With all due respect to our self-quoting “scholars” and civil war talking “human rights advocates” in the Diaspora below is an update from the U.S. Embassy in Ethiopia about the recently held Young African Leaders Initiative (YALI) Connect Camp, a legacy of former President Barack Obama. (Photo: U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia Michael Raynor with Mandela Washington Fellowship alumni at the closing event in Addis last week)

Press Release

By U.S. Embassy Ethiopia

The 15th YALI Connect Camp in Ethiopia Workshop Successfully Concluded

The 15th Young African Leaders Initiative (YALI) Connect Camp successfully concluded in Addis Ababa. The regional workshop was held December 10-15, 2017 for Mandela Washington Fellowship alumni and their mentees to learn about facilitating innovation for social change.

The seventeen participants from East and Central Africa developed their leadership and mentoring skills, facilitated collaborative projects, and learned how to design community-oriented enterprises.. This is the first YALI Connect Camp to be held in Ethiopia, and the participants were from Burundi, Cameroon, Central Africa Republic, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Rwanda and South Sudan.

At the closing ceremony, U.S. Ambassador Michael Raynor said, “It is impossible to overstate the important role that you and other African youth need to play in building a better future. From job creation, to good governance, to building inclusive societies, there are many challenges to be overcome. We have confidence in your ability to achieve those goals.”

YALI Connect Camps are funded by a grant from the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs, in the U.S. Department of State, administered by Ohio University’s Institute for International Journalism (IIJ), and assisted by the U.S. Embassy to Ethiopia.

The purpose of YALI is to invest in the next generation of African leaders through training in facilitative leadership, mentorship, networking, and professional development opportunities for social change.

The post Kudos to US: Young African Leaders Initiative Camp Successful in Ethiopia appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

The Ethiopian majority believes TPLF is autocratic, too primitive and has never measured up to leading the populous and historically significant African country of Ethiopia. It never measured up to the good people of Tigray either. While its ethnocentricity was known of from the beginning, there was some hope by most Ethiopians that it would learn, change overtime and work towards improving the country for all Ethiopians. However, that dream of the majority was quelled immediately and replaced by deceit, arrogance, divide and rule and pure evil. What we have now is twenty-six years of miserably failed leadership by a group that pretends to be a political party, but is equivalent to mafia organization.

TPLF leaders were arrogant and deeply entrenched in hatred, and after they came to power, they completely forgot how it happened. They would never have come to power without the help of Ethiopians of every ethnic background, Eritrean Fighters and the US, along with its European allies. If most Ethiopians were as ethnocentric as TPLF is and only cared about the ethnic background of their leaders, the TPLF would never have had a chance to grab power. Most Ethiopians do not care whether the leaders are Tigray, Oromo, Amhara, Afar, Anuak or a member of another ethnicity, as far as he or she is an Ethiopian who is capable of fair and civilized leadership. The attitude of most Ethiopians was obvious from the get go. People were happy to get rid of the ruthless military regime, and they never resisted against TPLF soldiers. In many cases Ethiopians showed TPLF soldiers the way to the capital. While there were discussions among Ethiopians at the time about the TPLF being a narrow minded, left leaning organization composed of only one ethnic minority, most people hoped that the group would change for the better when it had a chance to rule such a large, diverse and resourceful country. With that notion, Ethiopians have patiently waited, and they surely have waited too long. However, the TPLF failed repeatedly and it failed miserably as a leading entity.

The fact is, the TPLF was deeply autocratic from its inception and was never able to change, even after twenty-six years. Autocracy is a primitive way of governing and it never takes account of other people’s wishes, concerns or interests. While the TPLF was surely not ready to lead in 1991, it was determined to stay in power by any means necessary, including massacring and torturing of citizens that challenge it. Top leaders of the TPLF, including the late prime minister, who was considered by some as the smartest man in the organization, chose to forsake the integrity, unity and proud history of a diverse and ethnically mixed nation to their powermonger, so they decided to set up ethnic federalism, which is equivalent to ethnic apartheid.

It would have taken a great courage, dedication and ingenuity to design and implement a fare and democratic system that most citizens would enjoy, a system that would have addressed various issues that Ethiopians have raised over the years, be it inequality, suppression, lack of recognition or abuse of power by previous regimes. However, shortsighted TPLF leaders chose the effortless and primitive way of governing via deceit and divide and rule which is testimony to a lack of a vision and basic good leadership skills. TPLF leaders were incapable of thinking outside the box and working for the good of the country and its people. They were not even capable of thinking for people outside their ethnic group and their immediate families, let alone for close to one hundred million Ethiopians.

Despite complete lack of a vision and leadership skills, over the years the TPLF was able to con the outside world, their supports and some Ethiopians by talking about imaginary democratic rights, economic development and equality that never existed. Mastering and perpetuating deceit became the motto of the organization.

If the current scenario was different and TPLF leaders were wise enough to have a vision for all Ethiopians, a vision that is inclusive and democratic, a vision that respects human rights, and a vision that is dedicated to collective growth, it would never have been easy and would not have happened overnight, but majority of Ethiopians would have stood and worked hard along with the TPLF to achieve that dream. If that dream for Ethiopians was given a chance, the TPLF and its leaders would have been considered heroes instead of a group of corrupt looters, killers and torturers. Even more, they would have had a wonderful place in Ethiopian history for leading the country forward and they would have been remembered not only as a minority ethnic organization that helped to liberate the country from a ruthless military regime, but also as the first ethnically based organization to help establish a lasting democracy in a historic, diverse and populous Ethiopia. Unfortunately, the TPLF and its leaders chose a legacy of extreme corruption and distrust, a legacy of killings and tortures and a legacy of businesses and buildings built for and by TPLF families with money looted from the people of Ethiopia, and that is one pathetic legacy.

The sad reality is, once the TPLF chose corruption over fairness, killings to silence opposition rather than debate, and manufacturing opposition parties in its own backyard instead of allowing real opposition to flourish, its leaders felt like outsmarting everyone, and were unable to see themselves in the mirror. Covering up, and telling lies and manufacturing fake news and fake data became the norm. The TPLF told Ethiopians and the world that there is an election commission, but the election commission is imbedded with it. It tells the world there are courts, while most of the judges are its member cadres. That way they feel no shame when telling Ethiopians and the world that they have received hundred percent of the votes. Due to all these lies over the years to most Ethiopians, the TPLF became synonymous with deceit and uncivilized leadership.

Despite the wishes and expectations of most Ethiopians that the TPLF regime would change overtime, the TPLF’s core values never allowed it to convert to a democratic organization. Instead of educating itself, growing with democratic values and bringing about the needed change in economic, political, social, and educational sectors the TPLF was only focused on making sure its birthplace, Tigrai has the best of all. It was also too focused on stealing fertile territories from other neighboring provinces like Gonder and Wollo to achieve that goal at the expense of other Ethiopians. The TPLF became lawless, having to play silly games, including writing text books that misinform children about the geographical locations of rivers that have been flowing for thousands of years. Then, it resettled more Tigrian farmers in Welquite with an intent to claim the territory as Tigrian. Civilized leaders would work hard and help every corner of the country to grow, allowing for coexistence and mutual development that would naturally erase the man-made borders which do not even matter once you work towards establishing a democratic and civilized nation. While what the TPLF has done to accomplish its sick plan seems to be childish and even moronic, the fact that hundreds of citizens have been killed, imprisoned and tortured to carry on those sick plans makes it unbearable. While leaders are expected to have a vision for all their people, the TPLF is so narrow minded and uncivilized that it could not develop a vision that encompasses anyone who isn’t in their ethnic group.

Interestingly, most of the organizations evil plans were reported by former defectors, including Abraham Yayeh, who was considered by most Ethiopians a crazy man. At the time, most of his rhetoric sounded like fiction, and people did not want to believe that the TPLF is full of hatred towards Ethiopians. Things he was saying sounded fabricated, and even designed to please the Derg regime. But looking back, Abraham Yayeh sounds like an angel who was sent to tell the truth and prepare Ethiopians for the ugly reality named the TPLF.

Once it came to power, the TPLF worked hard to illegally control every vital sector of society, including resources, most businesses and the military. The fake ethnic federalism it imposed helped it to divide and control, while its military power was mainly used to terrorize people. To carry on its divide and rule plans, it made sure other ethnic groups were powerless, poor and antagonized.  Civilized leaders would have encouraged civil discourse and unity among various sectors of society, and they would discourage divisions based on ethnicity, race, religion or class. Autocratic and primitive leaders on the other hand, prey on those differences. They magnify minor issues between various sectors of society and use it to their advantage. To find out if the TPLF is on the side of civilized or primitive leadership, we can examine one of the recent interviews given by a top TPLF leader. Abay Tsehay shamelessly told Ethiopians that there is no way the two major ethnic groups in Ethiopia will have a common cause. He even had the nerve to indicate that the only reason the two ethnic groups stand together is to promote destruction and corruption. Interestingly, this man who publicly promotes divisive rhetoric, is the head of federal affairs of Ethiopia and one of the founding members of the TPLF.

One of the well-known civil rights advocates in the USA Malcom X, has once said, “The greater weapon that the colonial powers have used in the past against our people has always been divide-and-conquer. America is a colonial power. She has colonized 22 million Afro Americans by depriving us of the first-class citizenship, by depriving us of civil rights, by depriving us of human rights. She has not only deprived us of the right to be a citizen, she has deprived us of the right to be human being, the right to be recognized and respected as men and women.” Similarly, as colonizers of Rwanda and Burundi, Germany and Belgium have minimized humanity and used deceit as the major force to divide and conquer. They reclassified the division between Hutus and Tutsis based on how many cows they own and whether they have a long nose. The British used the same technique in various places, including Nigeria, reclassifying regions to facilitate divide and rule, and in doing so, they intentionally generated conflict between the Igbo and the Hausa tribe to consolidate their power. The sad thing about that is the socioeconomic division that was exploited by the colonial powers in Rwanda between Tutsis and Hutus continued after Rwanda’s independence and was then re-exploited by moronic Rwandan leaders who never cared about their country except themselves resulting in the Rwandan Genocide of 1994.

While Ethiopia has never been colonized by foreign powers, TPLF leaders have succeeded in showing Ethiopians what colonization would have looked like. They followed in the steps of British and German colonial powers in dehumanizing the population. In the process of amassing Africa’s wealth, colonialists have killed millions and have incited violence by creating rifts among various ethnic groups in Africa. Likewise, TPLF autocrats never have Ethiopia as their priority. All they care about is the wealth and resources of Ethiopia. That is why we have most of the top leaders, including Abay Tsehay, Arkebe Oqubay, Azeb Mesfin, Sibhat Nega, and their families along with the TPLF generals owning most of the looted wealth including buildings, land and factories in the country. Just like the colonial powers, these corrupt leaders and their families have accumulated wealth while massacring, killing and torturing, preaching division and inciting violence among Ethiopians. The question is can we classify all TPLF members as primitive thinkers, and if there are any better ones, how come they are so quite in the face of gross inhumanity and cruelty to their fellow Ethiopians. If there are any, how do they live with their conscious?

While it may take some time to answer those question, the clear indications that the TPLF is not only autocratic, but religiously primitive include

1. It massacres people including kids and the elderly with no mercy. It is inhumane, incredibly barbaric and vindictive killing and torturing people that stand against it. The TPLF doesn’t compromise, it doesn’t like to receive ideas and it certainly doesn’t believe in debate. It burns people’s farms and businesses when the farm and business owners are against it. Civilized leaders would never display that level of cruelty. The recent killings of a 104-year-old grandmother in Somali region, more than 800 irreechaa celebrators and more than 50 Kobel youth are few examples.
2. The TPLF functions as a colonial power and preys on creating rifts between various ethnic groups. Its leaders publicly admit that they want a divided nation. Just like the colonialists and feudalistic leaders the TPLF designed and implemented a system that would keep its members wealthy, with a desire to make others work for it forever.
3. The TPLF never apologizes for its killings of hundreds of peaceful demonstrators. Instead it does its best to cover them up, accusing the poor victims by telling false stories.
4. The TPLF urinate and defecate on political prisoners. They hang up heavy objects on the testicles of political prisoners to create extreme pain. They extract people’s nails, practice toilet deprivation, and crucify people to torture. While so many outrageous torture techniques have been recorded in history from Nazi camps to the Chinese red party, some of these techniques are unique to the TPLF.
5. The TPLF tortured a mother on her son’s dead body. They will do anything to dehumanize people in their own country because they think they own them, just like slave owners felt they owned their slaves as their personal commodities. The approval of that cruel technique by TPLF leaders was concluded based on their complete silence about the situation. TPLF leaders and their puppet prime minister have yet to apologize for their inhumane actions to the people of Ethiopia and specifically to the people of Dembidolo.

Clear indications the TPLF is the deceit master of the century and has no clue about democratic values include:

1. It pretends to be democratic while it never allows any democratic institution in the country. It imprisons bloggers and reporters who dare to expose it to the public. It puts opposition leaders in prison. The imprisonment of Dr. Merera Gudina, Andargachew Tsige, Bekele Gerba and Andualem Arage are a few examples. It also spends millions of dollars to spy on its citizens and prevent people from accessing independent media while millions of its citizens are on the verge of starvation.
2. The TPLF never listens to opinions of others. It manufactures its own opposition parties just to pretend its government is democratic. When donor nations ask it to negotiate with others and open political space, it pretends to do so while talking to itself.
3. It talks about amazing economic growth while most of the population is being displaced and millions are on the verge of starvation. The recent displacements of half a million Ethiopians in the eastern part of the country and the death of hundreds by a garbage landslide in Addis Ababa are a few examples
4. It talks about getting rid of corruption while almost all its top leadership is looting the country’s wealth and resources. If the TPLF starts fighting corruption for real, it will have to put most of its leaders in prison and it would be unrealistic to expect that to happen.
5. The TPLF gives false data to the IMF, the world bank and donor nations, with an intent to convince them to give it more money, so its members can keep looting the aid money collected in the name of poor farmers.

The deceit and primitive characteristics of the TPLF were on public and international display several times including the 2005. elections. The TPLF deceived Ethiopians and western nations into thinking that it will carry on a democratic election. However, when the election was not going its way, it killed hundreds, imprisoned and tortured opposition and shamelessly stole the election.

These characteristics of the TPLF are now rearing their heads again in a different form. Their original plan of inciting violence and making various ethnic groups fight each other did not work well. The TPLF has realized the fact that most of the public and some officials have understood its evil plan. That resulted in the autocrats to running and hiding in their birthplaces for months to redesign another evil plan. The fact that the TPLF has been running to Tigrai whenever it faces challenges is also a clear indication of its immaturity, lack of openness, lack of inclusiveness, lack of trust of others, and lack of courage.

TPLF leaders now see the work they have done for over 26 years to antagonize Oromos and Amharas did not bear fruit. As much as they despise it, they will try to swallow the hard pill of pretending to be unifiers, which will be going against their own policy, but again, they have no shame, so they will try it one more time. TPLF autocrats will do anything they can to stay in power, not because they want to do better for the country, but because they want to keep looting and enriching themselves. Furthermore, TPLF leaders know they are responsible for the killings, the massacres, and the tortures of so many Ethiopians, so they will fight to keep the corrupt system even if it means killing, massacring and torturing more Ethiopians. We also shouldn’t be surprised if the same officials talking about antagonizing the two major ethnic groups march to the city hall and start leading marriage ceremonies between Amharas and Oromos for a couple of months until they get what they want.

However, that is not going to work this time. Ethiopians are now standing together for real democratic changes, they are saying no more TPLF, no more tortures, no more killings, no more corruption, no more ethnocentricity and no more serial liars. They want a government that works for them. Ethiopians should no longer be slaves to their greedy leaders. Leaders should be open to criticism, be fair to all, step down when they lose elections and be accountable. Ethiopians are demanding for leaders that are civilized and hard working to eradicate poverty and injustice at every corner of the country.

Ethiopians do not need incompetent leaders who function as puppets for others with evil purpose. They do not deserve looters, killer, tortures, and deceitful leaders. Ethiopians deserve leaders that have a vision for the whole country and who care about the prosperity of Ethiopia and Ethiopians instead of their own little circles. Ethiopians deserve leaders that are forward thinking, civilized and measure up to good leadership standards in the 21^st century.

Divide and rule is primitive leadership!!

Down with the TPLF and Long Live Ethiopian Unity!!

NY/NJ Ethiopians Task Force (www.ethionynj.com)

The post The Greedy TPLF Chooses to Master Deceit Rather than Democracy (NY/NJ Ethiopians Task Force) appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban

The National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE) has initiated processes to better regulate foreign exchange transactions and by that weaken the black market.

According to a new directive, importers are obliged to request for foreign currency from the NBE based on the international prices of their imports.

The central bank’s chief economist and its vice governor Yohanes Ayalew, confirmed that the directive had been circulated to commercial banks and was already being enforced.

Ethiopia’s economy continues to get good reviews from international lenders like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The IMF chief, Christine Lagarde recently visited Ethiopia and urged the government to work at alternative drivers of growth.

In November 2017, custom authorities said they continued to record increasing incidence of forex smuggling especially via its main airport, Bole International Airport in the capital Addis Ababa.

They said, they had intercepted an audacious attempt to take out 4 million US dollars via the airport in 2016.

According to current directives of the central bank, National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE), passengers are allowed to carry cash of up to 1,000 Ethiopian birr.

In the case of forex rules, passengers are only allowed to enter or leave the country with a maximum of $3,000 or its equivalent in other foreign currencies without a permit. They are required to notify the authorities if they are carrying an amount that exceeds the threshold.

The NBE in October announced a devaluation of the country’s currency, the birr by 15%. Along with the devaluation which is the first since 2010, interest rates on deposits were pushed up to 7% from the previous 5%.

The measure is seen by economic players as helping to boost the growth of the country’s export sector which has experienced a sluggish outlook. It is also expected to reduce forex shortages and to ease debt burden.

Some of the NBE’s forex rules as issued in a directive on its website reads:

• Foreign currency cash notes shall be exchanged into Birr only with banks and authorized forex bureaus.

• Reconversion of birr into foreign currency is allowed, if the reconversion request is supported by original receipts produced by banks and customs declaration for value exceeding USD3,000.

Surrender of Foreign Exchange

1. Ethiopian and Residents of Ethiopia shall surrender, through an authorized forex bureaux, all foreign currencies in their possession against payment to them of the equivalent sum in Birr within 45 days from the date of acquisition.

2. Any resident of Ethiopia found in possession of foreign currency and that do not have evidences to justify holdings shall be punished under the penal code of Ethiopia and the money shall be confiscated.

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Africa’s mounting debt crisis will worsen if US and Europe’s economies improve, says IMF’s Lagarde

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WRITTEN BY

Tom Gardner

1 hour agoQuartz Africa

Addis Ababa

Addis Ababa is home to the African Union, the UN’s Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), and is capital city for one of the continent’s fastest-growing economies. But for the duration of its 72-year history no managing director of the International Monetary Fund had ever paid visit to the Ethiopian capital. This changed on Dec. 13 when the fund’s current chief, Christine Lagarde, touched down for a three day visit, touring new industrial parks and meeting with government officials.

Lagarde met with Quartz to discuss some of the challenges facing the continent over the coming years—including the looming threat of another African debt crisis, an alarm she first sounded back in 2014. In the past five years the continent has issued sovereign bonds to a value of $20 billion—most of which will mature in the next few years.

Quartz: Let’s start with the “dark clouds” on the horizon that you made reference to in your speech, and specifically the debt burden. How worried are you about what some have called a ticking “debt bomb”?

Lagarde: I think there are a few things that are important. One is the usual ratio of debt to GDP which in about half of the sub-Saharan African countries now exceeds 50%, or a little less than half. The second thing I think is important is the debt service relative to budget and then for balance of payment purposes it’s the ratio of debt-to-export and debt service to export. So it’s all that taken into account which actually matters, combined with the final indicator which is domestic revenue mobilization. And there are countries in Africa—I’m not going to point fingers at any of them—but some of them are seriously at risk.

Do you think 2018 could be the year that the debt problem finally explodes?

 “You can’t borrow your development out of forgiveness programs.” It could very well. You know, what could trigger some very serious developments is actually the improvements in advanced economies. Because if you a see combination of those elements I mentioned, plus the appreciation of some currencies—take the dollar, which has been the currency of issuance for some of those bond issuances that took place over the last few years—and a tightening of monetary policies in the US, maybe in the Euro area, certainly in the UK and one of these days in Japan—and if you combine this all together it will certainly make the burden of debt harder to bear in some of these countries. So I think the debt issue, and the debt service issue, is a concern that we have and a concern I hope some of the policy makers have as well. And I am certain some of the creditor countries are very attentive to that.

Do you think it was too early for some African countries to start issuing sovereign bonds?

I don’t think you can generalize. What I know for sure—because we’ve had programs with some of them—is that the lenders were so eager to lend that I don’t think they were very serious about assessing the risks and assessing their exposure. And there was clearly, on the part of some investors, in the private sector in particular, a drive to push as much debt as possible in order to generate some yield.

Do you think at some point in the near future there will be a need for another round of debt relief? Is this something you can imagine in the next few years?

I don’t think it’s a very healthy prospect to undertake. You can’t borrow your development out of forgiveness programs, one after the other. And a debt operation of that nature is one for the debtors and the creditors to agree, and if you talk to the creditors at the moment there is just no willingness or appetite to actually consider that. And I remember how difficult it has been when it happened first time round.

The IMF released a paper early this year which questioned if Africa will ever develop manufacturing along the model of East Asia. Without manufacturing, what does the future of Africa’s economy look like?

 “What happened in Vietnam and Korea over the last 30 years won’t take place in the same fashion in African countries because manufacturing is different.” Again, I don’t think it’s going to be one-size-fits-all. And there are economies which are already moving into adding value to their manufacturing process. When you look at Botswana, you look at Uganda, Rwanda, you look at Benin… those countries already take stock of what they have, try to move up the value chain, add value locally, create employment locally. But in some countries it might well be a rather short process, possibly, and when I look at India for instance and the way in which India is skipping part of the industrialization process to move straight into services… we cannot exclude that in some of the African countries—[they take] that same shortcut from predominantly agricultural economies to more service oriented economies.

Do you think “leapfrogging” to a service-oriented economy can really provide a solution to Africa’s enormous unemployment problem, in particular?

If we look at the manufacturing process that took place in countries like Korea, like Vietnam, to a certain degree in Malaysia as well, we were in days when the use of robotization, artificial intelligence, digital, was certainly not as developed as it is beginning to be now. What took place in Vietnam and Korea over the last thirty years is not going to take place in the same fashion in African countries—because the manufacturing processes are different, and the speed at which transformation needs to take place is more urgent.

Which African countries are positioning themselves best to be able to be something resembling the next Vietnam, the next Korea?

You are necessarily talking about countries that already have developed infrastructure, that already have access to electricity, and that probably have significant manpower. So you are talking about the large countries. Ethiopia comes to mind. Possibly Nigeria, with a big domestic market… some of the coastal countries on the eastern seaboard—Kenya, Tanzania have very large populations and access to the sea. And the availability of a market—or the vicinity of markets around—would be an important criteria.

The first randomized trial of industrial employment on Ethiopian workers seemed to overturn conventional wisdom of the transformative impact of life in factories: two-thirds quit within a year, for reasons like low wages and poor working conditions. How can a country like Ethiopia tackle this problem without relinquishing its key comparative advantage (cheap labour)?

First of all, this process of laborious industrialization and high turnover is relatively frequent. It is not something that is specific to Ethiopia. When there is that rapid shift from a predominantly agricultural economy to a rapidly evolving industrial economy—you see that. It has taken place in other places. Second, in addition to the wages that can be used as an incentive to keep people in the job there is all the ancillary that goes with it. It’s the housing, it’s transportation, it’s access to shops, it’s the ability to have a family life and not be a migrant worker. If you visit the Eastern Industrial Zone here in Ethiopia I think it’s pretty obvious that if you work hard you don’t get a big pay at the end of the month and you probably have to use difficult public transport systems because there doesn’t seem to be much housing available around.

Is there a danger that governments and donors prioritize flashy, high-tech solutions to Africa’s deeply ingrained problems, at the expense of fixing the fundamentals? Is there a risk that when the tech bubble bursts, Africa finds itself with plenty of drones but not enough roads?

 “Nigerians—and not just with respect to the IMF—have a tendency to believe that they can address their issues. And if they can, why not? I hope they can.” It could be. It could be. But I would still take the drones even though I can’t drive the car. Because if that drone is going to take some blood sample, take it off for analysis, then take back the remedy that is going to help cure the patient, I’ll take the drone.

But fundamentally it’s going to take some of the major infrastructure to develop in those countries—in order to go beyond a little fix and really develop on a comprehensive basis. So you’re talking about electricity, power, access to water. You’re talking about access to education, you’re talking about health, and you’re talking about transportation. So it’s all of the above, if I may say, irrespective of whether technologies can deliver specific responses to particular problems. Why should it be one or the other?

How is the growth of tech in Africa different from tech in the rich world?

Clearly access to financing is an issue. Because you have startups, but scaling it up requires financing. Availability of infrastructure is another one. Because if you don’t have electricity, if you don’t have broadband, it’s going to be a problem. And third—and this is our shop, because it matters—the macroeconomic framework of a country to actually host entrepreneurs of all sorts, whether they are in the technology field or otherwise.

Let’s talk now about the relationship between the IMF and individual African countries. Nigeria, for one, has had a tenserelationship with the IMF in the past. Why has the IMF been able to get buy-in for its policies in Egypt, say, but not Nigeria? How would you explain that difference?

We actually have a good relationship with Nigeria. They are of the belief that they can conduct their program of reforms without access to financing from the IMF, without the constraints of a program, and if that is the case why shouldn’t they do it that way? We do provide technical assistance, we do help in the banking area—in supervision and in public finance—and I know from having discussed it with her, that the finance minister is absolutely keen and delighted to be able to work with our resident representative in Abuja. So, it’s fine. That’s not an issue. Nigerians, in general, and not just with respect to the IMF, have a tendency to believe that they can address their issues. And if they can, why not? I hope they can.

But that is a country where domestic revenue mobilization is very poor and they have to do a lot of work. If you look at debt service, if you look at DRM numbers… it’s an issue that I hope is high on their radar screen.

What about Ethiopia? That was another relationship that was, certainly fifteen years ago, very tense and there were lots of disagreements. How much has it improved in recent years, and how much do you think the IMF and the Ethiopian government are now on the same page when it comes to certain policy prescriptions?

First of all, we’ve always had a regular relationship with Ethiopia by way of Article IV. We’ve always conducted Articles IV, which is an IMF membership trade-off, in a way, and that has always been observed by Ethiopia. I think the country has adopted a slightly specific model of development, relying heavily on state-owned enterprises, intervention by the state, and a strong component of planned development from the centre. And that was ‘phase one’ of development—which has had its benefits. If you look at poverty reduction, growth rates in general, reduced inequality and better distribution across the board—certainly the performance has been good. According to what the policy makers tell us, they are now moving into a second phase of development, where there is a clear determination to open up to the private sector, to make sure the private sector takes the baton from the public sector, and which will probably be based on public-private-partnerships—even in the case of infrastructure—than pure government-led, government-financed, government-determined infrastructure projects. And you know, any development model, if it works, is to be commended. And them moving to second phase of development perhaps brings us closer maybe to them in terms of perspective.

And broadly speaking, is that kind of active industrial policy that they’ve pursued, is that something that other African countries can learn from?

You know, when I listen to African leaders around the continent, many of them praise somebody like Paul Kagame of Rwanda, as one example of inspiring development. That’s slightly different. Many others refer to Kenya, particularly when it comes to the penetration of new technologies and access to financing. So I think that there is not one single model, and to assume that infrastructure is going to develop simply because public sector investment is going to deliver would be a very one-sided view of how development can occur.

Is the fund more ideologically flexible than it was, say, 20 years ago?

I don’t know about the past. What I’m interested in is what works, what is making sense for people, and how we can restore macroeconomic stability so that in the medium term, investment—be it combined public and private or predominantly private—and open markets, can provide the productivity, the innovation, that is conducive to higher incomes and the ability to distribute across the aboard.

The post Violence is tearing apart two of Ethiopia’s largest ethnic communities appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

addisstandard 2017-12-19

The post A fresh start to up the ante: The Decolonizing debate and Ethiopia’s Place in Western imagination of the “Other” appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

TPLF Heads at the National Intelligence, Defense, and the Federal Police should be immediately removed from their public positions on constitutional, conflict of interests and criminal grounds!

Birhanemeskel Abebe Segni

The Ethiopian Parliament must demand the immediate removal of the heads of the Ethiopian Federal Police, the Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian Armed Forces, and the head of the Ethiopian national intelligence on constitutional and conflict of interests grounds and the nationwide Ethiopian peoples demand to prosecute these individuals for the crimes of ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity they committed against the Ethiopian people either directly by their actions or by order and instructions they gave to their subordinates.

The heads of these Ethiopian government institutions should have been loyal only to the Ethiopian constitution and the Ethiopian people. But, because of these individuals membership in the TPLF executive committee and central committee, there are abundant pieces of evidence to prove that these individuals loyalty to TPLF is way greater than their loyalty to the Ethiopian constitution and the Ethiopian people.

Now because of the TPLF members at the helm of these institutions, these important security sector institutions are entirely turned into not only partisan institutions serving TPLF interests alone, but also committing ethnic cleansing and other crimes against humanity throughout Ethiopia. As long as these public institutions remain loyal only to the TPLF and serve the exclusive interests of the TPLF members and their supporters, the killings and tortures of the Ethiopian people will not be stopped; rule of law will not be upheld, democracy and representative governance will not be established in Ethiopia. Pending the full and complete overhaul of these institutions, the Ethiopian parliament must demand the prime minister to immediately remove them or defund these institutions and withhold the salaries and other benefits of these TPLF members.

If the Prime Minister refuses to abide by the call of the parliament, the parliament should vote the prime minister himself out of office. The parliament should also investigate cases of ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity committed by the heads of these institutions and their subordinates. The parliament can dishonorably discharge these officers from their positions and call for their criminal prosecution at the court of laws.

The OPDO and ANDM members of the parliament should table these issues as the top parliamentary agendas and lead the rest of the members to support these agendas. It is important to note that, the OPDO and ANDM members alone can accomplish most of those tasks. 

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by Engidu Woldie

A jury in a British court today found Dr. Tadesse Biru Kersmo not guilty of all counts of terrorism charges brought by prosecutors.

After weighing the charges and defense testimonies the jury at the Snaresbrook Crown Court returned a verdict of no guilty on all counts.

Dr. Kersmo, who is a university professor and human rights advocate, is leading voice of dissent against the Ethiopian tyrannical regime and a pro-democracy campaigner who lives in exile in U.K.

Scotland Yard last summer charged Dr. Kersmo of terrorism offences saying authorities found articles about security, intelligence and urban guerrilla tactics on his computer. But Dr. Kersmo, who is a researcher and frequent media analyst on the issues, argued those articles were solely for research purposes.

A judge concluded in August that his case was not suitable for trial before a magistrate and sent it to a jury trial. The jury set up to look the case today found Dr. Tadesse not guilty of the 8 counts of terrorism offences brought against him.

“I am happy that authorities brought the charges against me because it would give a lesson that the truth always prevails where there is justice,” said Dr. Kersmo speaking to ESAT from London.

“It sends a message that democracy is not just holding elections, it is also about justice,” he said on the phone as he celebrates the verdict outside the court accompanied by his compatriots, who shed tears of glee.

Most of all, he told ESAT, he and his defense team convinced the court that Ethiopia is ruled by fascists. He called on Ethiopians to augment their struggle for freedom and justice.

Dr. Tadesse Biru Kersmo is a pro-democracy advocate who writes and speaks against the TPLF brutal regime. He encourages his people to stand up against tyranny. His computer was found to have been hacked previously by spies of the Ethiopian regime, which led to a legal case against a regime known for using spyware, wiretapping and surveillance against pro-democracy activists and critical journalists.

Kersmo, who played a key role in the 2005 pro democracy movement, escaped persecution by the Ethiopian regime. He has lived in U.K. since 2009 as a refugee.

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BBN Daily Ethiopian News December 19, 2017

The post BBN Daily Ethiopian News December 19, 2017 appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

BBC News

A Dutch court has sentenced an aide to Ethiopia’s former communist ruler to life imprisonment for war crimes.

Eshetu Alemu, 63, was found guilty of crimes including the execution of 75 people during Ethiopia’s “Red Terror” purges in the late 1970s.

The dual Ethiopian-Dutch national and former aide to then-ruler Mengistu Haile Mariam denied all the charges against him.

More than 300 victims were named in four war crimes charges.

Ethiopia has already sentenced him to death in absentia.

GETTY IMAGES
Image caption
Eshetu Alemu is accused of ordering the execution of 75 people during Ethiopia’s “Red Terror”

Prosecutors said that Alemu was a henchman for Mengistu in the north-west Gojjam province.

The case was tried under Dutch universal jurisdiction laws at the district court in The Hague.

Presiding judge Mariette Renckens told the court that Alemu was “guilty of war crimes and treated his fellow citizens in a cold and calculating manner… including robbing them of their right to life”.

Families of victims applauded the sentence, but neither Alemu nor his lawyers were present in court.

The Mengistu regime and the Red Terror

Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES

Marxist strongman Mengistu Haile Mariam ruled Ethiopia between 1977 and 1991 following the overthrow of Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974.

There was significant repression under his communist regime. This became known as the “Red Terror”.

Mengistu was ousted in 1991 after a series of revolts by insurgent groups. He then fled to Zimbabwe, where he still resides.

In 2007, Mengistu was found guilty in absentia at an Ethiopian court of genocide

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U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa

Scroll down for the Amharic Version of the blog

You don’t have to spend more than a couple of hours talking with an Ethiopian journalist to learn that it’s a daily challenge to ply your trade in a country that calls itself a democracy. The conversations involve a lot of forlorn looks, head shaking and some pent-up anger.
What I’ve come to learn in my handful experiences with African journalists (Sierra Leone, Zambia, Uganda and Ethiopia) is that democracy in theory usually doesn’t translate into a free press in reality. Ethiopia is no exception.
The press is free to work in many of these countries so long as its coverage is complimentary of the government and its usually corrupt politicians.
Threats of imprisonment are common, but, so too are tactics that keep information from the hands of the press and public or officials asserting overwhelming support for state-operated TV, radio and print at the expense of the independent press. All of the tactics to keep the press at bay are in full force in Ethiopia. Couple that with an undertrained workforce of journalists, low pay and an avoidance of standards, and it becomes a bit overwhelming.
Perhaps the greatest among these challenges now is the proliferation of fake news stories either from foreign influencers or the state media. Aided by a population that readily shares unverified information and, the desired effect of manipulating the minds of the masses, is a daily occurrence.

The media landscape is similar to many African countries, but there is a strong online presence from expatriates who want to disseminate questionable news in hopes of staging uprisings against those in power. The government, for its part denounces most news it doesn’t like as fake and metes punishment against legitimate news organizations in some cases.

Whatever the source or the motives, media literacy is needed to help the more than 100 million of the country’s residents sift through the profound static noise that passes for news.

When I traveled there for four days in November my mission was to help scratch the surface of these challenges. I’m thankful neither the U.S. Embassy staff in Addis Ababa, nor the journalists themselves expected a magic bullet solution to the litany of problems. My goal was to help inspire journalists to rise up in voice and to train them and the public on ways to combat the disinformation flooding their daily news feeds.

First, we went after the public and, thanks to a robust U.S. Embassy team and its Facebook presence, we were able to get before 140,000 people on an afternoon to educate them about why fake news is effective, what its intentions are and how to recognize, challenge and defeat its presence on social media.

Later in the week we drilled down on the subject with the journalists and shared with them tools they could use to improve their work, engage the public with transparency about their role and responsibilities and regain credibility.

I also met with representatives of nearly all of the Ethiopian media associations and after three hours of productive discussions, I think some strong alliances were formed. The goal is to join their resources and strengths to work on a nationwide media literacy program that should keep a consistent message in front of the populace for some time.
Despite the obvious up-hill-battle for greater press freedoms many of the Ethiopian journalists I met were decidedly optimistic about their roles, their work and the effect it has with their fellow citizens. Their resolve to tell the truth and be responsible and credible journalists is strong.
I hope with some news ideas, some renewed spirit and inspiration they will move forth a stronger and more viable press. That’s not a magic bullet, but it’s a game plan worthy of execution.

(By Kevin Smith, U.S. Media Expert)

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የሚዲያ ባለሙያው ኬቪን ስሚዝና የኢትዮጵያ ቆይታው   የሚዲያ ባለሙያው ኬቪን ስሚዝና የኢትዮጵያ ቆይታው

ዴሞክራሲን በሚያቀነቅን እንደ ኢትዮጵያ ባለ ሀገር ለጋዜጠኞች የዕለት ሥራን መከወን አዳጋች እንደሆነ ለመረዳት ከአንድ ጋዜጠኛ ጋር ጥቂት ቆይታ ማድረግ በቂ ነው፡፡ ከጋዜጠኛው ፍዝዝ ካለ ዕይታ፤ ራስ መነቅነቅ እና የታመቀ ንዴት የችግሩን አሳሳቢነት በቀላሉ መገንዘብ ይቻላል፡፡

በሴራሊዮን፤ ዛምቢያ፤ ዩጋንዳ እና ኢትዮጵያን ጨምሮ ከአፍሪካውያን ጋዜጠኞች ጋር ከነበረኝ ቆይታ የተረዳሁት፤ ዴሞክራሲን በመርህ ደረጃ ማቀንቀን ለነፃ ፕሬስ መስፈን መተማመኛ አለመሆኑን ነው፡፡ በኢትዮጵያም ያለው ሁኔታ ከዚህ የተለየ አይደለም፡፡

በእነኚህ ሀገራት ያለው ፕሬስ መንግሥትን እና በሙስና የተዘፈቁ ፖለቲከኞቹን እስካወደሰ ድረስ፤ በነፃነት ተንቀሳቅሶ መሥራት ይችላል፡፡

የእስር ማስፈራሪያዎች የተለመዱ እንደመሆናቸው ሁሉ፤ መረጃን ከነፃው ፕሬስ እና ከህዝቡ በመሰወር ወይም ባለስልጣናት በመንግሥት ቁጥጥር ሥር ላሉ ቴሌቪዥን፤ ራዲዮ እና የህትመት ውጤቶች ብቻ መረጃን በማቀበል ለፕሬስ ነፃነት የቆሙ ያስመስላሉ፡፡ ይህ መረጃን ለነፃው ፕሬስ የመከልከል ስልት፤ በኢትዮጵያም ሙሉ በሙሉ እየተተገበረ ይገኛል፡፡ ጋዜጠኞች ተገቢውን ስልጠና ያለማግኘት፤ አነስተኛ ክፍያ እና ተፈላጊውን መስፈርት ያለማሟላት ጉዳይ ሲጨመርበት ነገሩን ይበልጥ ከባድ ያደርገዋል፡፡

ከተጠቀሱት ተግዳሮቶች ሁሉ የባሰው ደግሞ ከውጭ በሚኖር ጫና ወይም በመንግሥት ቁጥጥር ስር ካሉ ሚዲያዎች የሚሰራጨው የሀሰት ወሬ ነው፡፡ ያልተረጋገጠ ወሬን ለመለዋወጥ በጉጉት የሚጠብቅ ተጠቃሚ ህብረተሰብ የሚፈጥረው የተመቻቸ ሁኔታ እና የተጠቃሚውን አስተሳሰብ እንደፈለጉ የመቃኘቱ ጉዳይ የየዕለት ሁነት ነው፡፡
የሚዲያ ምህዳሩ በሌሎች የአፍሪካ ሀገራት ካለው ተመሳሳይነት ቢኖረውም፤ በውጭ የሚኖሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን በመንግሥት ላይ አመጽ ማነሳሳትን በማለም ተአማኒነት የሌላቸውን መረጃዎች ጭምር በመጠቀም ጠንካራ የመረጃ መረብ ዘመቻ ያካሂዳሉ፡፡ መንግሥት በበኩሉ የማይፈልጋቸውን ዜናዎች ሀሰተኛ በማለት ይፈርጃቸዋል፡፡ በአንዳንድ አጋጣሚዎችም በህጋዊ የዜና አውታሮች ላይ የቅጣት እርምጃ ይወስዳል፡፡
መነሻው ወይም ዓላማው ምንም ይሁን ምን፤ ከ100 ሚሊዮን የሚልቁት የሀገሪቱ ዜጎች፤ አማራጭ የመረጃ ምንጭ ይኖራቸው ዘንድ በተሻለ የሚዲያ ዕውቀት ሊታገዙ ያስፈልጋቸዋል፡፡
በህዳር ወር በነበረኝ የአራት ቀናት ቆይታ፤ እነኚህን ችግሮች በጥቂቱ ለመነካካት ችለን ነበር፡፡ ለተጠቀሱት ችግሮች የአዲስ አበባው የአሜሪካ ኤምባሲ ሰራተኞችም ሆኑ ያገኘዋቸው ጋዜጠኞች፤ የመጨረሻ ነው የተባለ መፍትሔ ባለመጠበቃቸው አመሰግናቸዋለሁ፡፡ ዓላማዬ የነበረው ጋዜጠኞች ድምጻቸው እንዲሰማ ማገዝ እና እነርሱንም ሆነ ህዝቡን ያለማቋረጥ የሚደርሳቸውን የተሳሳተ መረጃ መቋቋም የሚችሉበትን መንገድ ላይ ግንዛቤ መፍጠር ነው፡፡
በመጀመሪያ ቆይታ የነበረን ከህዝቡ ጋር ነበር፡፡ ለአሜሪካ ኤምባሲ አባላት እና ሰፊ ተደራሽነት ላለው የፌስቡክ ገጻቸው ምስጋና ይሁንና፤ በከሰዓቱ ክፍለ ጊዜ በነበረን ትምህርት ወደ 140,000 ለሚሆኑ ሰዎች በማኅበራዊ ሚዲያ አማካይነት ስለሀሰተኛ ወሬ ቅቡልነት፤ ዓላማው እና እንዴት ሀሰተኛ ካልሆነው መለየት እንደሚቻ እንዲሁም ከማኅበራዊ ሚዲያ ላይ እንዴት ማስወገድ እንደሚቻል ግንዛቤ ሰጥተናል፡፡
በመቀጠል ከጋዜጠኞች ጋር ሥራቸውን ስለሚያሻሽሉበት መንገድ እንዲሁም ስለሚናቸው እና ሃላፊነታቸው ህዝቡን በግልጽ በማወያየት በህዝቡ ዘንድ የነበራቸውን ተዓማኒነት መልሰው እንዲያገኙ የሚያስችል የሃሳብ ልውውጥ አድርገናል፡፡
ከኢትዮጵያ የሚድያ ማህበራት ተወካዮችም ጋር የተገናኘሁ ሲሆን፤ በነበረን የሶስት ሰዓት ቆይታ መልካም የሚባል ትብብር ፈጥረናል፡፡ ዓላማውም፤ ያለውን ሀብት እና ጠንካራ ጎን በጋራ ጥቅም ላይ በማዋል፤ ለህዝቡ ወጥነት ያላቸውን መልዕክቶች በማቅረብ የሚዲያ እውቀት እንዲዳብር ማስቻል ነበር፡፡
የተሻለ የፕሬስ ነጻነትን ማስፈን ፈተና በሆነበት በዚህ ወቅትም፤ ያገኘኋቸው በርካታ ኢትዮጵያውያን ጋዜጠኞች ስለ ሚናቸው፤ ሥራቸው እና ስለሚያመጣው ለውጥ ብሩህ ተስፋን ሰንቀዋል፡፡ እውነትን ለመጋፈጥ፤ ሃላፊነት ለመውሰድ እና በህዝቡ ዘንድ ተአማኒነትን ለማትረፍ ቁርጠኛ ናቸው፡፡
በአዲስ አስተሳሰብ፤ አዲስ መንፈስ እና ተነሳሽነት ጠንካራ ፕሬስ እንደሚፈጥሩ ባለሙሉ ተስፋ ነኝ፡፡ ይህ ጠቀሜታው የላቀ የጨዋታ ህግ እንጂ አንድ ወጥ መፍትሔ አይደለም፡፡
(ኬቪን ስሚዝ አሜሪካዊ የሚዲያ ባለሙያ ነው)
(በጦማሩ የተካተተው ሀሳብ እና አመለካከት የአሜሪካንን መንግሥት አቋም አያንጸባርቅም)

Source: U.S. HOW EMBASSY ADDIS ABABA

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By Andrew GilbertDECEMBER 18, 2017

A Giant of Ethiopian Jazz Meets A Local Musical Ambassador

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CURRENT CRISIS DUE TO WEAKNESS OF THE EXECUTIVE

Addis Abeba, December 20/2017 – A statement released from Ethiopia’s ruling party EPRDF ongoing executive committee meeting admitted that the party was facing a gradual & widening “mistrust” & “suspicion” among the four major parties that make up the EPRDF.

The statement further said that although the executive recognizes the reform it has taken in the last two years as encouraging, it admits that it was insufficient and reached at a consensus that the incomplete journey to reform has forced the party to start “sinking” together.

It also said the party has accepted that the recent violence in different parts of the country that claimed the lives of hundreds and left close to 700, 000 Ethiopians internally displaced, bringing the country to a brink of security crisis, was due to the “weakness of the executive” and that the contribution of this weakness was “significant” in the current crisis that plagued the country.

A consensus was also reached among the members of the executive committee that although there were blames to be shared among the different hierarchies of the ruling party, the executive takes the lion’s share of blame for having gradually lost the public’s trust, focusing instead on “internal bickering”.

The statement affirms that a consensus was reached among the executive on future guideline to resolve the current crisis facing the country as a unified front and to “work hard together” to respond to the public’s demand for peace & democracy and to safeguard the federal arrangement of the country, which is under threat due to the recent crisis.

The executive meeting will go on discussing all these pressing issues and will bring its gathering to a “victorious end”, the statement claimed, adding the results of the meeting will be made public subsequently.

addisstandard

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2017 in Review Political Negotiation SBS Amharic

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The European Union (E.U.)

The European Union (E.U.) has officially commented on the recent security crisis in Ethiopia. The E.U. whiles expressing condolences to affected families asked the government to accept an independent probe into the deaths.

n a statement issued on Wednesday (December 20) by Foreign Affairs chief, Federica Mogherini, the E.U. asked that regional and federal security forces had to exercise restraint in the discharge of their duties.

They also reiterated the need for inclusive and broad-based dialogue in the political process in order to address grievances in a peaceful and conducive manner.

Statement by the Spokesperson on the situation in Ethiopia

Recurring reports of violence in several universities and clashes in different parts of Ethiopia are deeply worrying, in particular as regards their increasingly ethnic nature. This includes the recent incidents in Oromia-Somali regions, causing many casualties and the destruction of properties. The European Union extends its condolences to the families of the victims.

It is essential that independent investigations on all acts of violence are conducted. The setting up by Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn of a task force to investigate the most recent killings is a welcome step. All sides, including regional and federal police forces, should show restraint to ensure full protection and safety of all citizens.

The conflict resolution mechanisms enshrined in the Constitution should be activated swiftly in order to allow for a peaceful settlement of the issues. We remain convinced that only an inclusive political dialogue with all stakeholders will address the grievances of the population in a peaceful and constructive manner.

Ethiopia’s three-pronged security crisis

The security situation in Ethiopia is a mix of anti-government sentiment on one hand, ethnic clashes affecting two major regions and a deadly turn of events across some universities in the Horn of Africa country.

Most universities affected by serial deaths of students have closed down due to a lack of conducive atmosphere for studies. The government has said that the deaths were politically inclined and that it was doing everything possible to remedy the situation.

Then last week, sixteen people were reportedly shot in the town of Chelenko in the Oromia region. The regional communications chief blamed it on federal security forces who opened fire on protesters unhappy about the killing of a resident. The government says it has opened a probe.

Then there is the border tensions between the Oromia and Ethiopia-Somali regional states. An escalation in the age-long tension late last week led to the deaths of 61 people on both sides. Scores were also reported to have been injured, houses burnt and hundreds internally displaced.

The United States earlier this week had expressed worry at the deaths and tasked the government to remedy it.

“We are troubled and saddened by reports of violence that has resulted in deaths and injuries in the town of Chelenko and at several universities over the past two days. We extend our condolences to the families and friends of the victims.

“It is important that the Ethiopian government ensure the safety of all Ethiopian citizens, and hold accountable those responsible for violence,” the statement read in parts.

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Former Government Official Convicted in Dutch Court for 1970s Killings

Felix Horne

Senior Researcher, Horn of Africa

The many victims of the brutal communist military dictatorship that ruled Ethiopia from 1974 to 1991, known as the Derg, had a rare victory this week. On December 15, former Ethiopian government official Eshetu Alemu was convicted of war crimes and sentenced to life in prison by a Dutch court for his role in ordering the executions of 75 people, including children under 18, in the 1970s.

Over 150,000 students, academics, and political opponents were killed during the Derg’s “Red Terror” campaign. Countless others were disappeared, arrested, or tortured. Senior Derg officials, including Chairman Mengistu Haile Mariam, were convicted of genocide in absentia in 2006 after a 12-year trial in Ethiopia’s courts. They were sentenced to life in prison. Eshetu, the Derg’s senior representative in Gojam province at the time of his crimes, had been sentenced to death in absentia by an earlier Ethiopian court. In 1991 when the Tigrayan Peoples’ Liberation Front (TPLF) overthrew the dictatorship, Mengistu fled to Zimbabwe where he was afforded protection by then-president Robert Mugabe. Eshetu fled to the Netherlands.

Eshetu’s conviction should send a powerful message that officials can and will be held to account for atrocities, and that the passage of time is no guarantee of impunity. This message is especially important in Ethiopia, where the TPLF, who has been in power since the Derg’s overthrow, has also committed serious abuses with impunity. These include its military’s murder, rape, and torture of Anuak civilians in Gambella in 2003and 2004, and war crimes and crimes against humanity  in the Somali Region  in 2007.  Additionally, a brutal crackdown by government security forces against protesters beginning in 2015 left over a thousand dead. The government has not permitted independent investigations into any of these events and Ethiopia has strongly resisted calls for an international investigation. Justice and accountability for Ethiopia’s many victims in the last 50 years, has been all too rare.

For families of Ethiopia’s  many victims of torture, killings, and other serious abuses, Eshetu’s conviction should give them hope that those responsible will one day be held to account.

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The TPLF regime has practically dissolved the FEDERAL constitution of Ethiopia by hijacking the presidents of Amhara and Oromia regional states. Their excellency — Ato Gedu Andaragachew and Ato Lema Megerssa — are intercepted/banned from doing any leadership activity in their full capacity as head of their corresponding regional states; they can’t meet with each other and their fellow constituencies. Nor communicate their version of events through the state media. Only TPLF’s Debretsion is at large on the state media. Sources disclose that the presidents are being pressured and harassed in a separate confinement while the TPLF regime is carrying out a separate(dramatic) , mafia style, cut meetings with illegal representatives of ANDM and OPDO so as to enforce its will of perpetual tyranny and/or disintegration of the country through further division, conflict and turmoil.  

“We have done enough research about creating conflicts in the country. We have implemented only samples and experimental ones so far. If you don’t accept what we say, then we will accuse you of whatever and throw you to jail. Furthermore, we will disintegrate the country through further conflicts. Ethiopia and its future is under our control. Look at how we played the conflicts in different parts of the country just in the last one year alone,” said TPLF’s rude intelligence officer to the presidents.

The presidents —— and all regional MPs — representing the largest seats in the parliament have unanimously asked for an immediate pull out of colonizing TPLF forces, formation of new military leadership, dissolution of TPLF dominated national intelligence and transition to democracy. Furthermore, MPs from these marginalized and predominant constituencies are in their second week of general strike — demanding the puppet PM Hailemariam — for an explanation as to why terorrisme , homicide, conflicts and devastation of communities is actively and proactively carried out by the terrosit TPLF regime.

Yet another parliamentary session — called for today so as to deliberate on peculiar legislations that were set by TPLF to divert and divide regional states — was unprecedentedly rejected and boycotted by not just OPDO and ANDEM MPs alone but also the rest of the regional states except Tigray. 

Large scale protests, home seat-in and closure of business across the country have already started unfolding today. Less and less people are showing up at work. Students strike could follow anytime soon.

“There is no greater shame for TPLF than being played out for being bad by all MPs, “ commented Takle Lorabo, a southern observer of Amhara Network and researcher at Dilla university.

“It’s quite a dramatic development that the TPLF regime is isolated as it gets from one sucidal trouble in to another. TPLF isn’t a notorious terrorist regime only because it carries out terorisme on its hostages but also because it’s sucidal ,” commented another observer from Semera, Afar on Amhara Network.

“ It’s highly anticipated that there will be a nation-wide rebellion in the country crippling the long stretched, weak and divided army of the country of which leadership is overwhelmingly dominated by notorious ethnic Tigrians,” says our analyst for political affairs.

After an imperative internal communication carried out last week, the Sudanese and Eritrean national armed forces are reportidley on a stand by while Egyptian Air forces are in an intense fighter Jet rehearsal an unusual.

Non-Tigrian armies of Ethiopia are already siding with the people. They are ready to point their guns up all the way to the fall of regime. Militia across the country are on a high alert so as to shed their blood in the fight against any further terorrisme by the regime.

The unpredictability of the situation of Ethiopia isn’t just about as to how events will unfold in the country but also geo-politically.

It remains to be seen how terrorist regime TPLF resorts to a peaceful transition to democracy ,or disgracfully face defeat by the very people which it oppressed and exploited in the last three decades.

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Life imprisonment Eshetu Alemu SBS Amharic

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Aklog Birara (Dr)

Part I of II

Aklog Birara (Dr)

Ethiopians are used to “deaf ear and blind eye” with regard to the international community in general and Ethiopian regime “strategic allies,” especially the United States and the European Union with regard to gross human rights violations in Ethiopia. Even under the worst of conditions, including massacres of innocent civilians by Ethiopian federal and security forces, these friends continue to issue innocuous and timid statements. It is time to change.

It is clear that American national interests, especially the war against terrorism overrides continued human tragedy in Ethiopia. Emboldened by financial, moral, diplomatic, intelligence and military support from the United States, Ethiopia has become a military and police state. It is inevitable that, this military and police state will continue to inflict pain and suffering on the Ethiopian people. This is pushing the entire country into the abyss. It is time to change course.

It is high time for the European Union and the government of the United States to push for an All-Inclusive Government of Ethiopia. By all measurements, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) dominated regime is a liability rather than an asset even in the fight against terrorism. This police and military state is, by any definition, a “terrorist” state. Simply put, the regime’s “ethnic divide and rule” policy; its horrendous repression of the Oromo and Amhara people; its war by proxy carried-out deliberately and systematically by training special forces; its inability to meet the aspirations of the youth population; its underhanded technique of arming and enabling one ethnic group to fight against another; its deliberate program of cordoning and sealing the movements of students at universities and colleges, all amount to a state of siege.

A state of siege is a form of state terrorism. It is therefore an affront to humanity. It undermines peace and stability.

The current state of siege environment emanates from the police state and government that wield overwhelming power over citizens. In addition to the human toll that is now normalized, this preponderance of power exercised exclusively by the TPLF is driving Ethiopia into becoming a conflict-ridden, genocide prone, fragile and unstable country. In turn, this oppressive and suffocating political environment serves as a fertile and inviting environment for fundamentalism, terrorism and secessionism. In addition, Ethiopia’s warring factions are deepening the country’s fragility, instability and the insecurity of millions of Ethiopia’s citizens.

My primary concern is this. If not contained now, this dangerous situation may lead to Ethiopia’s Balkanization and to genocide. Ethiopia will be the next Somalia, South Sudan, Syria or Yemen. This scenario is neither in the interest of the Ethiopian people; nor in the national security or economic interests of the European Union, the African Union, China or the United States.

Continued appeasement of the TPLF is a misguided policy. It provides legitimacy to a gangster, war-mongering, hateful, revengeful, corrupt and narrow ethnic group at a cost to the country’s majority. The TPLF has an established and well-documented history of ethnic-cleansing, Genocide Watch has documented “real genocide of the Annuak and Somali people. Whole sale massacres of Amhara and Oromo have taken place. Murders of children, mothers, fathers, entire youth groups, indigenous people etc. are well-documented. In fact, this appeasement of the TPLF has begun to backfire throughout the country. Its newly minted leadership has no interest or perhaps clue that TPLF and by association Tigrean hegemony is a security threat to Ethiopia’s very existence.

Fortunately for Ethiopia and Ethiopians two developments seem to converge at about the same time.

1. Western awareness that the Ethiopian regime they have been bankrolling can no longer rule through repression and marginalization of the vast majority, especially the Oromo and Amhara people who constitute 75 percent of the population; and,

1. Increasing appreciation on the part of the opposition within and outside Ethiopia that unity of purpose embracing the principle of one country and one people, collaboration within this camp is and a compelling political alternative are imperative. This trend requires the willingness and capacity on the part of the opposition to set aside minor differences and focus on the strategic goal of a transition towards a just, inclusive and democratic state and government.

It is not sufficient for opposition groups to operate in silos and to present alternative visions for Ethiopia without synergy. They need to reach-out to one another, side with the people who are sacrificing their lives and livelihoods and are struggling for a political alternative that empowers citizens to become the exclusive center of political power. It is this direction that will distinguish political elites and organizations from the current governing party, the TPLF and its loyalists.

In both cases, it will be unfortunate if stakeholders squander another golden opportunity for fundamental change in Ethiopia. This time, history will judge both groups harshly if they do not do all they can to accelerate convergence; and to side with the people now.

The good news is that both the European Union and the United States appreciate the depth of the current security crisis that might lead to civil war, to Ethiopia’s Balkanization and to genocide. There are ominous signs that buffet this narrative. This scenario can be and must be averted. Crisis is also an opportunity for fundamental change. But the opportunity has to be seized by all stakeholders, including the diplomatic and donor community that continues to pay lip service when crisis occurs and fails to do the right thing for the right reason when opportunity knocks at Ethiopia’s doors.

The right thing is to listen to the hopes and aspirations of Ethiopia’s millions, especially its youth population who constitute more than 65 percent of the country’s 105 million people. It is they who are paying a huge price with their lives each and every day.

Thanks to the Honorable Anna Gomes’ consistent role in helping shift Western policy towards Ethiopia and to Congressional leaders such as Congressmen Smith and Congressman Mike Coffman who urged the U.S. Congress to vote on Ethiopian Human Rights bill that the TPLF and its American supporters are trying to derail, there is a modicum of hope that the global community might align with the Ethiopian people. For example, on December 20, 2017, the European Union scrutinized the recent “security crisis in Ethiopia, expressed condolences” to victims of the recent atrocities and called Ethiopia’s “regional and federal security forces to exercise restraint in the discharge of their duties.”

More important, the EU’s statement “reiterated the need for inclusive and broad-based dialogue in the political process in order to address grievances in a peaceful and conducive manner.” I was delighted to learn that the statement acknowledged state “violence in several universities” and the ethnic nature of the atrocities.

Despite global condemnation and concern, recurrent state sponsored atrocities in Ethiopia have not been followed with a change of heart on the part of Ethiopia’s rulers. In its latest statement, the EU stated its position that “It is essential that independent investigations on all acts of violence are conducted.” Ethiopia’s rulers have, in the past rejected similar calls and requests from distinguished organizations including the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. Would they listen this time? I am doubtful. The trick is to support the popular resistance.

Time and again, Ethiopia’s rulers have failed to respect the fundamental human rights of the country’s citizens. “It is important that the Ethiopian government ensure the safety of all Ethiopian citizens, and hold accountable those responsible for violence.” I agree with this statement. However, the “safety of Ethiopian citizens” is not affected by the government of Egypt or Eritrea or Saudi Arabia or the U.S. or by the opposition. In fact, most of Ethiopia’s opposition leaders are in jail. Its journalists and civic leaders are either in jail or have fled. Accountability for the “safety and security” of Ethiopian citizens resides within the governing party dominated by the TPLF.

Any task force established by Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn will fail from holding those responsible for inciting ethnic conflict and for the massacres in Celenko where 16 innocent Ethiopians were murdered by federal troops, in Adigrat, Tigray, where Amhara and Oromo students were selected and targeted because of their ethnicity and for other deaths in other locations accountable now. The TPLF is simply immune to accountability. The constant narrative is that the perpetrators of crimes against humanity and of massive theft, graft and corruption in Ethiopia operate above the law. Where the rule of law is dismissed, human rights violations are inevitable.

The punishing state and government of Ethiopia continues to operate as the abuser, the witness, the jury and the judge. Its play book is to blame the victims themselves. Its modus operandi is to murder innocent Ethiopians, establish a symbolic task force and write a report. No one was held accountable for the 2005 election massacre.

The current crisis is deliberate. It shows that the root causes of the popular unrest that began in November 2015 have not been resolved. People are expressing their anger and rejection of the entire system. Simply put, citizens are not inanimate objects. They are not stones who will continue to accept and tolerate being tortured, maimed, killed and jailed all the time. They revolt because they are oppressed.

Ethiopia’s national security crisis will deepen and continue as long as the current system continues. I have been writing on the need for inclusive governance for more than two decades. I am still convinced that the only way out of the current crisis is to convene an all-inclusive dialogue that will result in an all-inclusive transitional government of national unity; and, that will in turn facilitate a free and fair election. The EU’s call is therefore timely and right. “We remain convinced that only an inclusive political dialogue with all stakeholders will address the grievances of the population in a peaceful and constructive manner.

Although not as explicit as the EU, the United States earlier this week had expressed worry at the deaths of innocent Ethiopians; had tasked the government of Ethiopia, the source of the problem to remedy it. “We are troubled and saddened by reports of violence that has resulted in deaths and injuries in the town of Celenko and at several universities over the past two days. We extend our condolences to the families and friends of the victims.”

In a statement on human rights and the rule of law, Secretary of State Tillerson highlighted the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act Implementation that should also be relevant to Ethiopian high officials. On December 21, 2017 the statement read as follows.

“Today, alongside the President and the Department of the Treasury, the Department of State took action against persons who have committed serious human rights abuse and engaged in corruption around the world. The Department is committed to protecting and promoting human rights and combatting corruption with all of the tools at our disposal. Today’s actions advance our values and promote the security of the United States, our allies, and our partners. We must lead by example, and today’s announcement of sanctions demonstrates the United States will continue to pursue tangible and significant consequences for those who commit serious human rights abuse and engage in corruption.”

Sadly, no action was taken against Ethiopia’s state thieves. But this too is inevitable. More substantive is what Herman Cohen twitted on December 13, 2017. “#Ethiopia government’s use of deadly force to deal with civilian opposition is first step to national disintegration. Nation-wide reconciliation exercise is urgently needed.”

Would Western countries led by the EU and the United States push harder for “national reconciliation” that will lead to an All-Inclusive Government of National Unity?

They may, if we, Ethiopians get our act together. This subject will be the center piece of Part II of this commentary.

December 22, 2017.

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Vindication of the rule of law

In his closing argument defending a cabinet minister of a fictional African country called “Naranga”, John Mortimer’s equally fictional character Rumpole of the Bailey argued to the learned African judge:

… When London is nothing more than a memory, and the Old Bailey has sunk back in the primeval mud, my country will be remembered for three things: the British breakfast, the Oxford Book of English verse and the presumption of innocence. That is the golden thread which runs through the whole history of our criminal law… No man shall be convicted if there is reasonable doubt as to his guilt.

The fictional defendant and former Rumpole pupil, David Mazenze, was acquitted on a charge of murder. In the process of defending Mazenze, Rumpole found himself mixed up in the local tribal politics of Naranga.

In a case of life imitating art, in July 2017, Tadesse B. Kersmo, an exiled real African professor teaching at a university in London and a human rights advocate from the real country of Ethiopia was charged by the British Crown Prosecutors with eight bogus counts of terrorism.

On December 20, 2017, the “golden thread which runs through the whole history of British criminal law” shimmered when a jury at the Snaresbrook Crown Court acquitted Tadesse Kersmo on all charges. His “crimes” were downloading and keeping “terrorism-related” reading materials freely available online.

Tadesse was presumed innocent when he entered the Snaresbrook courtroom and  walked out an innocent man, triumphantly.

In my July 2017 commentary, I demonstrated beyond a shadow of doubt that the charges against Tadesse were trumped up and could not stand rigorous scrutiny in the courtroom. In the last sentence of that commentary I argued, “there are a thousand doubts based on reason and facts as to the guilt of Tadesse Biru Kersmo on charges of terrorism.”

I knew that no reasonable British jury would find a man guilty of terrorism simply for downloading on his computer freely available or easily purchasable documents on the internet.

I am happy Tadesse’s jury had reasonable doubt about Tadesse’s guilt on all counts and set him free.  Under British and American law, one doubt, not a thousand, based on reason is sufficient to acquit a man of any criminal charges.

I am deeply disappointed in the Crown prosecutors who brought the trumped up charges against Tadesse.

I am not surprised though. I am informed and believe Tadesse’s proxy prosecution in the Crown Court was a thinly-veiled coordinated effort between the British Government and the ruling Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (T-TPLF) in Ethiopia to suppress the Diaspora Ethiopian opposition, particularly the Ginbot 7 Movement and strike fear and trepidation in the hearts of its members in the U.K. Of course, neither the finger- nor footprints of the T-TPLF can be detected on the trumped up charges, but the truth will come out in time.

But we have the T-TPLF”s fingerprints from its efforts in the U.S. The T-TPLF has undertaken a variety of efforts to put Ginbot 7 on the State Department’s terrorism list. Failing in that effort, the T-TPLF managed to get U.S. Undersecretary of State Wendy Sherman to declare in 2015 the U.S. has “concerns about all of those terrorist groups that Ethiopia considers Ginbot 7 a terrorist group as well. The United States believes no group, including Ginbot 7 should attempt to overthrow or speak of overthrowing a democratically elected government.” A very high level U.S. official declared Ginbot 7 a “terrorist group” but did nothing to rid this group from the United States of America.

Suffice it to say the Washington Post buzz sawed Sherman in an editorial for her fawning support of the T-TPLF.

No matter, Lady Luck had smiled on Tadesse.

I can only imagine what could have happened to Tadesse had he been caught at Heathrow Airport with a copy of Thomas Jefferson’s “Declaration of Independence”, Tom Paine’s “Common Sense” or the pamphlets of that infamous “terrorist” Patrick Henry who cried out, “Give me liberty or give me death”.

After his acquittal, Tadesse was defiant as ever. “I am happy that authorities brought the charges against me because it would give a lesson that the truth always prevails where there is justice. It sends a message that democracy is not just holding elections, it is also about justice.” He also expressed his steadfast belief in the supremacy of the rule of lawin the U.K. and lamented its absence in his birth country: “I have always had confidence in the British judicial system and see an independent judiciary as one of the essential pillars of democracy. Something which is sadly lacking in my home country [Ethiopia]. I want to thank my legal team for their incredible hard work and commitment to my case.”

Aaah! That’s where the rubber meets the road. Justice. The rule of law. An independent judiciary. Judgement of one’s  peers.

Before the barons pinned Clause 39 of the Magna Carta Libertatum (Great Charter of the Liberties) on King John’s royal robe in 1215, he could imprison, dispossess and exile his subjects at his whim and fancy. Clause 39 put the brakes on Big Bad John and his arbitrary administration of justice by royal writ. “No free man is to be arrested, or imprisoned, or disseised, or outlawed, or exiled, or in any other way ruined, nor will we go against him or send against him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers or by the law of the land.” The 1215 Magna Carta established the principle of the supremacy of the rule of law. Even the king is not above the law. The king does not have the arbitrary power to deprive any of his subject’s life, liberty or property. Only by the rule of law of the land can he rule his realm.

Article 29 of the 1297 Magna Carta significantly expanded on Clause 39: “No Freeman shall be taken or imprisoned, or be disseised of his Freehold, or Liberties, or free Customs, or be outlawed, or exiled, or any other wise destroyed; nor will We not pass upon him, nor condemn him, but by lawful judgment of his Peers, or by the Law of the Land. We will sell to no man, we will not deny or defer to any man either Justice or Right.”

I agree with the views of scholars who believe Clause 39 aimed to ensure “every judgment must be delivered by the accused man’s “equals”, that is a trial by a jury of his peers.” But there is a diversity of scholarly opinion on that. There is no dispute that Clause 39 is the spiritual foundation for all constitutions and governments that truly practice the rule of law. It is certainly the bedrock foundation of the American and British justice systems.

Tadesse Kersmo’s exoneration by an English jury testifies to the power of the rule of law and judgement by one’s peers dating back 802 years. He is a direct beneficiary of the Magna Carta as is every criminal defendant who is tried before a jury of his/her peers.

Since childhood, I have been fascinated by the Magna Carta, among other timeless documents enshrining the rule of law.

I take immense pride in celebrating the 800^th anniversary of the Magna Carta on my campus with my students (arguably the only celebration of its kind on any American campus) in 2015. It was a special honor to have my commentary, “A Magna Carta for Ethiopia” posted on the official website of the 800^th Magna Carta Committee.

For the past 12 years, I have been preaching the gospel of the rule of law in numerous commentaries.

In my July 2007 commentary, “Importance of the Rule of Law: Commentary on Seeye Abraha’s Post-Release Interview”, I defended Seeye Abraha, at one time the second-in-command of the T-TPLF. Seeye was “convicted” of “corruption” charges in the very courts he himself helped set up.

When the consensus in the opposition was that Seeye got what he deserved, and many pointed out examples of his abuses while in power, I insisted that even if he were presumed guilty in the court of public opinion he is entitled to full due process in the courtroom. He was denied due process and railroaded to prison to take him out of the T-TPLF power play games.

My defense of Seeye was not about his guilt or innocence but the fact that he was convicted in kangaroo court. It was a matter of defending the principle of the rule of law, not Seeye. It would have been so much easier for me to condemn Seeye and make political points in the opposition, but that would have been wrong. If I claim to believe in the rule of law, then it would be hypocritical for me to say it does not apply to my adversaries, even if my adversaries denied due process of law to millions of other citizens. I even urged my readers to embrace and encourage Seeye to promote the rule of law and democratic rule in Ethiopia by joining hands with the opposition.  I believe any (wo)man can change his/her evil ways because, as Martin Luther King said, “There is some good in the worst of us and some evil in the best of us.”

In September 2010, I defended my late nemesis Meles Zenawi’s right to speak at an event at Columbia University in New York. That was particularly painful for me personally; and not because I had to wither criticism of “selling out” to the TPLF for defending Meles’s right to speak. Rather, it was most painful because I had to take a stand in opposition to two individuals for whom I have the greatest and highest respect and admiration. I can only speak of Eskinder Nega and his wife Serkalem Fasil in Churchillian terms: “Never in the field of journalism in Ethiopia was so much owed by so many to so few.”

In their letter to Columbia president Lee Bolinger asking him to disinvite Meles, they recounted the unspeakable horrors they suffered at the hands of Meles Zenawi.

I am forever hopeful Eskinder and Serkalem will forgive me for not standing with them on Meles’s right to speak at Columbia. But I must stay true to my principles even when the price to be paid is very high.

If censorship is bad for the good citizens of Ethiopia, it is also bad for the dictators of Ethiopia. I embrace Prof. Noam Chomsky’s admonition: “If we don’t believe in freedom of expression for people we despise, we don’t believe in it at all.” It would have been hypocritical of me to argue for free speech and press freedoms in Ethiopia and justify censorship or muzzling of Zenawi stateside. It is a painful irony that one must insist the rights of those who flagrantly violate the rights of millions of others must be protected. But that is the universal rule of law articulated in Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

In my April 2012 commentary, “The Rule of Law in Ethiopia’s Democratic Transition”, I challenged Meles Zenawi’s patently false statement in an interview with Aftenposten (Norway’s largest paper): “We have reached a very advanced stage of rule of law and respect for human rights. Fundamentally, this is a country where democratic rights of people are respected.”  In that commentary, I tried to educate Meles that he is confusing rule of law with rule by diktat or rule by dictator.

In my May 2013 commentary, “Ethiopia: The Corruption Game”, I defended the due process rights of individuals accused of corruption by the T-TPLF regime. I wrote, “denial of due process (fair trial) is the highest form of corruption imaginable because its denial results in the arbitrary deprivation of a person’s life, liberty and property. I am unapologetic in my insistence that even suspects accused of corruption are entitled to full due process of law under the T-TPLF constitution and international human rights conventions.” (Of course, all T-TPLF corruption prosecutions are a case of the kettle calling the pot black, as it were.)

In my October 2015 commentary, “Kim Davis: A Lesson in the Rule of Law”,  I argued that personal beliefs are irrelevant to enforcement of the rule of law. Kentucky County Clerk Kim Davis refused to implement a decision of the United States Supreme Court legalizing same sex marriages because her religious beliefs exempt her from following the pronouncements of the highest court in the land and that the U.S. Supreme Court does not have jurisdiction over God’s law. But the supreme law of the land, the U.S. Constitution, had resolved that issue in the First Amendment. Thomas Jefferson wrotethat the constitutional rule of law mandated the “building a wall of separation between Church & State.”

In my May 2016 commentary, “The ‘Law’ as State Terrorism in Apartheid Ethiopia”, I demonstrated how the rule of law could be transformed into the rule of tyranny and persecution of dissent. I demonstrated to Meles and his T-TPLF that the rule of law is not a monkey-see, monkey-do job, or a matter of copy and paste. I argued that when the State uses the “law” to silence and violently stamp out dissent, jail and keep dissenters and opposition leaders and members in solitary confinement and suppress the press and arbitrarily arrest journalists, trash human rights with impunity, trample upon the rule of law and scoff at constitutional accountability, there is no longer rule of law, only rule  of a terrorist state.

In my February 2017 commentary, “The Day America Taught the World the Meaning of the Rule of Law”, I showed how an independent judiciary could secure compliance with the rule of law by requiring President Trump’s executive orders “comport with the country’s laws, more importantly, our Constitution.” President Trump also received a practical lesson on the meaning of the phrase, “the supreme law of the land.”

For the past 12 years, I have been preaching the gospel of the rule of law to the T-TPLF. I have failed completely in my efforts.

Preaching the rule of law to thugs is like preaching Scripture to Heathen or pouring water over a slab of granite.

Free Andargachew Tsgie!

The effort to free Andargachew Tsgie must now be intensified.

I have previously written about another British citizen, Andargachew Tsgie, abducted, literally hijacked, by the T-TPLF in Yemen in 2014.

In my July 2014, commentary, “Ethiopia: The Crime of Extraordinary Rendition”, I condemned Andargachew’s outrageous and illegal abduction by the T-TPLF. Andargachew is the General Secretary of the Ethiopian opposition group formally known as Ginbot 7 Movement for Justice, Freedom and Democracy. In that commentary, I noted the struggle for the rule of (international) law is the unending struggle of civilization against savagery, brutality, depravity and inhumanity. Savagery against the rule of law is not limited to wild-eyed murderous terrorist. It is equally the stock in trade of those who claim to follow the rule of law by practicing the rule of thuggery.

In my January 2015 commentary, “Andargachew Tsgie Before the T-TPLF Inquisition?”, I “indicted” the British Government for its complete failure in its obligation to protect Andargachew under the 1963 Vienna Convention on Consular Relations. I also wondered out loud if the British Government has a double-standard in protecting the rights of its “first” and “second” class citizens.

I do not make these charges to be offensive or inflammatory. I make the charges based on facts.

Let me cut to the chase. I have always wondered if the U.K. Government would be so indifferent and disengaged if Andargachew was white instead of black. I don’t know if the current UK Government maintains a double-standard policy, but I know for sure that the U.K. government will go out of its way to get some of its citizens out of Third World dungeons and leave others to rot in them.

On December 7, 2017, it was announced, “Boris Johnson is expected to fly to Iran this weekend for bilateral talks that will include seeking the release of Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, the British charity worker jailed there.”

When Boris visited Ethiopia in March 2017, Andragachew’s family and human rights organizations urged him to secure the release of Andargachew. Three top British legal officials have sent a letter to British Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson, urging him to push for Tsige’s release from detention because he is being held “in violation of international law.”

Johnson went to Ethiopia and “discussed regional security and expanding cooperation in areas such as migration, development, investment and trade.” At the end of the meeting Johnson said he “was excited to see ever increasing cooperation between our two countries.”

There was not any mention of Andargachew Tsgie as part of the “discussions”, let alone secure his release.

Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe went to Iran voluntarily. Andargachew was abducted in violation of international law. Yet for Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, Johnson will make a personal trip to get a release. For Andargachew, who was abducted by the T-TPLF criminals at a Yemeni airport, Boris went to Ethiopia to chit-chat with Andargachew’s captors and completely forgot about him.

Bloody shame!

On October 31, 2017, it was reported that British International Development Secretary, Andrew Mitchell, said he is “confident a solution can be found to get Andy home to his partner and three children in London by Christmas.”

Christmas is upon us and Andargachew Tsgie remains chained in T-TPLF prison as his government turns a blind eye and deaf ears to the pleas of his family and friends.

There will be no Merry Christmas for Andargachew’s children for the fourth year in a row.

Shame on the British Government!

I can only express my disgust with the U.K. Government’s depraved indifference to Andargachew’s plight in the words of John of Gaunt in Shakespeare’s Richard II lamenting the fate of “this sceptred isle”, “this other Eden, demi-paradise”:

That England that was wont to conquer others
Hath made a shameful conquest of itself.

No, no! That England has itself been conquered by a gang of thugs.

Andargachew Tsgie is entitled to due process of law, just like Tadesse Kersmo.

Boris Johnson must make a special trip to Addis Ababa to secure Andargachew’s release, just like he made a special trip to secure the release of Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe in Iran.

If the U.K. Government cannot get Andargachew home for Christmas, they should get him home by New Year’s day!

The U.K. government should exert as much effort and resources to get Andargachew Tsgie released from T-TPLF prison as they spent to imprison  Tadesse Kersmo in theirs.

Andy’s supporters in the U.K. and elsewhere should steel their resolve and hold the U.K. Government accountable.

They should begin, if they have not already, by demanding all relevant information and documents concerning Andargachew Tsgie and communications between the U.K Government and the T-TPLF concerning Andargachew Tsgie.

It is the right of British citizens to use their country’s Freedom of Information Act and demand  accountability.

Yes, I am still campaigning for a Magna Carta Libertatum for Ethiopia!

La luta a continua!

FREE ANDARGACHEW TSGIE!

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A simple question for my readers: Is it a coincidence that Andargachew Tsgie was abducted by the T-TPLF as a “terrorist” in July 2014 and Tadesse Kersmo charged by the U.K. Government with terrorism in July 2017?

The post Ethiopia-Win-Et and British Justice: The Magna Carta Lives on For Tadesse Biru Kersmo (Al Mariam) appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.