-incrimination in People v. Peevy, 17 Cal. 4th 1184, cert. denied, 525 U.S. 1042 (1998)  which helped clarify longstanding Miranda rights issues in California criminal procedure. For several years, Prof. Mariam had a weekly public channel public affairs television show in Southern California called “In the Public Interest”. Prof. Mariam received his Ph.D. from the University of Minnesota in 1984, and his J.D. from the University of Maryland in 1988.

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