Quantcast
Channel: Ethiopian News: Trusted, In-Depth Analysis | The Habesha
Viewing all 13068 articles
Browse latest View live

Ethiopia’s 13 months of Sunshine has gone

$
0
0

binamir-boy-ethiopia-satenaw-newsEthiopia: Tourism Gears up to Mitigate Effects of Unrest

“13 Months of Sunshine” which served as the tourism motto for over 40 years into “Land of Origins.’

However, the ministry did not give any explanation for changing a slogan that is in the heart of millions of Ethiopians.

“13 months of sunshine” is the motto of Ethiopian Tourism Department. Ethiopia actually has its own calendar which has 13 months. In Ethiopia, the year is currently 2009 while the rest of the world is in 2016. Ethiopia also has its own clock.

The motto “13 months of Sunshine” has been used to tell the world that Ethiopia has different calendar that encompasses 13 months referring to the month of “Pagume.” The slogan also shows different seasons that appears in different parts of the country.

Besides changing this long serving motto, the Ministry of Culture and Tourism also planning to launch a campaign on November 30, under the name “Tena Yestelegn”.

 

 

Addis Fortune (Addis Ababa)

Ethiopia: Tourism Gears up to Mitigate Effects of Unrest

www.addisfortune.com

The Addis Abeba Hotel Trade Sectoral Association (AHA) and Ethiopian Tourism Organization have announced that they will partner to use new methods to minimize the effect of the state of emergency on tourism. At the first annual Tourism Industry Day event organized by Jumia Travel on November 17, the General Manager of AHA, Ruth Luda, announced that a request has been presented to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Culture and Tourism and other organizations. She explained that even though travel warnings for Ethiopia were issued in some countries, this advice does not include Addis Abeba. (The AHA was formed in 2005, with the aim of voicing the concerns of the Addis Ababa hotel industry).

“The main issue currently raised by foreigners is that international insurances are not willing to cover their costs” said Meron Tiruneh, the marketing manager at the Ethiopian Tourism Organization.

In order to solve this and other problems, the ETO has changed the logo, ’13 Months of Sunshine’ which served as the tourism Slogan for over 40 years into ‘Land of Origins’. It is also planning to launch a campaign on November 30, under the name ‘Tena Yestelene’, by formulating a five year strategy of raising awareness and image building.

“We still believe that Ethiopia is a great destination to tourists with high security levels”, said Alexander Burtenshaw, Jumia country manager.

Even though it has been only a year since it started operating in Ethiopia, Jumia is a well-known online booking platform in Kenya and South Africa.

 


Alemneh Wasse News……15 trucks with their loads of const.steel rods vanish into the thick fog of Addis Ababa corruption.

$
0
0


15 trucks with their loads of const.steel rods vanish into the thick fog of Addis Ababa corruption.
c95f

Hospital for the holidays: Kanye West will spend Thanksgiving at UCLA Medical Center with Kim Kardashian by his side

$
0
0

It’s probably not how he envisioned himself spending the holidays.

But it looks like Kanye West will be forced to stay in hospital throughout Thanksgiving.

The 39-year-old was rushed to UCLA Medical Center after a reported breakdown on Monday

Hospital for the holidays: Kanye West will spend Thanksgiving at UCLA Medical Center with Kim Kardashian by his side (pictured June) 

Hospital for the holidays: Kanye West will spend Thanksgiving at UCLA Medical Center with Kim Kardashian by his side (pictured June)

People reported that his wife Kim Kardashian left his bedside for the first time late on Wednesday, with a bodyguard in tow.

But the mag claimed she was expecting to return first thing in the morning.

A source claimed the rapper is ‘starting to feel more like himself, and that he understands the importance of ‘resting and getting help.’

‘They are taking it day by day. He understands that getting help at the hospital was necessary,’ they said.

The good wife: 'He just needed some rest,' the source said. '[Kim] is currently with Kanye right now at his side. Kim feels more connected to Kanye than ever. Their marriage is doing great'

The good wife: ‘He just needed some rest,’ the source said. ‘[Kim] is currently with Kanye right now at his side. Kim feels more connected to Kanye than ever. Their marriage is doing great’

Earlier Entertainment Tonight had reported Kanye was ‘doing much better’ since the scare.

It was added his wife Kim was by his side tending to his needs, and had even canceled an appearance in New York City to help him out.

‘He just needed some rest,’ the source said.

‘[Kim] is currently with Kanye right now at his side. Kim feels more connected to Kanye than ever. Their marriage is doing great.’

A source said he had a ‘mental breakdown’ from pushing himself too hard with his Pablo tour and design commitments.

Rest: The beauty's show Keeping Up With The Kardashians had its season finale on Sunday

Rest: The beauty’s show Keeping Up With The Kardashians had its season finale on Sunday

‘It was a combination of a lot of issues: stress, anxiety, paranoia. He just broke,’ the source previously told ET.

‘There have been signs recently of him just overwhelmed. Kanye hasn’t been himself for a while.’

According to UCLA’s Resnick Neuropsychiatric Hospital website, the process is very involved: ‘The patient will be seen by an emergency department physician who will perform a basic medical screening examination and determine whether the patient needs additional consultation from specialty services.

‘If indicated, the psychiatric consultant will then be called to assess the patient. This entire process can take anywhere from minutes to hours depending on the volume and severity of cases in the emergency department.’

Kim was ‘terrified’ when she heard the news of her husband’s breakdown.

Back home: Kim is by her husband's side in LA, following his hospitalization for exhaustion; pictured on September 9 in NYC at The Plaza Hotel

Back home: Kim is by her husband’s side in LA, following his hospitalization for exhaustion; pictured on September 9 in NYC at The Plaza Hotel

‘She was so scared when she heard the news and rushed to his side,’ the source said. ‘There was no question about her staying in NYC. She had to be with him last night.’

Kris Jenner said on Monday Kanye was ‘exhausted.’

She added: ‘It’s a grueling tour.’

‘Kim is being amazing’ to her husband during his hospitalization, ‘as are all of his friends and team and inner circle,’ a source told People.

Kanye, 39, was at trainer Harley Pasternak’s home on Monday when he started ‘acting erratically,’ according to People.

A call was made at about 1:20pm for a disturbance.

He was later escorted to UCLA Medical Center and admitted ‘at will’ but under the advice of a physician after a ‘temporary psychosis’ brought on by dehydration and exhaustion, TMZ reported.

The source said that Kim's robbery at gunpoint last month in Paris played a part in his breakdown; Kanye West pictured on November 15 at LAX

The source said that Kim’s robbery at gunpoint last month in Paris played a part in his breakdown; Kanye West pictured on November 15 at LAX

Meanwhile, Kim has been under a lot of stress too.

On October 3, she was tied, gagged and held at gunpoint at the No Address hotel apartment and robbed of her jewelry.

The mother of two was due to make her comeback to public life and her first red carpet appearance since the robbery at Denise Rich’s Angel Ball on Monday evening.

She was spotted flying to the Big Apple on Monday but returned back to LA following Kanye’s hospitalization.

Their children North, three, and Saint, 11 months, are currently in the care of their nannies while Kim is by Kanye’s side.

Happier times: 'Kim is being amazing' to her husband during his hospitalization, 'as are all of his friends and team and inner circle,' the source added; seen on August 28 in NYC

Happier times: ‘Kim is being amazing’ to her husband during his hospitalization, ‘as are all of his friends and team and inner circle,’ the source added; seen on August 28 in NYC

Kanye recently cancelled the last 21 stops for his Saint Pablo tour.

Another contributing factor to his health incident was the time of year.

His late mother Donda West died on November 10, 2007 at the age of 58 after complications from cosmetic surgery.

A source for People revealed that ‘the anniversary of his mom’s death is an aspect of what’s going on in that it’s added emotional stress.’

Adding that: ‘This time of year always brings him a lot of pain. He keeps that pain internalized, but sometimes will talk about how hard this time of year is for him.’

Kourtney Kardashian and Kris Jenner fly home for Kanye
Strength: Their children North, three, and Saint, 11 months, are currently in the care of their nannies while Kim is by Kanye's side; seen on September 9 in NYC
Strength: Their children North, three, and Saint, 11 months, are currently in the care of their nannies while Kim is by Kanye’s side; seen on September 9 in NYC

Interview with Ahmed El-Basheer – SBS Amharic

$
0
0


Interview with Ahmed El-Basheer – SBS Amharic
Interview with Ahmed El-Basheer – SBS Amharic

Interview with Tekle Yeshaw – SBS Amharic

$
0
0


Interview with Tekle Yeshaw SBS Amharic
Interview with Tekle Yeshaw   SBS Amharic

Reacting to Lefort’s Article on the Ethiopian Crisis [Messay Kebede]

$
0
0

Prof. Messay Kebede
 
ethiopia_unrest_protest_611969456I have read with great interest René Lefort’s article, “Ethiopia’s Crisis Things Fall Apart: Will the Center Hold?” With his usual perspicacity and deep knowledge of Ethiopia’s history and contemporary politics, Lefort analyzes the current crisis with penetration nourished with revealing details, often gathered from well-placed informants. One learns a lot from the article, but paradoxically one is also assailed with questions triggered by a vague feeling that the article downplays the essential factor of the whole crisis.

Lefort explains the current crises by three mutually enforcing factors: they are:  (1) “the weakening of the central authority,” following the demise of the strongman, namely, Meles Zenawi, which weakening strengthened peripheral attempts at emancipation; (2) “democratic aspiration” essentially originating from the sectors which, having benefited from the economic success of the regime, are now demanding for less authority and control; (3) “collateral damage from super-rapid growth” caused by the exorbitantly unequal enrichment of the ruling elites at the expense of peripheries and ordinary people.

When we combine the three factors, we get one commanding idea: the current crisis of Ethiopia is nothing but an outgrowth of the success of the ruling party. This idea is so pervasive that the whole article criticizes the ruling elite, not for the wrongness of its policy, but for being unable to deal with the negative fallouts of its success except by the intensification of suppression, as evidenced by the proclamation of the state of emergency. Nowhere do we find in the article the suggestion that the main cause of the crisis may be the inherently defective nature of TPLF’s social and economic policy.

Because Lefort perceives the crisis as an outgrowth, and not as the unfolding of an originally bad policy, he believes that the crisis is a call for the ruling elite to undertake the necessary reforms. He is accordingly disappointed by the apparent inability of the ruling clique to respond to the call in a constructive way. Yet, the main question should have been whether the ruling elite is anywhere near to acknowledging that it needs to reform itself. The answer is a resounding no! The proof of this is that Lefort cites senior officials who claim that “the current crisis is simply ‘the price of our successes’. It was preceded and will be followed by others, because it is nothing more than a stage, unremarkable and inevitable, on the path that will undoubtedly culminate in the nation catching up with developed countries in the next few decades.” In the eyes of these officials, the main culprits for the popular unrests are the diaspora, the opposition parties, Amhara chauvinism, the Eritrean government, secessionist Oromo forces, foreign governments, etc.

That is why it is naïve to expect reforms: the TPLF, which is the real force behind the EPRDF, is doing and has been doing what it had planned to do since it became an important guerrilla force, to wit, the establishment of a long-lasting hegemony of Tigrean elite on Ethiopia. For the TPLF, the question was never about the well-being of Ethiopia, but about an all-embracing hegemonic control of Ethiopia, one of its essential means being the policy of divide-and-rule or ethnic federalism. Accordingly, the ruling party sees the popular uprisings as nothing more than attempts to stand in the way of the hegemonic project. As such, they are not to be tolerated, but instead crushed violently and without mercy.

Unless the hegemonic agenda is viewed as the core issue, the intrinsic depravity of the regime does not stand out. Thus, Lefort makes the mistake of characterizing the federal government as a “center” opposing peripheries. In reality, the TPLF did not create a non-regional or cosmopolitan state machinery and elite, as did the imperial regime or the Derg; rather, what we have is a system of tight control of peripheries by a regional elite whose defining feature is its awareness of illegality inscribed in its minority status. This control is the very obstacle that blocks democratization and a fair distribution of resources. In a system constructed to perpetuate the hegemony of one regional elite, there cannot be fair distribution, any more that there can be an all-inclusive economic growth.

The main cause of the crisis is, therefore, neither the weakening of the center, nor the emerging democratic aspiration, still less the negative consequences of rapid growth; the main cause is the ethnic factor, that is, the economic and political dominance of a regional elite. What is needed is not the reform of the regime, but the dismantling of the hegemonic structure. The negative consequences are not regrettable or avoidable outgrowths, nor are the democratic aspirations derived from economic prosperity. They are but the very application of the original intent of the TPLF. They are not mistakes or deviations; they are implementations of an originally divisive political program, the only one liable to safeguard the supremacy of a minority elite. Far from engaging in reforms, the TPLF’s reaction to the popular demands will model itself on its close relative, namely, the Syrian regime. The proclamation of the state of emergency is the first step in a gradual escalation toward civil war.

————————————-///———————————————–

 

Ethiopia’s crisis: Things fall apart: will the centre hold? [RENÉ LEFORT- Open Democracy]

 

Fidel Castro bids farewell to Cuba’s Communists as he says he will die soon

$
0
0
Fidel Castro sits as he clasps hands with his brother, Cuban President Raul Castro CREDIT: CUBADEBATE/AP
Fidel Castro sits as he clasps hands with his brother, Cuban President Raul Castro CREDIT: CUBADEBATE/AP

Fidel Castro has made what is likely to be his final speech to Cuba’s Congress, telling the assembled politicians that he would die soon but that the revolution’s ideals would live on.

The 89-year-old spoke after his brother Raul, 84, was re-elected as head of the Communist party – a position the younger Castro has said he will hold until retiring in 2018.

And Fidel Castro said the time was approaching for a younger generation to take over. His declaration appeared to be less of an announcement that he was dying – he has been suffering from intestinal problems since the early 2000s – than a statement of obvious fact.

“I’ll be 90 years old soon,” he said. “Soon I’ll be like all the others.”

 

The Congress, which is held every five years, saw most of the senior leadership remain in place. Jose Ramon Machado, Raul Castro’s hardline 85-year-old deputy, was re-elected. Miguel Diaz-Canel, the 55-year-old seen as the likeliest candidate to take over from the president in two years time, remained in his place but was not promoted.

Raul Castro opened the Congress last week with the pledge that, from now on, leaders of the party will have to retire at 70.

He has called for sweeping changes in the management of Cuba’s economy. But he said the next five years would be for transition, and such rules would not be fully applied until then.

And Fidel Castro said that the next time the Congress was held, in 2021, there would be a new leadership in place.

“This seventh congress will be the last one led by the historic generation,” said Fidel, to roars of approval from the Havana hall.

Cuban leader Fidel Castro talks to reporters in New York September 19, 1960
Cuban leader Fidel Castro talks to reporters in New York in 1960 CREDIT: AP PHOTO

“The time will come for all of us. But the ideas of the Cuban Communists will remain as proof on this planet that if they are worked at with fervor and dignity, they can produce the material and cultural goods that human beings need – and we need to fight without truce to obtain them.”

Last month President Barack Obama became the first US leader in 88 years to visit Cuba, but he did not meet with Fidel.

The elder Castro issued a strongly-worded rebuke to the US after Mr Obama had left, saying Cuba did not need their help and would continue with their Communist ideals.

Swedish Surgeon Imprisoned in Ethiopia Could Get More Years After Qilinto Prison Fire Connection

$
0
0

[Photo by Jenn Vargas/CC BY-NC-ND 2.0]
[Photo by Jenn Vargas/CC BY-NC-ND 2.0]
A Swedish cardiac surgeon who has been imprisoned in Ethiopia since 2013 could face more time in prison.

The cardiac surgeon from Sweden has been imprisoned in Ethiopia for several years and could be charged with additional crimes, Swedish Television reported.

Fikru Maru was jailed in 2013 and later sentenced to four years and eight months for having knowledge of corruption between a minister and a prosecutor. Maru has always denied any wrongdoing.

Now, he could be charged in connection with a fire at his prison that killed dozens of inmates in September.

The details surrounding the fire are unclear, but Swedish Television in Gävleborg reported that Ethiopian authorities have charged some 38 prisoners in court for causing the deadly blaze. Maru is believed to be one of them.

“They have apparently decided that he will not leave the country,” said Maru’s lawyer Hans Bagner to news agency TT.

Maru, who is reported to be seriously ill, has served much of his sentence and had hoped to be released early on account of good behavior. The new allegations would greatly complicate his release, Bagner said.

Patric Nilsson, an under secretary at the Swedish Foreign Ministry, said the office has information that an indictment may be on the way. He said the government is working on the case.

Maru’s “condition is serious, and it is vital that we, together with his family, try to find some solutions so that he can be cared for,” Nilsson told TT.

Source: Radio Sweden


Pilots Free To Continue Vintage Aircraft Rally After Ethiopia Detention

$
0
0

Crew flying 24 vintage planes down the length of Africa had been held after officials said they did not have proper authorisation

Maurice Kirk, pictured in 2007, is the oldest pilot taking part in the rally. Photograph: Pat Wellenbach/AP
Maurice Kirk, pictured in 2007, is the oldest pilot taking part in the rally. Photograph: Pat Wellenbach/AP

An attempt by a hardy group of adventurers to fly the length of Africa in vintage planes is back on course after two days stranded in Ethiopia, where the authorities had accused them of illegally entering the country’s airspace.

Diplomats from the UK, Ireland and the US were involved in the release of the group of about 40 people, who were held in a small airport in the west of Ethiopia. Their planes are expected to head to Kenya on Friday.

Among the stranded was Maurice Kirk from Bristol, a veteran of such scrapes. He was once arrested for landing a plane at George W Bush’s Texas ranch, and was held on another occasion after crashing in Japan.

A Travel Air 2000 biplane sitting on a runway at Khartoum airport during the Vintage Air Rally.
A Travel Air 2000 biplane sitting on a runway at Khartoum airport during the Vintage Air Rally. Photograph: Ashraf Shazly/AFP/Getty Images

The 71-year-old caused alarm earlier this week when he and his 1943 Piper Cub plane, Liberty Girl II, disappeared near the border of Sudan and Ethiopia, prompting a search-and-rescue operation.

Happily, Kirk – former drinking partner of actor Oliver Reed – and the rest of those taking part in the Vintage Air Rally had managed to touch down safely in Gambella.

Not so happily, the party did not initially receive the warmest of welcomes. Wesenyeleh Hunegnaw, the head of the Ethiopian Civil Aviation Authority, told the Associated Press on Thursday that the pilots entered Ethiopian airspace illegally and were under investigation.

Both the Foreign Office in London and the US embassy in Addis Ababa said they were dealing with the case. A Foreign Office spokesperson said: “We are in contact with the local authorities regarding a group who have been prevented from leaving Gambella airport, Ethiopia.”

Friends and relatives of those involved, who are from several different countries, had been trying to help. Terri Tolmack, a Californian businesswoman whose brother Keith is flying a Travel Air 2000 biplane, told the Guardian all the aviators’ mobile phones and computers had been confiscated.

On Thursday she confirmed they were being freed. “All crews have been released from the authorities, and will be departing for Kenya in the morning,” she said.

The project is an extraordinary one. Husband-and-wife teams, fathers and daughters and entire families are attempting to fly more than 8,000 miles (12,900km) across Africa. They are aiming to cross 10 countries, including some beset by war, in a rally seeking to recreate the 1931 Imperial Airways “Africa Route”.

Pilot Pedro Langdon in his Travel Air 4000 biplane
Pedro Langdon, pictured in his Travel Air 4000 biplane, is another of the pilots taking part in the rally. Photograph: Ben Stansall/AFP/Getty Images

After setting off on 11 November from Crete, they have already flown over the pyramids and their journey is due to take in Mount Kilimanjaro, Zanzibar and the Victoria Falls, before ending in Cape Town, South Africa. They are expected to arrive there on 17 December.

Two helicopters and six modern aircraft carrying spare parts and equipment are flying alongside the vintage planes. Special fuel has been flown into various points along the route.

As well as Kirk, British couple Julia and Martyn Wiseman, from Hull, are travelling in a Soviet-era Antonov An-2 plane. Another British team is flying a yellow Tiger Moth that was built in Australia and saw action in the second world war.

But Kirk is the most notorious of the aviators. As long ago as 1979, he got into hot water after dropping in on a hang-gliding rally in Wiltshire in a wooden biplane. When his plane was examined, it was found to be riddled with woodworm and had a bird’s nest in one wing.

He was later arrested in Japan after Liberty Girl I crashed in Kanazawa; he walked out of custody in nothing but a kimono and neck brace.

Even before his disappearance this week, the rally was not plain sailing for Kirk. He almost crashed Liberty Girl II in France when he suffered an engine failure as he approached Cannes. “That so easily could have ended in a tangled pile of twisted aircraft and Maurice,” he wrote on Facebook.

On 19 November, he posted: “Where am I? I keep getting lost which is why I really wanted to go via Gibraltar and just keep the sea on my right to Table mountain [near Cape Town].” He has suffered a puncture and propeller failure.

Kirk did not set off with the main party, but joined them en route. He was then asked to withdraw from the rally because of what the organisers called a “mismatch in expectations”. They were also concerned about the state of his plane.

He has clearly enjoyed the trip. He said Dongola in Sudan “will always be a memory of what life is really all about … the fried fish fresh out of the Nile … the coffee you can [stand] your spoon up in!”

Source       –   the Guardian

Breaking News-Cuba’s Fidel Castro, former president, dies aged 90

$
0
0
Fidel Castro led the Communist revolution in Cuba in 1959
Fidel Castro led the Communist revolution in Cuba in 1959

Fidel Castro, Cuba’s former president and leader of the Communist revolution, has died aged 90, state TV has announced.

It provided no further details.

Fidel Castro ruled Cuba as a one-party state for almost half a century before handing over the powers to his brother Raul in 2008.

His supporters praised him as a man who had given Cuba back to the people. But his opponents accused him of brutally suppressing opposition.

Obituary: Fidel Castro

In April, Fidel Castro gave a rare speech on the final day of the country’s Communist Party congress.

He acknowledged his advanced age but said Cuban communist concepts were still valid and the Cuban people “will be victorious”.

Media captionFidel Castro made a rare appearance at Cuba’s Communist Party congress

“I’ll soon be 90,” the former president said, adding that this was “something I’d never imagined”.

“Soon I’ll be like all the others, “to all our turn must come,” Fidel Castro said.


Fidel Castro’s key dates

1926: Born in the south-eastern Oriente Province of Cuba

1953: Imprisoned after leading an unsuccessful rising against Batista’s regime

1955: Released from prison under an amnesty deal

1956: With Che Guevara, begins a guerrilla war against the government

1959: Defeats Batista, sworn in as prime minister of Cuba

1960: Fights off CIA-sponsored Bay of Pigs invasion by Cuban exiles

1962: Sparks Cuban missile crisis by agreeing that USSR can deploy nuclear missiles in Cuba

1976: Elected president by Cuba’s National Assembly

1992: Reaches an agreement with US over Cuban refugees

2008: Stands down as president of Cuba due to health issues

Source: BBC History

Esat Radio Sat 26 Nov 2016

Patriotic Ginbot 7 freedom fighter commander Major Mesafint Tigabu (Gebrye), took his own life after heavy gun battle with TPLF forces in Gondar.

$
0
0

unnamedDuring the fight, Patriotic Ginbot 7 Movement for Unity and Democracy ranking official, commander Mesafent Tegabu nicknamed Gebrye refused to surrender and killed himself on the battlefield. When he was asked to surrender, commander Tegabu claimed that he is the son of King Tewodros and he would rather kill himself instead of giving himself up to the fascist regime. After fierce fight with heavily armed with Tanks and machine guns government troops, commander Tegabu refused to give himself up and shot and killed himself.He was living in Europe in Luxembourg with comfort life with his family and joined the struggle to emancipate Ethiopians from fascist regime that denies basic human right. Majority Ethiopians sent condolences to his family.In other development, fighting is going on between Patriotic Ginbot 7 and Ethiopian regime in different locations.

Voice Of Meret Ethio Israel

 Neither Fiduciary arrangement nor confession is needed to ascertain Ethiopia’s inviolable right to exist.

$
0
0

By Chombe Teshome
 
unity-ethiopia-satenaw-newsOne should not need to sink into Falmanaa Sabaa’s psychobabble to surmise the tribal intellectual swamp the author of the piece grows out of. His piece “Is Oromo Fiduciary to Habesha and often demanded to confess its political strategy?” is a bigoted spew. It isn’t enlightenment Dr. Falmanaa has labored to imprint on us, but stereotype, scapegoat, and distilled ethnic hate toward other Ethiopians.  It would have been mind boggling, in this age and time, to find such a thoroughly hateful article written by a white nationalist, but to find a black bigoted Oromo, coming to the forefront should stop us in our tracks and seize our undivided collective attention.   Throughout the article, the author employs discriminatory categorizations to target Ethiopians who happen to disagree with his narrow nationalistic view of Ethiopia. The only Ethiopians spared from Dr.Falmanaa’s hateful harangue are those nationalists who he thought might be willing to put aside their Ethiopian fedora at his will. All other unabashed Ethiopians, regardless of their origin of nationality, have been treated as the enemy of Oromo.

Dr Falmanaa  has reserved his special venom for Ethiopians he called “hybrid PanEthiopians” and for the Oromo Ethiopians who stood for an inclusive united and democratic Ethiopia. The latter, according to Falmanaa, are not independent thinkers but the victims of the former manipulative nature. Through Dr. Falmanaa’s bigoted lens these pan Ethiopian are schemers who possess the superhuman ability to manipulate, con, and pull the proverbial wool over unsuspected Oromo eyes; thus, he warns, they must be considered the mortal enemies to the birth of Oromo Nation. Everything they do or undo, miraculously, he was able to trace and find  it in their innate hybrid nature. The more one examines Falmanaa’s article, these hybrid Pan Ethiopians seems to exhibit all the hallmarks of the Nazi characterization of Jews: selfish, divisive,  and manipulative  of natives. At the end of his article, Dr Sabba gives a nod and wink as to how to deal with these PanEthiopians.

  Dr Falmanaa has expounded further that although the forefathers of these so-called hybrids were servants of Amharas, these particular PanEthiopians are innately inclined to be radically more Pan Ethiopian than even Amharas themselves.  Like the house slaves of the Antebellum America south who had been entrusted by white slave masters, these PanEthiopians are suspected of supporting and protecting their Amhara masters. Luckily for Dr Falmanaa these phantom Amhara masters simply don’t exist except in the figment of the good Dr’s imagination. His pseudo-psychoanalysis never seems to relent in attacking these “hybrid-Ethiopians “that he considers a threat. He mercilessly stripped them of all heroes they considered to have had and calls them cowards. Even the positive sacrifices they made to improve the lives of landless Ethiopians is suspect in Dr. Falmanaa eyes because the slogan they marched under was “land to the tillers” as opposed to his preferred slogan “land to natives”. Mind you, in either case the beneficiaries of the reforms were one and the same people of Ethiopia who were not owners of the land they labored. The sacrifice Pan Ethiopians made to make the peasant the owner of their own land was not good enough for him to give them credit for.

The reason the kind of Tsegay Arrarsa, Falmanaa Sabaa (Phd) (probably the pen name for the former) and Leben Wako came out lashing because, notwithstanding their radical separatist propaganda, Oromos and other Ethiopian nationalities across the land have come together to form new partnerships, build bridges and support each other in their struggle for a democratic and just Ethiopia. This organic brotherhood and sisterhood relationship didn’t bode well for narrow minded nationalists who have been clamoring to aggrandize themselves as a leader of the Oromo. While the artificial wall that has been built by TPLF started crumbling, these hate monger secessionists felt that their cherished ideal construct of a separate Oromia had been unceremoniously neutered. 

Contrary to the wish of these radical separatist, many self-assertive leaders of the Oromo-Ethiopians have come to occupy the political stage bringing their vision of a United and just Ethiopia. After a lifelong struggle for Oromo people, these leaders have come to the realization, that no single nation will be free while other Ethiopians are under the yoke of oppression. These bold, visionary leaders have galvanized the hope that the half century long suffering of Ethiopian people finally can be curtailed. This unity of purpose among Ethiopians has sent shivers down the radical secessionist’ spine. This reality has completely unhinged Falmanna Sabaa which prompted him to dictate to his ilk how to deal with these Oromo-Ethiopians who happen not to share his vision “take your torch, find them out and discharge them away.” This terroristic threat didn’t come from a terrorist organization per se, but from a so-called PhD holder hiding behind a computer.

To counter the amalgamation of purpose among Ethiopian intellectuals of different hues, these radical secessionists have to come up with a categorization of Ethiopians by blood and by region. Just as the dead South African Apartheid system had categorized races by their cooperation in maintaining the racist system, Falmanna Sabba categorizes Pan-Ethiopians by their amenability to the aspirations of the Oromo secessionist agenda.  According to this narrow Oromo nationalist, Amharas in the north part of Ethiopia can be cajoled into partnership as long as they accept without question, to relegate Ethiopian nationalism to the back burner. Obviously, for Falamann Sabaa cooperation is a one way street. He will get what he wants, and the remaining Ethiopians will help him lift up the fulcrum and cheerfully dismantle Ethiopia.

The heartfelt gratitude by Falamann Sabba to Leben wako of London was a desperate attempt to hang on to his pipe dream. Falamanna Sabba’s shameful cockiness and wishful thinking are also on full display when he expresses his wish that at some point TPLF to come to its senses and wrap, pack and deliver Oromia on a silver platter to separatist Oromos. At the risk of being called rude Dr Falamnn  needs to face the cold truth; Ethiopia is built and defended by all Ethiopians. Even the wackiest TPLFties are not insane enough to abandon Ethiopia and shut the door behind themselves. The earlier this truth dawns on Dr Falamann the better.

 

The handful of radical Oromo separatist coming out and advocating openly for the dismemberment of Ethiopia, and talk of deAmahrizaton of Ethiopia is the least of Ethiopians worry. Actually, it is a blessing in disguise. Before, we didn’t have the foggiest Idea how deadly these radical Oromo separatist agenda had been, but now we do. We have to listen to them carefully, and ask those who habitually doublespeak to make a clear statement about their intentions.  Most PanEthiopians ask for clarification because individuals that crowd the airwaves make statements that are contradictory in nature. They cannot be for and against at the same time. When these contradictions are brought up for them to explain, they feign anger as to how we can pose this kind of question? These learned men need to bring themselves out of cognitive dissonance they comfortably reside. A statement I am both for separate Oromia and Ethiopian unity is a sophistry of unparalleled kind.

No one has attempted to change the radical Oroms stand on Ethiopia or demanded they submit to Ethiopian nationalism. However, what they have been asked time and time again was that to stop vacillating between the two and make their stand on Ethiopia unity clear.   Since few of these radicals dominate a handful stations and websites, that must have given them delusions of grandeur that they are on the cusp of determining the fate of more than 100000000 Ethiopians. It wouldn’t be long before they find out the futility of their pomposity. Either with them or without them Ethiopians from all nationalities and all walk of life will forge ahead to establish a democratic and just Ethiopia.

 

Prostitution in Ethiopia: The “White Man Hunters”

$
0
0

Prostitution in #Ethiopia: The “White Man Hunters”

Prostitution in #Ethiopia: The “White Man Hunters”


Esat Radio Sun 27 Nov 2016

End the unjust Land Lease program/Policy in Tigray, Ethiopia [Snit Hayelom]

$
0
0

ioyxqrglkrruoxt-800x450-nopadIn the past 25 years, the Tigray regional government has been leasing unprecedented amount of land using its unjust land lease policy. The constitution of the Federal democratic republic of Ethiopia entrusts land ownership to the government, prohibiting citizens from owning and selling it. Although the federal and regional officials attempt to justify government’s unrestricted land administration as a commitment to protect the people from long term socio-economic vulnerability, the reality in the ground shows the government’s irresponsible action. Against the rhetoric of social protection, the government has been deeply involved in uncontrolled land deals selling thousands of hectares of land at an alarmingly high price more than an average Tigrean poor can afford. Citizens whose land is seized and sold by the government are getting no meaningful compensation to their loss. Loss of land for a Tigrean citizen causes far reaching problems ranging from lack of coping mechanism, interrupted livelihoods and general insecurity. Owing to this reason, many citizens have been forced to involve in illegal migration to overcome their daily bread. Besides, many families are being driven to the streets seeking for handouts and alms. The land deals in Tigray are miserably not affordable by the majority of Tigreans. Price comparisons in Tigray exceeds many folds to the prices of the same or better quality of land in New York, London or Paris. This reveals that the government’s stance to protect citizen’s livelihood and social security by prohibiting land deals has now been violated by the government itself and the people are forced to lead a miserable life as the result.  More over, land has become a political instrument in Tigray and the land lease practice in the region is silencing public descent and the right to protect one self. In this situation, a handful beneficiaries, whose affiliation to government officials and dealers connected to them are frequently buying and selling the land with out restriction.

Due to this we, the people of Tigray call on the government;

1. To abolish the land lease policy all together, and secure the current holding rights of the people in rural and urban areas

2. To suspend any current land lease processes and insure the people’s right to own, transfer and inherit land based on internationally acceptable laws

3. To devise a proper strategy that enable the poor and youth generation enjoy equal right of owning land at a minimum ownership taxation.

4. To investigate the past history of land leases and held the handful individuals who have been manipulating the government machinery causing a hike on land prices

5. Identify the people, whose life has been pushed into crises by the lease policy and pay proper compensation in accordance to acceptable international laws

6. Restore our, green areas, traditional grazing, agricultural, recreational and cultural cites which has currently been threatened by the skewed land lease policy in to their original form

This petition will be delivered to:

  • World Bank
  • Prime Minister of Federal democratic republic government of Ethiopia
    Hailemariam Desalegn
  • President of the Governmnet of Tigray regional state, Ethiopia
    Abay Weldu

End the unjust Land Lease program/Policy in Tigray, Ethiopia 

 

 

What is the Ultimate Goal of the Oromo Movement? [Tedla Woldeyohannes, Ph.D.]

$
0
0

by Tedla Woldeyohannes, Ph.D.*
 
oromo-protestsFor keen observers of the current Ethiopian politics, especially the writings, media interviews, and social media comments and posts by Oromo elites and activists, one topic has kept receiving a steady focus more than others: The role of Emperor Menelik II in the formation of the modern Ethiopian State and how largely negative and bad the emperor’s legacy is, especially for the Oromo people. In this piece, I sketch some major episodes in the Oromo Protest during the last one year to highlight the point that an attack on Menelik II and his legacy is not an isolated incident in the Oromo movement according to the Oromo elites; it is rather an integral part of it. One of my goals in this piece is to show why an attack on Menelik II is an integral part of the whole Oromo project according to the Oromo elites and activists. I submit that the dispute, claims and contentions about the meaning and significance of the Battle of Adwa[1], issues involving Addis Ababa from the Oromo elites and activists are also extensions or corollaries of the attack on Menelik II and his legacy. Also, the debate on whether there is an Ethiopian national identity, Ethiopiawinet, is an extension of the attack on Menelik II and his legacy. For the preceding reasons, I take it that to understand the significance of the attack on Menelik II is essential to a proper understanding of the project of the Oromo movement including a need to produce the Oromo Freedom Charter.

What Has Happened to the Immediate Causes for the Oromo Protest?

A year or so ago, the Oromo Protest began with the legitimate demands of the Oromos who suffered injustice under the current Ethiopian government. The injustice the Oromos have suffered under the current regime are part and parcel of the injustice the Ethiopian people have suffered under the regime in power for the last 25 years. We all know that the Oromo people in Oromia regional state have been mercilessly subjected to all sorts of mistreatment because they demanded the government to stop the ever-expanding land grab, to stop human rights violations, to allow peaceful protest to express their grievances,   to stop marginalizing the Oromos from the political space in Ethiopia, etc. However, in light of what has recently become the frequent topics of debate by the Oromo elites and activists, it looks like we are almost at a point when we need a reminder what triggered or started the Oromo Protest a year ago. The last several months the issues raised as part of the Oromo Protest are no longer what had triggered the Oromo Protest a year or so ago. The truth is that the Oromos who were initially protesting against the Master Plan, or the land grab in the Oromia Region, were not protesting against Menelik II and his legacy at that point, or even until now. If the regime in power did not engage in land grab and other unjust treatments of the Oromos, like the rest of Ethiopians, would the Oromo Protest have started as a protest against the bad legacy of Menelik II as we have been hearing lately? From the perspective of the protesters on the ground, based on the available evidence, the answer to this question is a resounding “no.” Imagine starting a protest against Menelik II’s legacy calling it as such and asking the regime in power to meet the demand. That would be a bewildering demand for the government. An important and inevitable question now is this: Why did those Oromos who have paid ultimate prices with their lives and those who have suffered life-altering injuries and imprisoned and tortured have paid all these prices? There is a need for a clear answer to the loved ones for the deceased and to those who will continue to be part of the Oromo Protest. The Oromo elites need to offer a clear answer without mixing the reason why the Oromos on the ground were protesting and their frequent and increasingly growing project of revisiting and reinterpreting Ethiopian history by way of attacking the legacy of Menelik II.

It is one of the purposes of this piece to seek a clear answer to the question: What is the ultimate goal of the Oromo Protest? Now we all know that the Oromo Protest has rapidly evolved into what it is now: a deconstruction of Ethiopian history, Ethiopian national identity, calling into question the meaning and significance of the Battle of Adwa.[2] Now it is absolutely crucial to understand the nature and the scope of the Oromo Protest or movement at this current stage. The answer the Oromo elites are presenting has frequently and increasingly comes in the form of engaging the issue of state formation in Ethiopia and with a claim that the Oromo nation has been colonized by the Abyssinia or the Ethiopian empire.

Menelik II: The Colonizer?

According to some Oromo elites, the answer to the question whether Menelik II was a colonizer is a resounding, “yes.”[3] In his response to my article on the Oromo National Charter[4], Prof. Ezekiel Gabissa writes, “The question of internal colonialism has been a subject of academic debates since the mid-1980s. In Ethiopian studies, the pertinent themes were outlined and discussed in several essays in The Southern Marches of Imperial Ethiopia edited Donald Donham first published in 1986. The eminent sociologist Donald Levine describes the two sides as the “colonialist narrative” and the “nationalist narrative.”  These means the debate has ended in interpretive disagreement.  A generation of students in Oromia and other regions have [sic] up grown up learning the “colonialist narrative” version over the objections of the advocates of the “nationalist narrative.” This is a settled issue to need any explanation.”[5] From Prof. Ezekiel’s point of view, the debate whether the Oromos were colonized does not need further explanation. I disagree. We are not dealing with a mathematical or logical proof to suggest that historical disputes can be settled without a need for further explanation. At any rate, it is not the purpose of this article to engage in the debate whether Menelik II was a colonizer and whether the present regional state, Oromia, was once an independent nation which came under a colonial empire led by Menelik II.

In my view, to call the modern state formation in Ethiopia a case of colonialism seems to normalize and trivialize the European colonialism of Africa. This does not mean that one has to deny any injustice committed against any ethnic group in the present day Ethiopia in the process of state formation of modern Ethiopia. How we address the issue of injustice that took place under the modern state formation in Ethiopia need not be framed as an issue of colonialism. If it is framed as such, then the European colonialism of Africa and the state formation in Ethiopia would be considered the same phenomenon. Plus, even more surprisingly all non-democratic state formations in the history of the world would count as cases of colonialism, but that is too broad for a notion of “colonialism” to be of use to address issues that are rooted in the historical context of Ethiopia.  Having said this, I submit that the Oromo elites see a need to portray the modern state formation in Ethiopia as a case of internal colonialism because without this view a case to reclaim an independent nation, i.e., Oromia as a sovereign state, can hardly be realized. In other words, the colonial thesis in the modern state formation of Ethiopia is a necessary thesis for the Oromo elites. If a nation is colonized, the logical thing to do is to seek its independence as this has been the case for African countries. On what basis would the Oromo elites argue that they are not seeking an independent Oromia as a sovereign nation if they insist that Oromia has been colonized be the Abyssinian/Ethiopian Empire? The claim of colonialism suggests that what the Oromo elites are seeking is an independent Oromia despite the apparent denial by some of the Oromo elites.  Hence, for Oromo elites, Menelik II must be portrayed as a colonizer for one clear purpose: to seek an independent, sovereign nation, Oromia. Absent the colonial thesis, to seek an independent Oromia as a sovereign nation would be moot. Conversely, insist on a colonial thesis so that seeking an establishment or a rebirth of the Oromo nationhood becomes a legitimate issue; “legitimate, at least in the eyes of the Oromo elites. In my view, the Oromo elites need to come out and make their intentions clear to the Oromos who have been dying on the ground and to the rest of the Ethiopian people if seeking an establishment of Oromia as an independent nation is not their ultimate goal given their commitment of the colonial thesis. They also need to say why they need a colonial thesis if they are just seeking a just and peaceful and  democratic Ethiopian in which the Oromos will be a part of the rest of Ethiopians building Ethiopia going forward, definitely without the regime in power continuing to rule and ruin Ethiopia.

Independent, Sovereign Oromia

Why should anyone argue for the preceding view, i.e., Oromo elites are working to regain the independence of Oromia as a sovereign nation? Here are a few more reasons:

First, think for a moment how and why the recent “Oromos-only* conventions have been organized and what the focus of the Conventions in London and Atlanta was. Why Oromos-only? This question has a straightforward answer, though unconvincing: Because these conventions were designed to deliberate and discuss the issues that affect the Oromo people in Oromia. This straightforward answer is premised on the idea that the issues that affect the Oromos in Ethiopia are somehow unique and hence the need to address them by the Oromos-only first and foremost. But this premise is false. The issues that affect the Oromo people in the current Ethiopia are widely shared with the people of Ethiopia under the same authoritarian government. The Ethiopian authoritarian government jails, kills, harasses people from any ethnic group as long as their dissent threatens the safety of the regime in power. No one needs to dispute the fact that the Oromos and the Amharas are mistreated by the regime with greater frequency because the regime feels threatened   due to historical relations with the Amharas and the regime’s conception of the OLF as a threat to disintegrate the country. Returning to our point, for the Oromo elites and activists to exclusively focus on issues that affect the Oromos and everyone else in Ethiopia only by the Oromos alone is more plausibly in line with the claim I made above. That is, the desire of the Oromo elites is to exclusively organize the Oromos to address the issues that affect the Oromos, despite the fact that the issues that affect the Oromos are shared with millions of other Ethiopians. In my view, the best available explanation for this strategic move by the Oromo elites is this: Once the Oromo movement arrives at a stage when it appears feasible to seek independence for Oromia, all the things the Oromo elites have been doing in the meantime will be presented as evidence that the Oromos have arrived there by the efforts of the Oromos alone and no other group can have a say on the fate of Oromia. If this is not the best available explanation, how would the Oromo elites explain what they have been doing remains to be seen.

Second, there has been a discussion recently on whether there is a shared national identity for Ethiopians which some Oromo elites deny that there is such a shared national identity.  It is not the purpose of this article to engage in the debate whether there is a shared national identity for Ethiopians, which is a worthwhile topic that deserves a serious engagement elsewhere. My present interest is to make the following point: According to some Oromo elites, the Oromo identity that predates Menelik’s colonial conquest was the true Oromo identity and hence it needs to be restored, or regained, or reaffirmed for Oromos to be truly Oromos. In order to do that the Oromo identity must be distinguished from an imposed Ethiopian identity on the Oromos by the Abyssinian Empire. One can easily see that an attack on Menelik’s legacy crucially includes an attack on Ethiopian identity since an imposed Ethiopian identity on the Oromos is a direct consequence of Menelink’s colonialism, according to this reasoning. Hence, an Oromo identity without an imposed Ethiopian identity will reemerge as an Oromo identity only in an independent Oromia. This is a clear motivation why some Oromo elites engage in the debate on Ethiopian identity only to deny it. If this is not the reason why the Oromo elites want to deny Ethiopian identity as a shared national identity, what else motivates such a debate about Ethiopian identity? If all other ethnic groups and nationalities incorporated in the modern Ethiopia by Menelik’s southern expansion were to follow suit and deny a shared Ethiopian identity that would bring about a disintegration in an Ethiopian national identity, which amounts to a disintegration of Ethiopia as we know it. But is there a rationale to follow this reasoning following the Oromo elites lead? Apparently, the Oromo elites would answer this question in the affirmative since it would support their goal, the independence of Oromia that is free from a shared national identity with the rest of other nationalities in the present day Ethiopia. Think for a moment, once again, all the exclusions of other ethnic groups in most of the Oromo issues as the elite Oromos and activists have been doing. This almost complete disregard to other ethnic groups in Ethiopia is perfectly consistent with the claim I have been making so far that the desire for the Oromo elites is the independence of Oromia first and foremost without explicitly saying so despite the evidence that supports such a conclusion. I leave to the readers to develop the case of Addis Ababa and how some Oromo elites frame the issues involving Addis Ababa. I submit that it is another extension of an attack on the legacy of Menelik II.

 

Conclusion

Given the evidence that is available for any keen observer of current Ethiopian politics, I have argued that the best available explanation that unifies the Oromo movement according to the Oromo elites and activists is ultimately seeking the independence of Oromia as a sovereign nation. Short of this goal, it is deeply implausible to interpret all the evidence regarding the activities of the Oromo elites with another goal as the ultimate goal for the Oromo movement. Note that I did not claim that the Oromo people on the ground who have been killed, jailed and tortured have as their goal an independent Oromia as a sovereign state. Some might have such a desire or aspiration, but the evidence does not suggest that is why they have been protesting for a year or so. We all know what the demands were and the injustice the Oromos have been protesting against for which they have paid prices including the lives of many, in hundreds, if not in thousands just in one year alone. In my view, consistent with the argument above, the Oromo elites are working to put together a coherent idea that would serve as the cause worth dying for for the Oromo people, but without the Oromo people expressing that the ultimate goal they want to achieve is an independent, sovereign Oromia. If my claims so far are correct, which I think are correct given the evidence, the Oromo elites and activists need to make clear the ultimate goal of the Oromo movement so that people who face the brutal government need to have a clear goal for which they are paying a price including their lives. One of the chief motivations for my decision to write this piece is observing and reflecting on  an apparent mismatch between the actual reasons the Oromos on the ground have been paying prices including their lives, and what the Oromo elites and activists offer as the main goal of the Oromo movement in the last one year. If the Oromo elites speak for the actual Oromo people on the ground, it is a responsible thing to be on the same page with the people on the ground at least on being clear why the people on the ground are paying prices for.

Finally, it must be noted that I did not claim that the Oromo elites and activists are totally detached from the movement of the Oromo people on the ground. Absolutely not!  My main claim is that as opinion makers and shapers, the Oromo elites have as an ultimate goal for the Oromo movement the independence of Oromia as a sovereign nation without explicitly saying so for a political backlash such a view would bring about. This claim is based on the evidence presented above. It is for the Oromo elites to show that either they accept the claim I have argued for or they reject it or they show another more plausible explanation of the evidence on which my argument is based. If they accept it, that is an important clarification for the Oromo people as a whole and for the other peoples of Ethiopia. If they reject my claim, then it is also important for them to show where the mistake is. That would also add clarity to the ultimate goal of the Oromo movement. Now the most important question is: What is the official, ultimate goal of the Oromo movement according to the Oromo elites, if it is different from what I argued for above, i.e. seeking an establishment of Oromia as an independent, sovereign nation?

 

*Tedla Woldeyohannes teaches philosophy at Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville and he can be reached at twoldeyo@slu.edu

[1] For my response to a claim that  Menelik claimed that he was a Caucasian and the consequent trivializing of the significance of Adwa see, http://ecadforum.com/2016/05/26/ethiopia-dr-tsegaye-ararssas-caucasian-menelik/

[2] For an article that calls into question the role of Adwa in modern Ethiopian history see, Hassen Hussein and Mohammed Ademo, http://wpj.dukejournals.org/content/33/3/22.full.pdf+html

[3] See Asefa Jalata and Hardwood Schaffer: http://beekanguluma.org/index.php/2016/07/24/the-oromo-nation-toward-mental-liberation-and-empowerment-asafa-jalata-and-harwood-schaffer-paper-published-in-the-journal-of-oromo-studies-2016/

[4] http://www.ethiomedia.com/1016notes/7667.html

[5] See here, http://www.ethiomedia.com/1000codes/7755.html

 

Ethiopia In Crisis: Ethiopian-American Council Organizes Summit on Ethiopia

$
0
0
Council to Host Renowned Scholars, Human Rights Advocates, Politicians, and Media Representatives at Stanford Forum
Stanford, Calif., November 25 – Ethiopia is reeling from extreme social and political turmoil unlike any that the Ethiopian people have experienced in decades. The nation is awash with tears, oppression, poverty, blood, and death under the heavy hand of a plutocratic and murderous regime – the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) – propped up by the government of the United States of America and many of its European and Asian allies.eac

In response to this crisis, the Ethiopian-American Council (EAC) is planning a forum wherein concerned advocates can address the fundamental issues confronting the people and exiles of a proud, ancient nation now in the throes of fighting for the existence of a free populace under the cruel rule of the EPRDF.

From this consortium, EAC hopes that some guidelines can be established to help the U.S.A., other nations, particularly in the European Union, and other political entities worldwide, to address the many social and political problems being thrust upon the people of Ethiopia, the Ethiopian diaspora, and even Ethiopian-Americans. The EAC is gathering concerned voices to assist in plotting a new path for a terror-free, peaceful, secure, and truly democratic future for all Ethiopian peoples.

Stanford University Venue, Internationally Renowned Advocates

The convocation regarding the future of Ethiopian people will take place January 21-22, 2017, at the Stanford University campus in California. EAC has extended invitations to an international community of renowned scholars, human rights advocates, politicians, and media representatives. Among others, invitations include these individuals and organizations, listed in no particular order:

  • Noted author and political sociologist; leading contemporary scholar in the field of democracy studies, with a focus on Africa; senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies.
  • A Professional Staff Director for the U.S. House Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operation and adviser to the Chairman on Africa policy
  • Opposition Parties – Activists who have taken a good strong step to unite the beleaguered opposition political parties of Ethiopia.
  • Lawyers and Professors at different Human Rights Institutes. They will be discussing the Ethiopian Human Rights and justice system.
  • A Post-Doctoral Fellow at Harvard University’s he will be discussing development with a focus on land and agricultural policies in Ethiopia
  • Oromia Media Network (OMN) – Media outlet with a thumb on the pulse of breaking news and social media flux.
  • A Professor Department of Geography East Carolina University, Greenville, NC will present the Ethiopia’s Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity
  • The Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio Services (ESat) – Responsible journalism and information from a non-partisan network.
  • Founder and executive director of the Oakland Institute; international expert on trade, development, human rights, and agriculture.
  • A Senior Researcher, Horn of Africa, Human Rights Watch will be discussing telecom and internet surveillance in Ethiopia.

As the summit agenda evolves over the coming weeks, other speakers and advocates will be on board. Because of the bloody unrest in Ethiopia, this summit is generating much interest from the international community.

Summit Objectives

This list is not exhaustive; speakers will be addressing pertinent issues regarding Ethiopia:

  • The quest for peace and security in Ethiopia and East Africa.
  • The constitutional issues regarding the nation’s governance and other legal dilemmas, such as striking down the so-called anti-terrorism laws used to squelch dissent.
  • The hope for true democracy and true regard for human rights by the nation’s lawmakers.
  • The need for uninhibited freedom for all media – printed, internet, radio, TV, social outlets – to provide responsible journalism and information for the Ethiopian public.
  • The role of the diaspora-friendly media during the transition to a democratic Ethiopia.
  • The guidance needed for the various Ethiopian political parties to cooperate in fomenting beneficial social, legal, and political change.
  • The need for economic development that benefits all citizens of Ethiopia.
  • The demand for land reform wrought by mass illegal land seizures and the eviction of citizens from acreage that they have held for generations.
  • The participatory role of Ethiopian-Americans in the transition to true democracy for the African nation.

Ethiopian People Weary of Tyranny

Over the last year, hundreds of Ethiopian citizens have been killed, hundreds wounded, and thousands imprisoned, because they raised their voices for social, political, and economic justice. The ruling regime, EPRDF, does not understand that history repeats itself. Tyrannical regimes with no regard for the people they rule always fail. This convocation will be one more step to that end.

As the summit agenda progresses, the Ethiopian-American Council will release more information.

Ethiopian American Council
1659-D W. San Carlos Street

San Jose, California  95128

Phone: 408.753.1314;

Email: ethioamericans@gmail.com; Website: www.eacouncil.org

summit-on-ethiopia

 

What Do WE Want and Do Now (that Fortress T-TPLF is Under a State of Emergency) (Part IV) – by Prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam

$
0
0

Author’s Note: This is the fourth installment in a series I have called “What Do WE Want and Do NOW?”.  The serialized commentaries have three aims: 1) take stock of the impact of the recent uprisings in Ethiopia against the backdrop of the extreme repression (“state of emergency”) unleashed by the Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (T-TPLF); 2) challenge Ethiopians, particularly Ethiopian intellectuals, to think outside the box, indeed with no box at all, about going  forward, and 3) propose some ideas that maybe useful in charting a future course of action given current circumstances.

state

T-TPLF Under a State of Emergency

[Continues from Part 3 available HERE; Part 2, available HERE; Part 1 available HERE.]

IX. “WE” must avoid wishful thinking.

One of the amusing things I observed after the October 2016 T-TPLF Irrecha Massacres and also after the demise of Meles Zenawi was the sudden and frantic hustle and bustle among certain groups and individuals in the Diaspora to take the reins of power from the T-TPLF.  There were those scurrying about to form a “transitional government”. Others were talking about speedily setting up a “government-in-exile”. Still, others were having convocations to stake out negotiating positions for a post-T-TPLF government. I have personally received invitations to join such efforts.

With all due respect to all, I must confess that I have found the whole effort as wishful thinking detached from reality. I cannot imagine how any reasonable person could seriously entertain the possibility that the T-TPLF, after living high on the hog for a quarter of a century, would simply ride out of power into the sunset of oblivion. But that seemed to be precisely what some in the Diaspora actually expected and believed the T-TPLF would do.

I might offend some when I say that there are many in the Diaspora opposition who are prisoners of their own wishful thinking. I am amused listening to speeches and reading  statements and declarations about replacing the T-TPLF. There is a lot of wishful thinking expressed about the one-legged and wobbling T-TPLF on the verge of collapse at any moment. I have even heard “reports” that T-TPLF leaders have shipped out their wives, girlfriends and children to America and Europe in anticipation of their imminent implosion.

All of this impresses me as delusional political posturing and showmanship at best and a foolhardy misunderstanding and underestimation of the “enemy”. My point is not that assertions about T-TPLF decay and likely collapse on its current trajectory are untrue. Evidence abounds that the T-TPLF is in late-stage regime decay with endemic and structural corruption, crony capitalism and are clueless about what to do about the widespread popular resistance to their ethnic hegemonic rule.  The T-TPLF declared a “state of emergency” for itself as the very last act of self-preservation and to stave off total collapse.

My point is that the T-TPLF will do everything in its power to cling to power even when it is on life support in its end stage. They will not walk away from power; and if push comes to shove, they will not fight to the last man to stay in power. But their current political survival strategy is based on the old maxim of living one day at a time. They will do everything just to stay in power  one more day, and one more day after that. They know the end is near for them and that the “end will come like a thief in the night.”

The inexorable decay and withering away of the T-TPLF regime should not be interpreted as a sign of its imminent collapse or as an invitation to cakewalk to power. Neither wishful thinking nor “last minute heroes” (ye dil atbya arbegnoch) could hasten the end of the T-TPLF.  Those who believe they can drop on the scene out of the blue during crises points and take charge of whatever movement or momentum is building on the ground while laying low when the going is tough will only face disappointment and frustration in the end.

If one must engage in wishful thinking, I say dream to build the New Ethiopia and not daydream about the end of the T-TPLF to take advantage of any power vacuum. To build the New Ethiopia, it is necessary to build an inclusive mass movement of ordinary Ethiopians of good will who are committed to putting  their noses to the grindstone in defiant resistance to the T-TPLF, and their shoulders to the wheel of the struggle and keep plugging on every day rain or shine. “WE” should replace wishful thinking about a collapsing T-TPLF with a u(E)topian dream of  building New Ethiopian nation, a new nation where citizens will not be judged by the color of their skin, their ethnicity, their religion, their language or gender “but by the content of their character”.

“WE” should understand that wishful thinking does not bring a tyrannical regime down nor help build a new nation. There are no shortcuts to building a new nation. There are no templates and no formulas for it. There are no rewards and commendations for those striving to build a new nation. There is only blood, sweat and tears awaiting those who want to build the New Ethiopia. Those who do not accept this reality are living in La La Nation.

Frederick Douglass wisely instructed, “Those who profess to favor freedom and yet depreciate agitation, are people who want crops without ploughing the ground; they want rain without thunder and lightning; they want the ocean without the roar of its many waters. The struggle may be a moral one, or it may be a physical one, or it may be both. But it must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will.”

There must be struggle – large and small– against the T-TPLF every day!

X.  “WE” must not be emotional; “WE” must be cerebral.

After over a decade of involvement in the Ethiopian human rights struggle, one of the things I have found perplexing has been the extreme emotionality to political and social crises. Just to be clear, there is nothing wrong in expressing passionate outrage over T-TPLF massacres and raging against T-TPLF crimes against humanity. It is proper for people to express their anger and frustrations.

My complaint has to do with the general “emotional culture of griping” where people get themselves worked up into a frenzy about T-TPLF actions or statements. The late thugmaster Meles Zenawi was skilled in stoking emotions in the Diaspora. He would say, “Ethiopia is only 100 years old. Those who claim otherwise are indulging themselves in fairy tales.” He would inflame passions by asserting, “The flag is just a piece of rag.” He would get under people’s skins with intentionally provocative declarations:  “These Amhara donkeys need to be taught a lesson. They only become peaceful and religious when a Kalashnikov is pointed at them.” The T-TPLF would demonize Emperor Menelik II to canonize Meles Zenawi.

While such statements are offensive and insulting, they are also calculated psychological operations aimed at dividing the people and destroying the morale of the opposition in general and to vilify certain groups in particular. These efforts are undertaken to distract the people and fog up their thinking so that they are unable to focus on the important political and social issues. Emotional and angry people often lose their capacity to reason well and are more likely to be disengaged just to avoid aggravation.

I argue that “WE” must develop “emotional intelligence” in dealing with the endless ignorant and vulgar provocations of the T-TPLF. I believe it is the duty of opposition leaders, intellectuals and opinion makers to help the general public understand issues from a factual perspective by providing evidence-based analysis and finding creative ways of avoiding emotional responses that lead to inaction and deep resentment. Nelson Mandela’s admonition is worth heeding. “Resentment is like drinking poison and then hoping it will kill your enemies.”  “WE” must use our brains, not just our hearts, when dealing with the outrages of the T-TPLF.

XI.  To defeat the T-TPLF, “WE” must also play OUR game attrition

What is good for the goose is good for the gander.

A nonviolent struggle for social change is essentially a protracted moral war of attrition.

As I explained my first commentary in the series, the T-TPLF has declared a war of arms and attrition on the Ethiopian people, and particularly the leaderless youth movement driving the nationwide uprising. The T-TPLF believes the fire of defiance and resistance started by Ethiopian youth will flicker and burn out in a short period of time. They are hopeful the so-called state of emergency will fix it all inside of six months.

But the T-TPLF knows better. They know they are in late-stage regime decay. Their “state of emergency” is a last ditch effort to reconsolidate power and go on with business as usual. Over the past year, the T-TPLF has tried shock and awe to destroy the popular uprising and massacred and arrested thousands. The T-TPLF uncharacteristically  reported that it had detained 11,607 people, including 347 women. The T-TPLF did not report how many innocent people they have tortured or killed. (Anyone who believes the T-TPLF account of detainees was probably born last night. The actual number of arrests and detainees is likely to be 3-4 times the reported figure.)

The T-TPLF is also prosecuting its war of attrition in addition to its war of arms. They are using a variety of means to wage their war of attrition including a declaration of a state of emergency, cabinet shuffling, campaigns of disinformation and propaganda, setting up bogus national dialogue forums, trotting out opposition leaders with dubious pasts to create the impression of reaching out to the opposition and declarations aimed at creating the impression of imminent democratic transition and a variety of other empty gestures of reform.

The fact of the matter is that the T-TPLF will not give away a milligram of power to anyone under any and all circumstances.

The peoples’ war of attrition requires nothing more than an irrevocable personal resolution and commitment not to cooperate with the T-TPLF, its laws and institutions,  and a determination not to support in any way the economic empire built by the T-TPLF and its cronies.  In this regard, much can be learned from Gandhi’s Non-Cooperation Movement.

Following the Jallianwala Bagh massacre (Amritsar massacre) in 1919, in which British troops fired into a crowd of nonviolent Indian protesters killing nearly a thousand and wounding many more (Remember the Irreecha Massacres!), Gandhi launched his first large-scale popular non-cooperation campaign to remove the British from Indian soil. Indians boycotted British goods, services and businesses, and refused to attend colonial government educational institutions. Indian leaders and officials resigned their titles and positions. Eventually, Indians refused to pay taxes to the colonial government. Within a short time, the Non-Cooperation Movement transformed the Indian anti-colonial struggle into a mass-based nationalist movement creating for the first time a united Indian front against British colonialism.

It appears there is a growing silent boycott campaign of T-TPLF institutions and businesses. It is said that there is widespread silent boycott of businesses and services of T-TPLF supporters and cronies in Ethiopia. Even T-TPLF parvenus have cut back on conspicuous consumption and laying low and out of sight during the “state of emergency”. It is said that a silent boycott campaign against T-TPLF airlines has resulted in significant reductions in passenger bookings and traffic.  A passenger ticket from Washington, D.C. to Addis Ababa could be snagged for less than $500, cheaper than a ticket from Los Angeles to Washington, D.C.

The economic consequences of the T-TPLF “state of emergency” declaration have had far-reaching effects.  According to the African Travel and Tourism Association, “The state of emergency and FCO travel advisory have taken a heavy toll on bookings for the next six months.”   According to press reports, “Ethiopia’s attraction as a favorite new destination for foreign investors is fast dissipating as businesses owned by Nigerian billionaire Aliko Dangote and Dutch fruit processors come under attack in growing political unrest.” In April 2016, the International Monetary Fund projected Ethiopia’s growth “to decline substantially to 4.5 percent”.  The foreign exchange shortage in the country is said to be “so critical that opening a Letter of Credit (LC) takes as long as one year or even more” without any guarantee of fund availability.

The T-TPLF will no doubt lose the peoples’ war of attrition.  The T-TPLF is now using its guns, tanks and planes to cling to power, but it can never defeat a people united against its tyrannical rule in a moral war of attrition. Strength comes from indomitable will, not guns. In the end, what matters is not the size of the dog (or how many guns one has) but the size of the fight in the dog (the steely determination of people without guns to rid themselves of oppression).

XII. If  “WE” ask the right questions, “We” will arrive at the right answers.

Albert Einstein once said, “If I had an hour to solve a problem and my life depended on the solution, I would spend the first 55 minutes determining the proper question to ask, for once I know the proper question, I could solve the problem in less than five minutes.”

If “WE” spend more time understanding the many problems facing Ethiopia, “WE” are more likely to find the most effective solutions.

I may offend some people when I say in general that “WE” lack the self-discipline to study and understand complex problems in depth. “WE” are not willing to invest the time nor are “WE” willing to exert the energy  required to carefully study issues and problems and propose solutions.  I would say most of our “solutions” to the monumental problems facing Ethiopia are answers to ill-conceived, irrelevant and untimely questions. “WE” ask the same questions time and again hoping to get new answers. As Einstein observed, “Insanity: doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results.” The same can be said of asking the same questions. We must ask questions outside the box;  in fact it is necessary to ask questions without any boxes. “WE” need to ask creative and imaginative questions. Einstein said, “Imagination is more important than knowledge. For knowledge is limited to all we now know and understand, while imagination embraces the entire world, and all there ever will be to know and understand.” More poetically, George Bernard Shaw said, “You see things; and you say, ‘Why?’ But I dream things that never were; and I say, ‘Why not?’”

Why must “WE” imprison ourselves with questions of ethnicity? Why can’t “WE” imagine, dream of a u(E)topia where citizens will be judged by the color of their skin, their ethnicity, their religion, their language or gender “but by the content of their character”. Why can’t “WE” ask questions that affirm our common humanity  and nationality than reinforce our ethnic identity and enmity? Why can’t “WE” ask questions that promote our unity in our nationality? Why can’t “WE” ask inspiring questions? Why must “WE” remain trapped in a mental process of negativism and defeatism?

XIII.  “WE” must not be power-hungry and power-thirsty. “WE” must follow in the footsteps of Mandela.

Some people may be offended when I say “WE” need to be “leadership-hungry” and -thirsty and not power-hungry and -thirsty. No African leader set the standards of leadership better than Nelson Mandela. Upon becoming the first democratically elected president of South Africa, Mandela’s announcement was that he would serve only one term. No African leader has ever made such a statement. In a continent known for power-hungry and -thirsty politicians scheming around the clock to take over power, Mandela’s announcement was earthshaking. Mandela stepped down as he promised and handed over power to the younger generation.

I believe Nelson Mandela cast the die for the type of leadership Ethiopia and all other African countries need today. Mandela’s leadership philosophy was simple: “It is better to lead from behind and to put others in front, especially when you celebrate victory when nice things occur. You take the front line when there is danger. Then people will appreciate your leadership.”

Mandela was a visionary leader with strong principles and values. He envisioned the New South Africa while he languished in prison for 27 years. He had a vision of uniting a deeply divided nation around common interests, goals and values. In his inaugural speech, he made his vision clear: “We understand it still that there is no easy road to freedom…none of us acting alone can achieve success. We must therefore act together as a united people, for national reconciliation, for nation building, for the birth of a new world.”

Mandela had unique leadership skills. He was a strategic thinker and leader who always aimed for inclusion. He invited his former jailer to his presidential inauguration giving a lesson in forgiveness to the world. His personal secretary for over two decades was a white Afrikaner woman who called him “Khulu” (Xhoso word for grandfather). Mandela understood the complex social, political and economic forces in South Africa and devised inclusive strategies to harmonize them generating domestic and international support. His leadership pivoted on the promotion of racial and ethnic harmony, truth and reconciliation, democratic rule tempered by the rule of law and an abiding hope in the future while learning from the mistakes of the past.

Mandela was an outstanding student of history and he did not want to repeat the mistakes of other African countries which gave in to revenge and intolerance permanently damaging their societies and futures. He asked all the right questions. The answers led to the same conclusion: South Africa can survive only as a multi-ethnic and multi-racial society cleansed in a process of truth-finding and reconciliation.  He declared in his inaugural speech, “Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another.”

Mandela was able to guide his nation out of a catastrophic race and class war by looking forward (and not backward like many African leaders) and objectively analyzing various scenarios and formulating strategic moves. He understood the task of putting together the broken South Africa in a post–apartheid period would be an enormous task. Mandela understood that he “alone cannot fix it”; he needed everyone to fix the broken South Africa. He challenged both black and white South Africans to join him as members of his construction crew for the New South Africa.

Mandela was a courageous leader. He always strove to do the right thing even if his decision went against public opinion. He proudly supported and wore the shirt of the Springboks rugby team, the very symbol of apartheid and white supremacy, during their world championship match despite fierce ANC opposition and massive total public disapproval. The socialist Mandela once declared that “The nationalization of the mines, banks and monopoly industries is the policy of the ANC, and a change or modification of our views in this regard is inconceivable.”  Yet after examining the experience of Zimbabwe, he chose to forgo nationalization and adopt alternative policies that promoted economic and social justice.

Mandela Footsteps

In my tribute to Nelson Mandela upon his passing in December 2013, I expressed my feelings which summarize my hopes for the future leadership of Ethiopia:

Nelson Mandela was a bridge builder. He built bridges across racial, ethnic and class divides. Nelson Mandela was a fireman. He saved the South African house by dousing the smoldering embers of racial and ethnic strife with truth and reconciliation. Nelson Mandela was a pathfinder. He built two roads named Goodness and Reconciliation for the long walk to freedom, and walked the talk.  Nelson Mandela was an architect. He built a magnificent tower of multiracial democracy on the ashes of apartheid. Nelson Mandela was a magician. He pulled a white and a black dove out of a hat at once and let them fly free. Nelson Mandela was the greatest alchemist who ever lived. He transformed hate into love, fear into courage; doubt into faith; intolerance into compassion; anger into understanding, discord into harmony and shame into dignity.

Nelson Mandela was an imperfect man who was perfect for the most imperfect society in modern history. He tried to achieve a more perfect union for his people perfectly divided by race, ethnicity and class. He rescued white South Africans from the monstrosity of apartheid and the evil of racism that lurked deep in their hearts. He tamed the wrathful beast of revenge roiling in the hearts and souls of black South Africans. In his own heart, he tended to a garden of love, harmony and reconciliation. Nelson Mandela had the perfect message for the most imperfect society: “To make peace with the enemy, one must work with the enemy, and that enemy becomes your partner”. We all believed we had to kill our enemy to make peace!

Ethiopia needs leaders of all types who walk in the footsteps of Nelson Mandela.

To be continued…

Viewing all 13068 articles
Browse latest View live