The popularity of book-to-film adaptations is rising. Popular books are frequently adapted into movies and television shows because studios want to capitalise on a successful idea that already has a following, bringing it to a larger audience. Georges Melies, a pioneer who paved the path for numerous film methods, is credited with creating the first known footage of a book-to-film adaptation. In 1899, he produced two adaptations: Cinderella, based on the Brothers Grimm tale, and King John, the first film known to be based on Shakespeare. His other work is based on the English author H. Rider Haggard’s adventure tale, Her. The practice is also being adapted into Ethiopian cinema, writes EBR’s Trualem Asmare.

Ethiopia’s rich literary history spans millennia, filled with folktales, stories, and poems that have been handed down through generations. Ethiopian literature is currently developing and expanding, with a number of well-known authors writing in Amharic and English, as well as a broad range  of new genres like fantasy, science fiction, and romance.

One piece of literature that has always been presented as a testimonial to this rich literary history is Fikir Eske Mekabir, loosely  translated to “Love until the End”. Written by the late Haddis Alemayehu, this epic romance drama is remembered fondly by Ethiopians aged 35 years and older.

For those young people who may have missed this monumental literature piece, they might still have a chance to catch it in the form of a movie. Sewmehon Yismaw and his colleagues  are working with EBC, the national public service broadcaster, on a project worth roughly ETB 42 million to adapt Fikr Eske Mekabir into a movie. The author’s family is contesting the team of artist over rights, but if and when it happens, the adaptation will be one of a kind as a piece of art and as a practice in general.

Book-to-film adaptations are often based on books with wide popularity, well-liked by many readers and widely purchased. Making a movie out of a book also depends on the professional’s background, and their ability to modify the book and make it suitable for the screen.

Based on Adam Reta’s novel Etemete Yelomi Shita, Yelomi Shita is one of several books that have been made into films, directed by Abrham Gezahegn and other well known directors.      The protagonist is a lawyer who saw his mother being treated unfairly by society as a little child.

The film Yenegen Alwodim is also an adaptation of an Amharic book. The movie, which is based on a true story that took place in Addis Abeba in 1978, shows how young people managed their political engagements during the Red Terror campaign. It serves as a reminder of the brutal Bolshevik era and shows how they perceived the death of the real and ideological opponents of the Marxist Derg government cadres.

In more recent years, we see Zeresenay Berhane Mehari’s 2019 play Sweetness in the Belly, which is based on Camilla Gibb’s self-titled book. The story of religion, politics, and love alternates between Ethiopia and England, depicting England as departing from Ethiopia when the civil war breaks out. Ethiopia’s Harar is where the play “Sweetness in the belly” was produced. Yohanna Ephrem and Zeritu Kebede, two actresses from Ethiopia and Hollywood, are among the performers.

Fitsum Kibret, writer and director, who recently had a new film out entitled Lebana Leba, says adaptations have challenges. He explains how it might be a challenge to adapt Fikir Eske Mekabir as every reader imagined the characters’ strength, beauty and weakness      in their own way. He reflects: ‘The director should be able to create a character that reconciles with the imagination of all readers.’

  “When a book is adopted into a movie, people who have not read the book would get the chance to see the story.” Fitsum says. “The second is for the author as it gives satisfaction when he sees his creation in motion, allowing him to earn an additional source of income.’’

Many new television series and motion pictures nowadays are either closely or loosely based on their literary predecessors. At the UK Box Office, movie adaptations of books bring in 44Pct more money. According to research commissioned by the Publishers Association and produced by Frontier Economics, movies based on books often enhance sales and a full 53Pct more globally than movies from original screenplays.

According to studies, one of the main benefits of turning a book into a movie is watching the characters come to life and giving your imagination a sense of reality. When reading a book, many individuals struggle to imagine the characters and settings, but watching a movie makes it quite easy to do so. Finding and appealing to a larger audience is yet another fantastic justification for making books into movies. Hardly everyone enjoys reading books; in fact, many people find it difficult to do so; nonetheless, they almost universally find enjoyment in watching movies. What’s more, language might be a hurdle when it comes to books; a brilliant narrative might have been written in a tongue we don’t know.

Films that are based on books also offer a unique viewpoint since the directors often add      their own touches and take some creative liberties. This offers the audience a fresh perspective, especially for those who have already read the book. In addition, a movie lasts around two hours as opposed to hundreds or even thousands of pages in a book.

Adaptations have drawbacks as well. Compared to a fast-paced film, books are typically more descriptive, making it simpler for readers to identify with the feelings of a character. Even while the movie may be well-made on its own, there are many aspects that are lacking when you compare it to the book, including the omission of historical details that the book takes the reader through.

Many movie adaptations fall short of the richness that a book can provide. Audiences often expect the film to portray everything that is in the book, and frequently don’t appreciate the artistic license that a director takes with a novel. Similar to how individuals picture the characters they read about, casting decisions made by filmmakers are not always appropriate for the audience’s imagination. The audience does not enjoy such adaptations, preferring good books to be left alone and not turned into movies instead since they have a weak plot, mismatched characters, and inappropriate storytelling techniques.EBR

11th Year • March 2023 • No. 115

It would not be an overstatement to say that 2018 was a momentous year in the history of regional integration in Africa, since it was then that the African Union Member States established the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Aside from its continental ambit, departing from the focus on integration through regional economic communities (RECs) in Africa, the timing of the formation of the AfCFTA is interesting and commendable. It was formed at a time when many were talking about the return of “deglobalization” (referring to less integration among economies) and the rise of populism and protectionism, challenging the post-Cold War era of free trade areas, even in countries that were traditionally the ardent advocates of globalization.

African leaders should also be applauded for forming the AfCFTA in the first decade of Agenda 2063, ticking the box on fast-tracking the formation of a continental free trade area. But, it should not be lost sight that strengthening regional integration as an African agenda goes as far back as 1963, when the OAU (the AU’s predecessor) was formed with the relentless efforts of such founding fathers as Emperor Haile Selassie I and Kwame Nkrumah. It has since been at the heart of African countries’ many efforts to integrate their economies, notably through the 1991 Abuja Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community.

The AfCFTA is intended mainly to create a single market in Africa, where goods, services and capital can easily cross borders, facilitated by the free movement of people. It aims to do so by substantially liberalizing tariffs (charges paid when importing or exporting) and non-tariff barriers (quotas, discriminatory treatment etc.) to trade and facilitating intra-African investment, making it easy for African businesses to trade and invest in the continent.

Regional integration is not a mere abstract concept promoted for its own sake, rather an agenda with multidimensional and potentially enormous practical impact on African economies. It is for this reason that the AfCFTA Agreement contains some grand objectives to be achieved through the continental integration that it is planned to facilitate. These mainly include supporting its State Parties’ industrialization, economic diversification and competitiveness, promoting regional value chain and agricultural development and ultimately helping achieve inclusive and sustainable development in the continent.

According to estimations made on the AfCFTA’s impact on African economies, there are many benefits expected from it. For instance, a 2018 UNECA estimation found that the AfCFTA can increase “intra-African trade by between 15Pct (USD50 billion) and 25Pct (USD70 billion), depending on liberalization efforts, in 2040, compared to a situation with no AfCFTA in place”. In the same period and conditions, the share of intra-African trade in industrial goods would grow “between about 25Pct (USD36 billion) and 30Pct (USD44 billion)”. The benefits of the AfCFTA would even grow and diversify as non-tariff barriers are practically removed and digital trade and investment are facilitated under the AfCFTA. The AfCFTA can, therefore, help increase the share of Africa in world trade and reduce African economies’ high dependence on exporting commodities. It would also reduce the associated macroeconomic vulnerabilities.

Yet, as preparing a business plan is different from actually doing the business, assenting to form the AfCFTA, albeit essential, is not sufficient to achieve the various developmental objectives of the free trade bloc. The rules agreed as part of the AfCFTA have to be translated into practice for the venerable objectives to materialize.

This demands State Parties’ continued commitment towards the AfCFTA at regional and national levels. Regionally, they need to expeditiously finalize the outstanding negotiations on tariffs, services concessions and rules of origin, which are particularly indispensable to fully operationalize the Phase I Protocols on Trade in Goods and Services. The Phase II Protocols on Investment, Intellectual Property Rights and Competition Policy, which are in their final stages, also need to be adopted swiftly. These need to be followed by the Protocols on E-Commerce and Women and Youth in Trade. It is only then that we can see the complete picture of the AfCFTA and embark on its comprehensive implementation.

At national level, each State Party also needs to do its own homework to evaluate its gains and losses from the AfCFTA so as to maximize the former and minimize the latter and accordingly adopt national supporting policies, regulations and institutional framework. This is because the expected gains and losses would not be uniform for all State Parties, perhaps one of the reasons for State Parties’ varying levels of engagement on the AfCFTA, including in the Guided Trade Initiative. An important component of domestic measures is developing an implementation strategy, which contains a State Party’s objectives, priorities and areas of focus in the course of implementing the AfCFTA, based on engagements with all stakeholders. Commendably, some countries, such as Kenya, have already launched their implementation strategies.

The number of State Parties has to also increase from its current 46 to cover all 55 AU Member States for the AfCFTA to be a truly continental bloc. Otherwise, its impact would not be significantly different from the existing large RECs, effectively adding another layer of REC (but with the title “Continental”) and further complicating the web of RECs in the continent. In this regard, it is laudable that the AU Assembly has been calling for non-State Parties to join the bloc, a call that has to last until full membership is secured.

There are also other challenges that the AfCFTA faces. A 2019 UNECA study succinctly summarized the main challenges as “limited energy and infrastructure development, insecurity and conflicts, multiple and overlapping membership of RECs, poor sequencing of the regional integration arrangements and limited financial resources”. Interestingly, the AfCFTA itself can help address some of these challenges, such as by facilitating increased investment on infrastructure such as energy, roads & telecommunications in the continent through its upcoming Protocol on Investment and helping reduce the likelihood of cross-border conflicts by increasing its State Parties’ economic interdependence. But, the continued commitment of State Parties is important to surmount these and other challenges facing the AfCFTA.

African leaders have showed their commitment towards regional integration by establishing the AfCFTA, but they need to continue their commitment towards achieving the continental agenda. It is important to note that even baby steps of State Parties are important for finalizing the outstanding negotiations and fully implementing the AfCFTA. After all, regional integration is a long-term process, not a one-time achievement.

11th Year • March 2023 • No. 115

Trade and technology development policies almost always have distributional consequences. There may be a few exceptions for which the implementation of a policy produces either gains or no loss for nearly everyone, what economists would call a Pareto improvement. But these instances are relatively rare. You could argue that for early-stage developing countries, the export-driven growth model that draws surplus labor into the modernizing manufacturing and urban sectors comes close to meeting this standard. But even there, the gains are not spread evenly, and income inequality normally increases.

Distributional impacts are the norm, within countries and across national boundaries. Successful developing countries experience structural change as part of the growth process. The long-term benefits of exposure to global markets and investment are very large, driving both growth and significant structural adjustments in terms of jobs, skills, and human capital. But some sectors are inevitably adversely affected.

To ensure that new economic opportunities and pressures do not overwhelm the ability of developing countries – particularly the labor force – to adapt, policymakers should manage the pace and sequencing of the opening process in trade, investment, and the capital account. For example, if net employment creation – jobs created minus jobs lost – turns negative, opening may be happening too fast.

Efforts to calibrate the pace of opening should be complemented by some redistribution toward adversely affected people or sectors, but not at the expense of investment. Most important, to support the creation of an inclusive pattern of structural adjustment, government must invest heavily in high-quality, affordable (either low-cost or free) education for young people and training for older workers.

All of this is vital to ensure that the policies that underpin the growth model retain popular support; otherwise, political opposition will likely disrupt or even abort the growth strategy.

These challenges are not limited to developing economies. Trade, investment, and technology have significant effects on economic structure, relative prices, and income and wealth distribution pretty much everywhere. One recent paper argues that trade with China not only has direct negative effects on employment and wages in the US manufacturing sector, but also produces negative upstream effects on suppliers of intermediate products.

To be sure, the paper’s authors conclude that, for the United States, trade with China yields net benefits, because the positive downstream effect – a wide range of industries gaining access to cheaper intermediate products – is larger than the combined direct and upstream negative effects. Nevertheless, US-China trade still has important distributional implications because the negative effects are more concentrated by sector and geography, whereas the positive effects are spread widely. This has arguably had a significant impact on American attitudes toward trade with China – and thus on US trade policy generally.

Of course, the debate about trade with China is particularly heated in the US, owing not least to allegations that China has violated World Trade Organization rules. But this is a red herring. There are surely many cases of developing countries’ failure to comply strictly with WTO rules. But the structural and distributional effects of trade do not depend on a country’s compliance with WTO rules, but rather on its stage of development, the scale of trade, and its comparative advantages.

The severity of the so-called China shock in the US reflected its speed and scale. Policymakers’ mistake was to devote relatively little attention to modulating the speed of the transition or supporting those affected by the structural adjustment.

But slowing the pace of structural change is easier said than done, particularly when it comes to the green transition – another key driver of structural change today. Decades of inaction mean that rapid reductions in greenhouse-gas emissions are now urgently needed. But this is already creating major dislocations, with serious distributional implications. As these effects grow, so will resistance to the necessary initiatives.

A third driver of structural transformation today is technology. As David Autor and others have documented, even before the latest breakthroughs in artificial intelligence, digital technology was removing routine (codifiable), mainly middle-income jobs from the economy, leading to job and income polarization. This phenomenon can be observed in all advanced economies.

Compounding the challenge in the US, productivity growth has moved onto a dual track. As Belinda Azenui and I recently noted, breakthroughs in machine learning have enabled productivity to grow rapidly in what technologists call the “bits layer” of the economy – where information is processed, stored, accessed, and used, where transactions occur, and where decisions are made.

But in the “atoms layer,” where physical economic activity takes place, productivity growth is mixed – higher in structured environments like manufacturing and logistics, and lower elsewhere, including large employment sectors like hospitality. If these trends – and policymakers’ inaction – persist, the gap in productivity and incomes will continue to widen.

In a 2022 article entitled “The Turing Trap,” Erik Brynjolfsson suggested that the AI research agenda is overly focused on human-like artificial intelligence, motivated by the famous Turing Test: can a person interacting with a machine determine whether it is one? Clearly, that benchmark has produced astonishing advances. But Brynjolfsson argues that it needs to be complemented with a more aggressive and well-funded machine-augmentation agenda. The goal of developing semi-autonomous vehicles must be accompanied by a push to boost the productivity of a broad range of service-sector jobs.

11th Year • March 2023 • No. 115

Addis Abeba– Field Marshall Berhanu Jula, Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces, announced the end security organizational structure for regional special forces, “as of today”, state media reported.

Field Marshall Berhanu proclaimed this at a review session of the regional special forces reorganization process into federal and regional security institutions attended by by members of defense generals, federal police and regional officials.

“From today there is no organization and structure called regional special force”, state media quoted him as saying.

Accordingly, the work of transporting regional special forces to their assigned places and putting them into training based on their choices of reintegration will start.

Ethiopia’s security structure will therefore consists of the national defense, federal police and regional police, and that that there will be no force that accepts missions or duties from a chain of command under regional special forces, the report further said.

The Field Marshal, who attended the forum, added that with the reorganization of the regional special forces, “a strong national security institution will be built” and that Ethiopia will be able to quickly come out of the security crisis it is in.

He said that the illegitimacy of the organization of regional special forces, the perception of each other as a threat between the regions and the tendency of solving problems by force necessitated the reorganization to change the security structure of regional forces.

Background

Protests erupted in the Amhara region following announcement by the federal government on 06 April that “practical activities” have been started to dissolve the controversial regional state special forces and “reorganize” them into regular regional and federal police as well as the national army. 

Clashes broke out between government security forces and civilians protesting the decision as well as between members of the regional special forces and the national army in some cities the following days.

On Monday, 10 April, residents in Kobo town in the North Wollo zone of Amhara region told Addis Standard that the sound of heavy artillery was heard in the town on Sunday night. Reuters news agency reported that members of the Amhara special forces had fired their weapons into the sky all night in defiance of the decision following massive protests on Sunday in the city of Gondar which later imposed restrictions on movements and carrying firearms.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed stated on Sunday that the reorganization of the regional special forces will be implemented at any cost, expressing his firm stance, despite the fact that protests are currently being held in many cities of the Amhara region in opposition to the federal government’s decision.

Yelikal Kefale (PhD), president of Amhara Regional State also announced that the decision was made with the support of the federal and regional administrations and will be carried out across all regions; “There was no explicit decision to disarm and disband the special forces in the Amhara region.”

On 07 April the Amhara regional state government, following a statement issued to reorganize regional Special Forces, called on members of the regional special forces “to return to their respective camps or assigned workplaces and remain calm” while the ongoing “reorganization” works of regional special forces continues to take place.

The statement was issued following reports of discontent among the Amhara region special forces after the plan to reorganize regional special forces into regular police and the national army was unveiled. 

The statement assured that the Amhara regional state government “will not implement any decision that violates the rights and interests of the people of the region” and urged the people of the region to “stay away” from the campaign of “false allegations” which is “practically disturbing our people and and our special forces members.”

On the same day, General Abebaw Tadesse, Deputy Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), said that the decision was neither “to disarm”, nor “to dismantle” them; however “to reorganize” and “to reform” the forces as a “matter of the constitution”, noting that the work has been in the making for the last four years. 
The cities and towns in the Amhara region that have witnessed days of protests and clashes have seen a return to relative calm and stability since three days. AS

Reviewer’s Note: This is Part II of an “interpretive book review” of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s (hereinafter “Abiy,” “the author”) latest book, “Medemer Generation” (“MEDGEN”). While this review commentary stands on its own merits, I strongly recommend reading Part I, “Medemer Generation”(MEDGEN): Tip of the Spear for Ethiopia’s Peace, Prosperity and Progress,” to gain a fuller understanding of the reviewer’s purposes and approach.

In Chapter 4, Abiy addresses Ethiopia’s diverse intergenerational challenges in a historical context. He argues Ethiopia was a global power until the 17^th century when it decided to close its doors to avoid corrosive foreign influences. “This eventually culminated in a closed-door policy and shrinkage of Ethiopia’s  international influence.” Combined with internal conflicts, closure to the outside world had a negative impact on Ethiopia’s cross-border trade as well as acquisition of technology and knowledge. “It left the country alienated and hampered its growth.”

In the 19^th century, Ethiopia reluctantly opened its doors awakened to the reality of aggressive European colonial expansion. It sought diplomatic allies to fend off potential colonial aggressors and maintain its independence and sovereignty. Ethiopia’s leaders had the wisdom and foresight to forge cooperative relationships and partnerships with outside powers in a carefully orchestrated effort to protect the country’s sovereignty while striving to achieve levels of industrialization and civilization on par with the colonial powers.

Abiy places supreme importance on Ethiopia’s extraordinary victory over Italian colonial forces at the Battle of Adwa in 1896. Ethiopia, for the first time in world history, proved that a black nation can decisively crush a white militarily advanced European power with lightning speed. It took Ethiopian forces less than a day to wipe out the invading Italian army at Adwa. He believes that victory was a defining moment in Ethiopian history and has imprinted pride, self-respect, courage, heroism and gallantry in the DNA of every Ethiopian since. Repeatedly throughout the book, he expresses puzzlement about the descendants of such victorious forebears could fall prey and be enslaved to foreign ideologies.

Abiy expresses ambivalence for the predicament of the post-Battle of Adwa generation. That generation keenly understood Ethiopia could avoid the colonial fate of other African societies if it could only speed up its development to stand at par with the European nations. But that generation lacked self-confidence to develop a road map or come up with a homegrown approach to industrialization, modernization and development. The legacy of that predicament has been passed intergenerationally creating a crisis of identity and lack of self-confidence as younger generation of Ethiopians began to believe Ethiopia can advance only by importing foreign ideologies.

Abiy finds importation of Marxism-Leninism as a model of change for Ethiopia not only futile and destructive, but also incomprehensible. How could the children of a country that has kept its independence for millennia and descendants of the victors of the Battle of Adwa mimic and blindly accept lock and stock and barrel Marxism-Leninism as a way of economic development and social organization? He argues, “We spent years learning at the foot of Westerners; the Europeans who had defeated and sent off at Adwa, we embraced through the prism of Marxism Leninism. The habit of mimicking and following the footsteps of the Europeans that came within the communism package came to be considered as civilized.”

Abiy argues Marxism-Leninism became a deadly litmus test for Ethiopians of that period and left the country open to chaos and brain drain. “The Ethiopians who had emigrated in thought during the student movement eventually emigrated in body leaving the country to become a play den for the ignorant. Violence came to be considered as wisdom and evil as strength and corruption came to be viewed as smart and laziness as clever. National values were lost institutions demolished.”

Abiy believes Medemer Generation (MEDGEN) will recapture the dream of an ascendant Ethiopia and formulate a road map to seize the missed opportunities of past generations. That he believes begins with building a “culture of going beyond selfish motives into collective mentality,” creating a mindset of  “contributing rather than focusing on what one is owed” and harmonization of “individual success with national interest.”

One of the most extraordinary revelations in the book is Abiy’s deep personal disappointment and sadness that Ethiopia should be known as the poster child for famine and starvation. ( I have carried that shame myself for decades.) Abiy finds it impossible to believe how a country with so much fertile land, boundless water resources and manpower could allow itself to go hungry. He argues recurring famines have forced Ethiopians to “hold their heads in shame and put a dark stain on the proud history of our ancestors’ blood written on the mountains of Adwa.” He vigorously asserts, “Ethiopia does not have a famine history worse than Europe but it has been the poster child for famine in the late 20^th century.”  He urges, “It is imperative to ask whether the association of Ethiopia with famine is an intentional and racist attempt to taint our country’s image.”

Abiy believes MEDGEN will be the “generation of abundance.” He believes one of the core mission of MEDGEN to be transformation of Ethiopia from a beggar nation to a benefactor, giver, donor nation. Job #1 for Medemer Generation is to undertake an agricultural revolution and ensure Ethiopians can feed themselves without aid or handouts and restore Ethiopian national pride. He cautions that it is narrow-minded to conceive of economic growth exclusively in terms of food security as Ethiopia has resources to expand into other areas of development.

For Abiy, true heroism is not victory in fighting useless bloody internecine battles but creating surplus food and changing Ethiopia’s from Horn of Conflict to Horn of Plenty. He is absolutely convinced Ethiopia can achieve food security in just a few years because it has millions of hectares of uncultivated land and rivers and water resources that have been barely touched. All it takes it for Ethiopians to collectively put their shoulder to the wheel and noses to the grindstone and keep on pushing for prosperity.

In Chapter 5, Abiy explains and argues MEDGEN will be different from previous generations because it will be powered by creative imagination, scientific knowledge and ethical integrity. I understand Abiy’s core argument in this chapter in the following proposition, “Ethiopia is poor because its people lack education and knowledge to transform themselves and their country. MEDGEN will excel in knowledge and conduct itself with ethical integrity.”

Abiy believes MEDGEN will be a transformative generation because it has ready access to vast knowledge sources and using that knowledge can transition Ethiopia from poverty to prosperity and make it globally competitive with new ideas and innovations. He believes MEDGEN will thrive in a culture of research, intellectual curiosity, creative imagination and critical inquiry. He envisions “a society filled with lifelong learners” with an active imagination capable of keeping up with the dynamic change of knowledge in the modern world.

Abiy perceives dual dangers in the way “knowledge” is merchandised, curated and distributed globally and domestically today. First, he fears the spread of a pernicious new mental colonialism “because Google and social media platforms are controlled by a few individuals who decide what information is available and transmitted through their platforms through elaborate algorithms.” Second, he has deep concerns about the quality of domestic educational institutions which he says “should be more than degree mills” and organized to “spark the imagination of the youth and equip them with problem solving skills” in spaces where students can stretch their imaginations. He proposes the creation of “centers of excellence” in Ethiopia to attract students from all over Africa because in the contemporary world survival is determined if Africans band together and become competitive in science and technology.

Abiy believes survival in the 21st century depends not on military might but on a nation’s capacity to innovate and make scientific advancements. The nations that can nurture and inspire the minds of their youth generation with scientific knowledge and imagination will be the winners. The rest will be consigned to poverty and dependence on the handout of those with knowledge.

Abiy believes the key to Ethiopia’s global competitiveness is the ability to make knowledge accessible to all sectors of Ethiopian society. He wants to vastly expand access to physical and virtual libraries with digital network infrastructure for the speedy acquisition and transmission of information and data. He argues for the establishment of research institutions and laboratories and the creation of forums for philosophical, political and social debates and discussions. He believes there should be knowledge incubators in neighborhoods and schools and ready access for youth to science museums and other exhibition centers that could  spark curiosity and hunger for knowledge.

Abiy expresses great concern over the possible seepage of the “collapsing (Western) moral values” into Ethiopia and Africa. I believe Abiy is horrified by the “gross corruption, unspeakable cruelty, insatiable greed, indolence and irresponsibility, moral bankruptcy and ethical collapse” of industrialized societies. I read his analysis as a call to societal institutions in Ethiopia to band together to defend against seeping/creeping moral depravity.

In a later chapter, he discusses the moral decline and decadent “lifestyle of theft, greediness, cruelty, hatred, laziness, apathy, finger pointing rather than taking responsibility ” that has been passed down from generation to generation. He feels MEDGEN must face this legacy, overcome the moral crisis and restore moral excellence to pass on to the next generation. In my view, Abiy is deeply concerned about building an ethical society in Ethiopia on a foundation of certain basic virtues such as hard work, trust, honesty, unity, diligence, altruism, Pan-Africanism and so on. Ethical probity will not necessarily come through classroom instruction but through practice, by living ethical lives manifested in our actions and thoughts.

Abiy explores the metaphysical and transnational dimensions of generational development and change in this chapter. He uses the notions of “transcendentalism” and “transnationality” to discuss his ideas of an aesthetically, ethically and spiritually enriched generation and society. In my view, Abiy’s resonates certain well-established “transcendental” maxims:  “Change begins with oneself. Those who cannot change themselves cannot change the world. Be the change you want to see in the world. We see the trees for the forest. Eyes on the prize. Not by bread alone. Cleanliness is next to godliness. Attitude determines altitude.”

Abiy’s notion of “transcendentalism,” I believe, resonates the core ideas of the philosophical movement in America in the 182os which is founded on the notion  of the inherent goodness of human beings and nature, and that society/ institutions have corrupted the goodness of the individual. However, Abiy’s  “transcendentalism” embraces the idea that wo/man must constantly cultivate and enrich his/her capacity to change by engaging in synergistic social enterprises (in contrast to contemplative reflection) with others and careful husbandry of the natural environment.

I understand Abiy to argue that change begins in the individual mind and spreads progressively throughout society. A mind polluted with ignorance, hate, bigotry and jealously will project the same spiritual poverty on others in society. In this regard, he makes a number of persuasive interrelated arguments. First, poverty of mind (ignorance, lack of education) and intellectual bankruptcy (those who cannot engage to debate issues in good faith, but lie, distort, name-call, target, & destroy people/communities by any means possible) are the chief obstacles to social development. Second, I understand his argument to be that people reflect their environment. People who live and work in aesthetically satisfying environments are more productive, cooperative, creative, innovative and effective. If they live amidst natural and man-made beauty, in clean cities and comfortable working spaces, they are likely to enhance their quality of life as well as achieve longevity and gain peace of mind. Abiy argues:

“A person who transforms his surroundings with greenery is likely to be confronted with the barrenness of his mindset. A person who works in a clean and bright office is less likely to engage in petty corruption or wallow in idleness and is more likely to show diligence and initiative. A person who has begun to take care of plants and animals would find it difficult to show cruelty to fellow human beings and is more likely to be more compassionate.”

He cites Japan as a model of balancing and blending modernity with its own traditions. He admires the Japanese culture of upholding tradition while absorbing eclectically from the West. He finds parallels in Ethiopian history and tradition. He persuasively uses the “consciousness” (motivating ideas) leading to the construction of the Churches of Lalibela to make his point. He wonders, “St. Lalibela asked why travel all the way to Jerusalem when we can build  Jerusalem in Ethiopia.”

Abiy believes Ethiopians are blinded to their own greatness, history and rich culture. He argues we have failed to appreciate and add value to the abundance of beauty in our country, both natural and human. One of the core missions of MEDGEN is to be environmentally aware and strive to preserve and develop the natural beauty of the country in harmony with aesthetically pleasing modern infrastructure and execute projects that harmonize the ancient with the modern, the natural and man-made are blended in sublime harmony.

Abiy projects MEDGEN to Africa in general. He believes Medemer Generation has transnational/transcontinental responsibility. He sees it spreading Pan-African values. Transnationalism generally refers to flows and exchanges of ideas, information and things and movement of people across national borders. I believe Abiy uses the concept of “transnationalism” to describe a state of mind and being for Medemer Generation. That state of mind signifies African solidarity and pride.

I believe Abiy promotes his idea of “transnationalism” as a response to Western narratives of Africa as a dark (to mean savage) continent which needs to be civilized (enlightened). MEDGEN will spark continental African Renaissance driven by Pan-African values, and Ethiopia’s revival and strength will power ideological change with continental transformative ramifications. For instance, MEDGEN’s transnationalism could help rebuild the torn social fabric of African societies with a new consciousness of an Africa that will demand its rightful place in the world. Through transnationalism, African societies could rise above petty internal divisions and pool their resources to deal with recurrent humanitarian crises, pull Africa out of poverty into prosperity.

In Chapter 7, Abiy explores his ideas of Medemer as a “generation building formula.” He returns to his original idea in his first volume that human beings could not survive in their day today lives if they attempt to live in isolation. MEDGEN for Abiy is the generation that harmonizes its Ethiopian identity with broader African identity and its African identity with global citizenship and  cosmopolitanism. It is an environmentally conscious and patriotic generation. It  considers living in peace as being more heroic than victory in war.

He uses the metaphor of ants as a natural example of synergy to achieve the greater common good. Ant society, miniscule as it is, manages to function in a system that ensures strong cooperation to such an extent that they are regarded as super beings. They have achieved a higher level or form of social existence much more than other large animals. The most distinguishing trait of ant behavior is their synergy, sociability and  teamwork. Ants, in my view, are the ultimate archetype of medemer. Ants do not act individually. The behave according to the needs of the colony in specific roles such as worker or soldier ants. The central and singular “mission” of ants is the “ant colony” which forms the nest (living space). They always work for the for the good and unity of the colony. Ants can do extraordinary things. They can pull ten times their weight. They work as a team. They never give up. They overcome challenges and even float on water. They can drive out a herd of elephants. They are invincible.

I understand Abiy’s ant metaphor to suggest that what matters is not the size or wealth of a country but the ability of its people to work synergistically for the common good and cause. For instance, though Ethiopians were poor and wielded bows, arrows and swords, they were able to defeat a mighty colonial power (elephant) with superior firepower. Their unity and sense of common purpose was enough to give them determination to defeat a mighty military power.

I believe Abiy’s message is that we should all find the hidden “ant” in us. (“Ants united can never be defeated.”) Certainly, he believes MEDGEN will function in the spirit of ants.

Abiy presents his ideas of “becoming as truth” in this chapter. I interpret that to mean truth as praxis. I addressed the praxis aspect of Medemer in Part II of my review of the author’s first volume in October 2019 and also in the context of the politics of the Horn of Africa, among others.

In MEDGEN, I understand his idea about “becoming as truth” essentially as truth as praxis (social practice). In other words, truth is not some abstract thing that exists independent of human action. It is the act/process of engaging, applying, exercising, realizing and practicing ideas. It is the process of reflection and action upon the world in order to transform it. By “becoming truth,” one takes on the responsibility of acting to create a more just world. Medemer is not an idea but a term that signifies actions. Medemer does not exist in the abstract, though it is a mindset. It is social energy that comes into being through individual and collective action.

I also believe Abiy’s notion of “becoming truth” reflects existential truth in the Kierkegaardian sense in which one lives in authenticity conceived in terms of honesty, integrity, sincerity, and other virtues. In this sense, Abiy’s ideas, in my view, resonate with Sartre’s concept of truth as a creation of human reality intimately connected to human desires and goals, human choice and action. Everyone is responsible for one’s actions and live in a manner that enhances the lives of others and not diminish them.

A third dimension of his notion of “becoming truth,” I believe, refers to the  pursuit of truth through scientific inquiry in a process of testing and proving propositions through practical trials and experimentation. Science reveals reality through knowledge and inquiry that are testable and replicable. Therefore, “becoming truth” is a continuous process of verification, testing and replication. “Becoming truth” never ends as there is no destination, no final truth.

Abiy argues politics  should not be something left for a few elites while excluding the majority of all the broad masses. The masses need to be heard and participate in public affairs and seeking solutions. They must experience “becoming truth.” He attributes the historical deficit in state legitimacy and inability to undertake nation building in Ethiopia to the fact that politics has been exclusive and the domain of elites. He believes inclusive politics is essential because of Ethiopia’s diversity. Ethiopian state building requires bringing together communities with different ethnic identities, religious affiliation and cultural and linguistic heritage into a common purpose.

The historic political problem in Ethiopia has been the approach to diversity. Previous governments sought linguistic and cultural assimilation to bring about national cohesion and unity through uniformity. The failure of the assimilationist approach was one of the major factors for the collapse of the imperial regime and takeover by the military. The military regime’s excessive focus on diversity proved to be a cause for division dashing  hopes of a multinational federation that would blend diversity with unity. Neither approach appreciated the complexity of the problem of governing a multinational, -lingual, -cultural society.

MEDGEN is meant to bloom through harmony of different religious and ethnic communities in a spirit of solidarity and mutual respect and unity in common cause. Medemer provides an approach, a perspective to bring about a state of national becoming or flourishing through an approach and synergy. MEDGEN will not be conflicted by issues of individual or collective identity because it embraces diversity as a source of beauty and dynamism.

In Chap. 8, Abiy proclaims MEDGEN is the primary owner of the New Ethiopia. MEDGEN are the  young people who are below the age of 20 at the time of the change in administration in Ethiopia over the past 5 years. MEDGEN is different from previous generations because it is infused with multinational unity, ethos of fraternity with a well-developed civic culture and strong transnational roots and connections. Francis Fukuyama argued capitalist liberal democracy was the “end of history” because it had successfully removed the “internal contradictions” that had ruptured past schemes for ordering society. I understand Abiy to suggest that MEDGEN is Ethiopia’s best (and possibly last) chance to rewrite a new chapter (if not a new book) in Ethiopian history. In my view, he believes MEDGEN will resolve the historical political (true federalism in contrast to bogus “ethnic federalism”), social (genuine diversity)  and economic (from poverty to prosperity)  contradictions in Ethiopia.

MEDGEN is foreordained to achieve true federalism in Ethiopia where diversity is embraced and multiple languages are operational. Ethnic identity will blend with national identity and bring about national dialogue and reconciliation. He sets out the MEDGEN’s distinctive characteristics and features. MEDGEN places a premium on learning, intellectual curiosity, creative imagination, innovation and discovery. It is a generation that will thrive in a lifestyle based on respecting human dignity, compassion and inclusive patriotism.

Abiy places enormous importance on values in society. I understand Abiy to argue generational values determine generational destiny. In other words, a generation is what it values most. Values determine not only individual character but also destinies of nations. Values drive social and political action. A generation that values freedom practices this value by acting to protect and preserve freedom of others in the community. If it values peace, it will practice and promote peace as a cultural expression. A generation that values tolerance, consultation and mediation will solve problems peacefully by creating political environments that advancing national dialogue. A generation that values knowledge and learning builds libraries, schools and universities, research institutions and laboratories  and promotes a strong culture of reading and studying.  Abiy is cautions about development of values. He argues the values we develop must be conscious of the culture, economy and politics of Ethiopian society. MEDGEN shall seek values that advance the country’s prosperity, national interest and progress and shape coming generations.

Abiy reveals his extraordinary appreciation of art (in all its expressions) in Ethiopian society. He argues music, theater, film, painting, architecture, literature, etc., have immense capacity to influence the development and creation of shared identity. Art can generate and propagate generational values and help develop national consensus. In my view, he has a dual conception of art. The first is what I would call instrumental. Art can contribute to the overall enhancement of human life and nation building. The second is that art must be appreciated for its intrinsic value, to create beauty and entertain.

Abiy believes in full freedom of artistic expression and independence. (His passion for art suggests his own artistic personality overshadowed by politics and duties of government.) He sees the government’s role in art as purely supportive. Government may pass laws and implement policies to advance artistic expression and endeavors. Government should provide educational and training facilities and performance spaces and  environment for artists to reflect on society and inspire the next generation.

Abiy urges development of “emotional intelligence,” which is empathetic/ sympathetic state of mind to manage one’s emotion, overcome conflict and strive for higher values and beauty. He argues emotional intelligence is necessary to enable us to live in harmony and express,  share and manage feelings with others. That lack of emotional intelligence is often observed in Ethiopian society in behaviors of intolerance and resentment. Small political differences are blown out of proportion and lead to grudges and outbreaks of violence. He also perceives it in the “many of the episodes of cruelty in our history” where “fear has made people overestimate threats to their existence and commit terrible acts of cruelty.” Arrogance (complacency)  created from success (“fulfilled dreams”) set the stage for slacking off and laziness.

For Abiy, in my view, one of the greatest virtues is trust. Without trust there can be no social relations that leads to collective progress. He argues a generation that lacks trust is destined to fail. Trust is what gives law the power of legitimacy. The source of many problems and historical injustices in Ethiopia emanate from lack or low levels of trust. “A society with low levels of trust will struggle to sustain its systems and institutions or build new ones its unity and resilience will be under erosion and it cannot build anything.” He asserts the cost of mistrust is endless conflict and strife. For Abiy, building trust is a long-term societal endeavor and believes it results from common values created by religion and culture.” For MEDGEN, building and practicing trust is one of its core mission.

MEDGEN will be a “trusting generation.” It shall “develop the value of trust to chart a new way forward. The first step in this regard is the creation of social institutions that can contribute to the moral edification of the generation.” That trust will transcend ethnicity, class or other factors. For Abiy, trust is the brightest star in a constellation of values that contribute to “moral excellence.” MEGDGEN must rise above the  “moral decline we are witnessing in our homes, religious centers and social institutions” and establish trust.

In Chapter 9, Abiy expounds his ideas on developing a culture of social responsibility for MEDGEN. In this regard, he places supreme importance on education and the functioning of a responsible media. Abiy perceives education is a surefire generation building methodology. The greatest threat to MEDGEN comes from the poor quality of education and failing schools which has resulted in the rise of “an apathetic and socially disengaged generation.” He finds historical roots to this problem in perspectives during the original establishment of modern education in Ethiopia. In the early days, there was a generation that was shaped in “European reality, advocated for pursuit of European knowledge and tried to look at Ethiopian problems through a European lens causing significant harm.” A contending approach emphasized learning from homegrown wisdom and believed solutions to our problems could be found by focusing on our own wisdom rather than by looking to European knowledge. Still others proposed combining the local with European knowledge to design our educational system emphasizing the universality of knowledge.

The major practical problem was that Ethiopia’s modern education failed to give adequate attention to science and technology and not utilize education as part of the national solution seeking process. He prescribes, “Our system of education ought to be one that can shape the generation and offer solutions to national problems.” Education ought to promote values of patriotism and fraternity and enhance appreciation for beauty, science and technology. To improve the educational system, he proposes six basic measures covering curriculum development, teaching methods, ethical/moral training, teacher training, providing students learning tools and supplies and even school lunches. Abiy makes a special case for early childhood education. He believes learning must begin as early as possible and not only in basic language and computational skills but also in developing    social, self-awareness, self-management (life skills) and ethical skills to distinguish between responsibilities and rights and caring for others.

Abiy places great emphasis on the role of media in “generation building.” He starts from two premises. First, in the internet age, traditional government monopoly of information is gone. Government attempts at media control and regulation have proved futile. Second, the impact of social media in dissemination of information has been transformative. In this context, media poses opportunities and dangers to Ethiopian society. Media can play its traditional role as a watchdog, voice of the people, identifying social problems and holding government power in check. The media is instrumental in building a democratic culture of robust debate and discussion and in creating forums for free public discussion  to enable citizens to participate in seeking solutions. But the media must exercise great responsibility and not endanger the national interest and threaten the integrity of the country’s sovereignty in the name of press freedom. It must abide by universal standards of journalistic professionalism and integrity. The problem is Ethiopian media suffers from chronic problems including lack of professionalism and training. Being a YouTuber or running a website does not make one a journalist or professional.

Abiy argues in diverse country like Ethiopia, there is a need for caution “so that content and discussions broadcast through media will not instigate or encourage chaos or anarchy.” He is fully committed to “ensuring the freedom and independence of the media” from government regulation and self-policing of the media through a “broad set of actors, owners, administrators and journalists must work together with a view to protect and safeguard the national interest.”

He sees several problems with media in shaping MEDGEN. The major challenge of the media in shaping MEDGEN will be to overcome the overflow of negative information, dis/misinformation and propaganda coming from different directions. The lack of media critical awareness and professionalism has made them tools for spreading news and information that undermines the country’s unity, peace and stability. This has resulted, in certain cases, in propagation of messages of hate that have caused violence, death and destruction.

In  order to achieve a responsible media, Abiy proposes we must build a homegrown social media communication environment in the long term and in the short-term focus on developing legal and administrative frameworks that will help in managing the negative effects of contemporary social media. Abiy has special concern regarding the impact of media on children. I believe his argument is that social media today has become a cesspool of information and disinformation with harmful and subversive effects on young minds. He finds this aspect of social media concerning and requiring concerted social and legal action.

In Chapter 10, Abiy examines MEDGENs future in a reginal/global context and the potential opportunities and threats it faces. He frames MEDGENs fortunes in the context of emerging regional geopolitical transformations. His analysis is structured around the decline of the unipolar Western system and rise of China and implicitly BRICs countries. He argues the US and its Western allies are facing stiff challenges economically and militarily and a multipolar world is evolving. He believes, with the relative decline in energy dependence, the US has reoriented its attention away from the Middle East and Horn region to the Pacific and Far East to fend off China’s increasingly influential role. This has left a vacuum in the Horn and the Middle East and the West’s rivals are taking advantage. Sanctions, economic chokeholds and other penalties are causing more defiance and accelerating the realignment of African countries from Western countries.

On the other hand, Abiy argues Middle Eastern countries have come of age and can handle things for themselves. They have managed to “transform deserts into great tourist destinations and trade hubs. They are emerging from the geopolitical shadows of the US and becoming major international players that are changing international balance of power.” They are taking greater responsibility for their security. These countries are integrating the Horn region in its regional security architecture in light of the Red Sea trade corridor and its increasing geopolitical importance. The security of the Horn and the Middle east will increasingly mesh and become one.

The great opportunity for MEDGEN is the strategic position of the Horn to provide vitally needed commodities to the Middle East. Abiy makes a persuasive case for Ethiopia to become the breadbasket of the Middle East and beyond. The Middle East will increasingly face a water and food deficit, rising food prices and unstable markets. Ethiopia has abundant fertile land with rivers and lakes, multiple growing seasons to meet the food demands of the Middle East. Ethiopia has “significant agricultural potential they could tap into.” Ethiopia is open to investments from Middle Eastern countries and opportunities for employment for Ethiopians, which provides substantial remittances. MEDGEN needs to navigate this geopolitical space and take the enormous economic opportunities that will be available.

TO BE CONTINUED…

This article is part of the Analytical Reporting to Improve the Federation (ARIF) project.

Before a diverse federation can really move forward, regional states’ tax takes need to increase.

A palpable air of tension hangs over the southern Ethiopian city of Hawassa, which is perhaps unsurprising considering the rocky few years its residents have lived through.

Hawassa has been the epicenter of a drawn-out regional state formation process as Sidama extricated itself from the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region (Southern Nations).

Southern Nations is a melting pot renowned for the diversity of its residents in terms of language, culture, and religion, with more than half of the country’s 80-plus ethno-linguistic groups found in the region. This heterogeneity gives the region its lengthy name and identity—but also has its drawbacks.

Since 2018, Southern Nations has contended with rising autonomy demands from its constituent parts. Ten of its thirteen identity-based zones have petitioned for referendums on whether to become a regional state themselves.

Sidama, in 2020, and South West Ethiopia Peoples’ Region (South West), the year after, have thus far managed to become separate regions through constitutionally prescribed self-determination procedures. A third referendum on regional statehood was held in a central part of Southern Nations on 6 February.

But the two new regional administrations are struggling to provide services for their citizens, reflecting the fact that the federal system overall has dwindling resources due to reduced growth amid the civil war and Covid-19 pandemic.

“The budget we have received cannot sustain [the regional government’s] expenses and also allow us to answer piled up development needs of the people,” said Desta Ledamo, Sidama’s president, during a 2021 fundraiser. The Southern Nations finance bureau reported severe budgetary constraints early that year, to the extent that some regional employees were not paid their salaries.

So, while in theory the new structures should deliver better public services due to their greater proximity to the people, the enhanced budgets to pay for improved governance are missing. This reflects the reality that, despite the federal system’s decentralization, regional administrators look upwards for revenues, which mostly accrue at the center.

Arguably, to improve public administration, regional officials need to be more democratically accountable to citizens, thus providing them an incentive to deliver better services.

This can be done in part by increasing their responsibility for raising revenues from the citizens that they provide services for. Greater fiscal autonomy would also reduce the regions’ reliance on the federal government and strengthen their constitutionally granted autonomy in policy making, which has in the past been constrained by the ruling party controlling policy from the center.

This could partly be addressed by increasing the amount of revenue collected locally, which is already occurring in some instances. While that will inevitably be a contested, convoluted process, a good place to start is by adjusting the approach to fiscal federalism to ensure that more revenue is collected at the regional rather than federal level.

Encouragingly, and to the Prosperity Party government’s credit, this process is already underway—though there is a long way to go to rebalance Ethiopia’s federation so that its devolutionary principles contribute more to material improvements in citizens’ lives.

For example, Ethiopia’s government plans to introduce property taxes to broaden the revenue base. After the proposal, a debate arose among pundits and in the House of Federation—the upper chamber of parliament tasked with matters such as inter-regional disputes and autonomy claims—over whether or not these taxes should be levied and collected by the regional or federal governments. Some representatives argued that regional administrations need the new taxes to meet their expenditure needs.

Still, regardless of such discussions, developments toward more genuine and equitable federalism are hampered by the country’s dire economic and political situation. This has led to spiraling costs to address the country’s multiple security crises, which are exacerbated by decreasing government revenue. All of this negatively impacts effective tax collection and the development of more equitable distribution mechanisms.

Current System

Sidama’s long quest for regional statehood was realized three years ago following a referendum in which more than two million people voted in favor of separating from Southern Nations. The financial aspect of the separation sheds light on Ethiopia’s fiscal management system, which is decentralized in terms of both spending and revenue generation.

Running a regional administration is not cheap, and included huge costs for payroll and office rentals during the transition.

With this in mind, the administrators wasted no time in requesting the federal government to allocate it grants, which come in the form of block grants for general spending and also for specific purposes.

Those subsidies are critical as regional administrations generally collect a relatively small amount of tax compared to the federal government, partly because the constitution assigns the most profitable revenue streams to the center.

The Ethiopian constitution devotes seven articles towards tax affairs. Under these provisions, the federal government is responsible for collecting certain levies, such as import and export duties, as well as profit and sales taxes for federal enterprises.

Regional governments are assigned their own slate of revenues, including profit taxes for businesses operating within their jurisdiction and income taxes on those private firms’ employees.

Meanwhile, profit, sales, excise, and personal income taxes on state-owned enterprises established jointly by regional and federal authorities, taxes and royalties on large-scale mining projects, and hydrocarbon operations are classified as concurrent taxes to be shared between the regional and federal governments.

In practice, beginning in 1997, the federal government has been in charge of levying and collecting these concurrent revenues and redistributing them to the regions based on a distribution formula set by the House of the Federation that has only been revised once since 1995 when the constitution came into effect.

The constitutional distribution of taxation powers has created a large fiscal imbalance between the federal government and the regional states since the taxing powers allocated to the regional states are far from sufficient to cover their expenditure.

Some regions, such as Afar and Somali, have not been able to fund more than fifteen percent of their expenditure from their own revenue. In more developed regions, like Amhara and Oromia, it has been between twenty and 40 percent. In any case, federal grants fund between 60 and 80 percent of regional budgets and make up around 40 percent of total federal expenditure.   Arguably, to help the fortunes of Ethiopia’s federation to reverse, these shares need to be reversed.

Funding Sidama

Following the formation of Sidama region, the House of Federation announced that it did not have adequate census data to revise the budget distribution formula and decided Sidama would take twenty percent of the subsidy allocated for Southern Nations.

“It’s a good thing we are at a juncture where the revision of the budget subsidy formula is being reconsidered, said President Desta during the region’s council’s session in 2020, where its first budget was approved. “Whether it’s less or more for us, it is essential that there is equitable distribution.”

The initial 2020/21 budget was determined to be 10.7 billion birr in the 2020/21 fiscal year, half of which was earmarked for capital spending. Since, costs associated with setting up the regional government and other capital investments have soared.

As a result, the budget for Sidama in the 2022/23 fiscal year is nearly double its maiden allocation. Some of that growth seems to have come from increases in local taxes, as Sidama’s federal subsidies grew by only two percentage points over the same period.

A little less than half of this year’s total budget (8.9 billion birr) will cascade down to wereda administrations, which are responsible for delivery of basic services such as health, education, and agricultural services. Setting up the zonal administrations is expected to cost 150 million birr, while over half a billion is set aside for capital projects. The rest will be spent on regional government institutions.

However, according to sources in the public sector, the region has been struggling with budgetary issues from the outset. They say the situation has gotten worse over time, which has forced the region to cut capital outlays—though it’s been able to maintain salary payments with only “minor delays,” a government worker told Ethiopia Insight.

Another change that came with Sidama’s formation is fiscal procedure at the Hawassa City Administration. According to a city official, all budgetary support received from Southern Nations has stopped since Sidama was formed, and the city is now meeting its financial needs on its own.

In the current fiscal year, the entirety of the three billion birr budgeted for Hawassa will comprise revenue collected by the city’s authorities, which makes up fifteen percent of Sidama’s total twenty billion birr budget.

The shift to relying solely on local revenue has been detrimental in light of ever-increasing costs, such as those stemming from rural-to-urban migration and the accompanying increases in demand for public services. Another challenge is the cost of resettling people displaced by infrastructure projects.

Concurrent Taxes

Another way to help regions like Sidama raise more revenue has been by increasing the share of concurrent revenues that go to regional governments.

The House of Federation has the constitutional mandate to determine the distribution formula along with overseeing the distribution of concurrent tax revenues. It must also ensure equitable distribution and delivery of the budget.

Despite being granted a share of concurrent taxes under the 1995 constitution, these revenues have historically been relatively insignificant for regional governments. But after regional lobbying, a new concurrent revenue distribution formula was introduced three years ago.

According to Wakitole Dadi, director of Regional States Fiscal Equalization at the House of Federation, the formula was revised due to the need to factor in various, and rapidly changing, economic conditions. Implementation, too, was an issue, as there were administrative changes such as the deployment of a new system for regional shares to be tracked.

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“Regions have been disgruntled with this for years,” Wakitole said. “Our study found that 90 percent of the concurrent tax revenue was going to the federal government.”

This was the result of vagaries with the formula and implementation. For decades, regions have not received revenue from profit taxes on companies headquartered elsewhere but operating in their jurisdictions. This meant that regions providing infrastructure, services, and labor to companies operating locally were not benefiting from it.

According to Wakitole, the regions had stopped following up on concurrent taxes owing to their small shares. This problem was, at long last, addressed in the revision, with an agreement that regions would collect profit taxes from private businesses operating in their region even if they are registered in another jurisdiction.

Percentage Shares

The formulas were also significantly modified. Personal income tax from public enterprises jointly established by regional administrations and the federal government was previously divided equally. The new formula dedicates this revenue source fully to the regions.

Similarly, value-added taxes (VAT) and excise taxes earned from these businesses are now apportioned evenly, as opposed to the old model which assigned 70 percent to the federal government.

The other major change has to do with large-scale mining and petroleum and gas operations. The previous practice saw the federal government retain 60 percent of revenues from royalty payments, while a profit tax from these activities was equally distributed. Under the new formula, regional states as well as lower administrative echelons where mining activity is being conducted are the main beneficiaries.

While only a quarter of the revenue goes to the federal government, 50 and 25 percent goes to the region of origin and other regions, respectively. Of that 50 percent, regions are required to distribute ten percent to the specific area of origin.

This revision has resulted in a tremendous increase in regional revenues. Regions collectively received six billion birr under the old formula, a figure that soared to 22 billion birr the following year, and over 32 billion birr the year after that.

Some regions saw larger increases than others, including Somali, which saw its revenues shoot up by nearly 2,500 percent to two billion birr. As for Southern Nations, its earnings soared by 370 percent in the first year to 3.6 billion birr, presumably in part due to increased revenues from Legedembi gold mine.

“We can’t even say we used to earn anything significant. Now we’re getting billions,” said Abate Teferi, finance head of Southern Nations. “This has been tremendous for us.”

According to an Ethiopian taxation expert, the revisions are a step in the right direction, but more tinkering is needed. They point to the distribution of VAT as an area that needs attention. As it’s a consumption-based tax, the regions that produce the goods or services will often miss out compared to where the final transaction occurs. One suggested remedy is applying an equalization principle to ensure that areas with lower levels of economic activity are not left behind with regards to VAT.

Economic Woes

Despite these positive developments, major economic and political constraints have hampered meaningful change.

Annual inflation in Ethiopia has been hovering around 20 percent for the past two and a half years. Things got worse at the beginning of March 2022, as inflation soared to over 30 percent, accordingly increasing the cost of government projects and stretching budgets.

Rampant price increases are partly the result of productivity and supply chain constraints. Rising global prices for basic necessities such as cereals and petroleum products are mostly responsible for the ballooning cost of living.

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The Tigray and Oromia wars were also no small part of the problem. Budgets that would have otherwise gone into productive infrastructure projects were scrapped to cover defense costs. In response, the federal government got back into the habit of borrowing large sums from the central bank.

The conflict had other negative economic consequences. Ethiopia went through one of the lowest net income periods in its recent history, as development partners cut loans and grants because of the war.

The damage to people and infrastructure, and the resulting need for reconstruction financing, now looms over the country’s budgetary future. A rehabilitation and recovery plan published by the federal government states that six regions require $3.6 billion dollars in budget support.

Delayed Benefits

War in the north, Oromia, and elsewhere, inflationary pressure, and other disadvantageous global trends have prohibited regional administrations from reaping the benefits of increased revenues following the revision of tax distribution practices.

Although the revised revenue distribution represents a positive move towards fiscal autonomy, the federal government was not ready to compensate for its losses. A report published by the Ministry of Finance indicates the federal government faced an 18 billion birr deficit as a result of the new distribution formula in the first year alone.

While the regions’ share of revenue from joint taxation has increased, the budget subsidy the government extends has not declined. Still, it has only increased by seventeen percent over the last three years, which is lower than the inflation rate.

“Either the government has to cut the budget subsidy budget or use deficit financing measures, but how the government plans to address the problem was never clear,” said the taxation expert.

The federal government has also shown a commitment to revise the distribution formula for the general-purpose regional grants. Proclamation 1250 legislated in 2021 outlining the system for determining the division of the federal subsidy and joint revenues says that the subsidy allocation formula “may” be revised every five years. However, this has yet to be put into practice.

The formula currently in use was supposed to be revised in the 2019/20 fiscal year. According to Wakitole, the House of Federation has been working to revise the formula, but the lack of a recent population census and socio-economic research has hindered this.

New Beneficiaries

Another problem that has complicated regional fiscal administration is the formation of new states. South West followed in the footsteps of Sidama in late 2021, when voters chose to create the country’s eleventh region, which comprises five zonal administrations and two special districts. Though these structures might eventually improve the efficiency of government, initially they mean increased administrative costs.

The South West administration operates this year with an 11.3 billion birr budget, 6.4 billion birr of which was to be covered by a federal subsidy, 435 million birr earmarked for implementation of sustainable development goal projects, and 39 million from foreign assistance. Zonal administrative costs over the seven months between the referendum and the beginning of a new fiscal year came directly from Southern Nations.

Negash Wagesho, South West President, says the region is struggling with its finances. “As the subsidy budget we are receiving is a portion of the existing region [Southern Nations] and does not factor in infrastructure needs, population size, and distribution, we are facing a serious budget deficit,” he said during an event celebrating the first anniversary of his state’s formation.

Discussions between the administrators of Southern Nations and South West ended with an agreement that the newly formed regions would retain a portion of Southern Nations’ budget that would have gone to the zones under their jurisdictions. South West walked away with 19.4 percent of the Southern Nations’ budget, which it received in the form of direct deposits from the federal government.

Officials say budgetary constraints in South West are worsened by widespread underdevelopment, as most of the region’s residents lack access to basic infrastructure. This translates into a pressing need for financing, which President Negash addressed during his speech by calling on the House of Federation to provide a solution.

Additionally, extra financing would require an increase in the ability of weaker regional and sub-regional governments to efficiently spend it, which in turn would require investment in building their capacity.

Tracking Spending

Members of the House of Federation say their reservations about changing the distribution formula stem from the absence of an up-to-date national census, which needs to be conducted before a new formula can be determined.

In addition to population data, experts must account for tax potential, nineteen types of revenue sources, urbanization rates, and pastoral population sizes when devising the formula.

The House of Federation official said that it’s preparing to conduct other major parts of the revision study, including economic activity and expenditure needs. “It is necessary to design the subsidy formula carefully because it could lead to self-inefficiency if regions are subsidized beyond their budgetary needs,” said Wakitole.

There has not been a national census conducted since 2007, which was Ethiopia’s third since 1984. Statisticians estimated the population at 73.5 million fifteen years ago, but projections are that the figure has since grown to over 125 million.

Ethiopia’s House of Peoples’ Representatives.

The fourth national census was to take place in 2017 but was postponed due to security concerns. Although experts at the federal agency in charge of taking the census had plans to conduct one before the sixth national elections, the onset of COVID-19 resulted in the further postponement of both the census and the elections.

While the national elections were eventually held in 2021, except in Tigray, the costly war in the north put an end to plans to conduct the census during the fiscal year that ended in July 2022.

The availability of up-to-date census data would ensure that regions are fairly represented in federal decision-making if electoral constituencies are redrawn so they have a comparable population size. Accurate demographic data would also help facilitate a more equitable distribution of fiscal resources to regions and sub-regional levels.

Most importantly, it would assist policymakers and the House of Federation determining an equitable distribution method whereby they would factor in the infrastructural needs and economic potential of regions based on their demography.

Without a proper census it would be infeasible to conduct a needs assessment to serve as the basis of the program budget. “Ultimately population is the biggest factor for these calculations” says the taxation expert.

The problem is that, as with fiscal reform more generally, the census is highly sensitive in Ethiopia due to a widespread belief that the outcome would decide who gets money and power.

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Main photo: House of Federation voting to delay the census; 29 April 2018.

Published under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International licence. You may not use the material for commercial purposes.

By Mark Walker – The metaverse is a term that has evolved from a social media giant’s media hype to an immersive, virtual world that allows individuals to interact with one another, and with digital objects, in real-time.

It represents a new frontier for organisations to engage with customers, employees and partners, and in entirely new ways that can open up new revenue streams, markets and opportunities. Mark Walker, Associate Vice President for Sub-Saharan Africa at IDC Middle East, Africa and Turkey, believes that the potential of the metaverse for business is significant.

“It offers a new platform for marketing, sales and customer engagement, as well as opportunities for new business models and revenue streams,” he adds. “For example, companies can use the metaverse to create immersive product experiences, virtual showrooms, and digital events. They can also use the metaverse to train employees, collaborate with partners and conduct meetings in a virtual environment that bridges distance and geographical locations while still providing the immediacy of an in-person event.”

The metaverse stands side by side with Web3 – the next evolution of the internet where decentralised systems and blockchain technology are used to create a more open and transparent web. It is often described as the trustless web where users can interact with one another and exchange value without the need for intermediaries like financial institutions or social media platforms. In business terms, Web3 represents a new paradigm in online transactions and interactions as it enables decentralised applications (DApps) that can be built on blockchain and that can open up new avenues across secure data sharing, payments and supply chain management.

“Leveraging Web3, companies can also move into new revenue areas and create new business models while enhancing their relationships with customers and partners within an ecosystem powered by transparency and trust,” says Walker. “When combined with the metaverse, it is a landscape that’s defined by opportunity, and by the ability to do business from an immediate foundation of shared trust and collaboration. This can fundamentally change business relationships and how organisations collaborate in the future.”

Looking ahead, both the metaverse and Web3 have the potential to reshape the business landscape. They have moved well beyond the science fiction movie and well into the realm of reality where companies can extend their reach to new customer segments and deepen their connections with customers without incurring the cost burden that traditionally comes with the physical world.

“New customers benefit from an immediacy in engagement and connection with the company while existing customers benefit from the intense personalisation and enrichment of their existing relationship with the organisation,” concludes Walker. “This is bringing the concept of the ‘market of one’ closer to reality with far higher levels of personalisation. It also provides better access to long-tail customers, increases the speed of transactions and emphasises ease of use.”

While there is still time before the metaverse and Web3 have reached full maturity or potential, companies that start their journey will be in a position to grab the opportunities – both new and expected – at speed.

The IDC South Africa CIO Summit 2023, taking place in May at the Sandton Convention Centre, will examine the current state of the digital economy, its impact on citizens, customers, employees and operations, as well as the key challenges that must be addressed and how to solve them.
Mark Walker, Associate Vice President for Sub-Saharan Africa at IDC Middle East, Africa and Turkey.

Addis Ababa, April 24, 2023 (Walta) – The way Ethiopia ended the war in the northern part of the country with a peace agreement is a model for other countries, US Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa, Ambassador Mike Hammer said.

Following the Pretoria Peace Agreement, a program of recognition and honor for actors who have played crucial role in peace process was held in Addis Ababa yesterday under the theme: “Enough with War, Let us Sustain Peace!”

US Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa, Ambassador Mike Hammer who attended the program told ENA commended Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the leadership in Tigray for a peaceful resolution of a very challenging conflict through the African Union led process.

The United States was very proud to be an observer of and to contribute for the peace process, he stated.

The Special Envoy added: “It is a lesson that negotiations can produce outcomes that are good for the people of Ethiopia, and of course for the African people, and that there are ways to find African solutions to African problems and the United States is always ready to be a partner in these efforts. So let’s hope this is a lasting peace.”

He applauded that the way Ethiopia ended the two-year war with a peace agreement is an exemplary action for other countries.

“We are seeing right now a tremendous crisis in your neighbor in Sudan. I would hope that two leaders in Sudan, the generals, [Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo] would see that war has no true purpose other than to destroy the lives of innocent people,” Hammer stated.

If Ethiopians can come together after two year conflict, then others should be able to do the same, he urged.

Special Envoy also said: “the solution is not fighting. It is to silence the guns. It is to engage in negotiations, the international community, the United States, is involved and prepared to support these efforts to work with the African Union to work with other African institutions like IGAD to promote peace.”

There is no sense in killing innocent people. You must protect civilians, you must respect international humanitarian law, you must make sure that there’s accountability for those who violate human rights, abuse women and kill children.

“I am hopeful that the lesson that we can take away from the experience in Ethiopia is that dialogue can bring peace. Together, United States is working with partners after this effort, we have shown what is possible, and it’s not done yet. A lot of work remains but we can count on the efforts that we can make together to deliver peace,” he noted

We can show that peace is possible and give people hope, but it takes courage to make those decisions that bring peace, Ambassador Hammer pointed out.

The Special Envoy also noted that there’s still considerable work that needs to be done regarding the full implementation of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement signed in Pretoria.

The United States has pledged again and again, to be supportive of this process and to be a good partner to Ethiopia as it pursues peace for the entire country and its looks to provide a better future for Ethiopian people, he pointed out.

We are very much engaged in the discussions with the Ethiopian government and Tigrayian authorities about next steps, Ambassador Hammer said, adding the efforts of reconstruction, demobilization, disarmament and reintegration are important steps that must proceed.

He also mentioned that he met with the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Demeke Makonnen and they talked about some of these issues, the importance of going forward with accountability and transitional justice.

There’s a lot of work to be done he said, adding but you can count on the United States as a partner that’s going to support Ethiopians efforts to make sure that this is a lasting peace.

“And that again, you can have a situation in which Ethiopians can look forward to a future that is bright and hopefully peaceful and we also are prepared to support any other mediation processes that involve other regions. So that there is again, a good sense of stability that allows the relationship between the United States and Ethiopia to prosper,” he added.

Addis Abeba– Ethiopia’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Demeke Mekonnen, arrived in Tanzania this afternoon, state media said,

The news came a day after PM Abiy Ahmed said peace negotiations with the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) will start in Tanzania on Tuesday. But the state media did not mention the details on the said negotiation, and instead reported that Demeke has started a visit to four African countries including Comoros, Burundi and Uganda.

Demeke has also spoke with Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassann Zanzibar, the Indian Ocean city, today “on bilateral and environmental issues.”

Yesterday, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said peace talks between the government and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) is planned to kick start on Tuesday 25 April in Tanzania. He said this during a live broadcast at an ongoing event in Addis Abeba recognizing stakeholders who played roles in ending the two years war between the federal government and Tigrayan forces with a cessation of hostilities agreement signed in Pretoria in November 2022.

Following the announcement, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) said in a statement that it “acknowledges the statements” made on Sunday, April 24, by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed on the start next Tuesday of negotiations in Tanzania and said it “can confirm that the Ethiopian regime has accepted our terms for peace negotiations.”

However, the OLA, which has been fighting against government forces in Oromia for the last five years, said that it “strongly objects to the reference of our organization as “Shene,” a term the government often uses to refer to the group, which it had designated as a “terrorist organization” in May 2021. AS

On 17 December 1960 Emperor Haile Selassie, who was on a state visit to Brazil, returned hastily to Ethiopia after an attempted coup to oust him from power had failed. Paris Match, a French weekly pictorial magazine, sent its reporter, Jacques Le Bailly, and staff photographer, Gérard Gery to cover the uprising a few days after it broke out. Eight pages of reporting entitled “La vengeance du Negus” (Revenge of the Negus) relating the coup attempt as it played out and the tension in the aftermath appeared in the magazine on 31 December. The following is the English translation appearing here for the first time.

An extravagant and bloody chapter has just been added to the extraordinary existence of Haile Selassie. In four days, the King of Kings lost and regained his Ethiopian empire. It was the commander of the Imperial Guard himself who took advantage of the emperor’s absence to foment the rebellion. However, Emperor Haile Selassie has his own loyal and solid supporters. Three days later, the uprising was crushed.

On his return, the King of Kings received a triumphal welcome. 200,000 people lined the streets to cheer him. Yet shootings still erupted here and there. He did not have the courage to go to the imperial palace still stained with the blood of the terrible killing. At the Jubilee Palace, he received homage from those faithful to him.

Tuesday, 13 December

Brigadier General Mengistu Neway, commander of the Imperial Guard, leaned one last time over the cradle of his only son Jacob, his pride and joy. Mengistu was an Ethiopian Alcibiades, a Persian miniature, a favourite army commander of the Emperor, a modern Don Juan with countless affairs until his marriage to a beautiful Ethiopian, twenty years younger than he was and who six months ago bore him this son who became all his life.

On the steps of the beautiful, enormous mansion, located near the French embassy, his brother Germame was impatient. He was short and portly, while Mengistu who was nine years older than him, was rather tall and thin. Both were nevertheless the oldest, the leader, and the youngest, the conspiracy they would unleash. Conspiracy against Haile Selassie, a sacrilegious one since the Emperor had the status of the Chosen One of God.

The King of Kings was on the other side of the world. The two men left the large, peaceful house to put themselves at the head of the imperial guard that invaded the city.

Tuesday, 13 December Midnight

Brigadier General Makonnen Denneke, Deputy Minister for Imperial Palace, was awakened by a phone call in the dark stillness of the night. “The Empress is dying, the Empress is dead.” He jumped into his car and arrived in front of the gate of the palace which was closed. Strangely, the sentries refused to let him pass. But here was the command of the guard who arrived smiling. The two knew each other well.

The Empress is dead?

No, responded Mengistu. “It is feudal and backward Ethiopia that has just died. We deposed the emperor. There are three thousand years of injustice to be repaired. You are with us, aren’t you?”

“Never.”

A nonchalant gesture from his childhood friend and the Deputy Minister was suddenly framed by guards, bayonet to the cannon, who pushed him towards the building of the general staff 300 meters from there. in the luxurious Green salon of the commander-in-chief, General Makonnen found most of the leading figures of the government and finally, the Crown Prince himself, Asfa Wassen, who himself was attracted to this ambush. The emperor’s chaplain was the first victim. He falls riddled with bullets. His head was cut with a knife and guards played football with it.

Wednesday, 14 December

A corporal in Haile Selassie’s Imperial Guard, world champion marathon runner, Abebe Bikila, reached the posting by trotting where he would take his duty. He wasn’t the only one who noticed something unusual on the street. The streets were animated and squads of soldiers were everywhere. Maybe there was some maneuver going on but didn’t give it much thought. He had other priorities to ponder about, Rio or Saint-Sylvestre where he would run in two weeks. His sergeant looked at him. “Corporal Abebe, there is no training today. Take your casket and gun, today you aren’t going to do athletics, but rather a soldier.” Abebe obeyed the order, being well disciplined. His squad headed for the Imperial Palace. Suddenly he understood. He loved his emperor, he had sworn to be faithful to him to the last. He would not betray him.

He threw away his gun and ran away much faster than he had ever run before. There was a deserter. No question of returning to his house. With all the speed his legs could generate, he crossed the north of the city and reached, in the suburbs, the tukul, a round structure with a thatched hut and plain mud where he lived before his triumph at Rome. He put on civilian clothes, cast aside his uniform, and decided “to wait for the return of his master.”

Wednesday, December 14

Crown Prince and heir to the throne, Asfa Wossen, 44 years, big, strong, bearing little resemblance to his father, was sweating and scared to death. A guard pointed a machine gun at his belly. He recorded on a Magneto phone while stuttering, an announcement written by the rebel brothers. Docile, the prince denounced “three thousand years of injustice.” Hence the heir became the emperor, he who so many times would have wanted to shake off the yoke of paternal authority. Later, people listened in silence to this proclamation, broadcast by radio and by trucks equipped with loudspeakers. They said, “A son should not do that to his father.”

Wednesday, 15 December

The imperial representative to Eritrea, General Abiy Abebe couldn’t believe his ears when he heard the declaration of the Crown Prince. The 40 years old general, tall and solid, had distinguished himself with exemplary courage and loyalty. General Abiy Abebe sent twelve telegrams to governors telling them that he had contacted the Emperor to let him know about the coup and asked them to pledge loyalty to the Emperor. In less than four hours, he received four favourable responses and the rest the following day.

(To be continued)

Addis Abeba – Head of the ruling Prosperity Party, Amhara region branch Girma Yeshitila shot dead sources confirmed to Addis Standard.

The specifics of the killing are yet to emerge but Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed tweeted that the party official was killed by “violent extremists who believe that he [Girma] shouldn’t have a different idea from ours”. The PM also hinted that he was killed where he was born and grew up.

Girma was at the center of the government’s controversial decision to abolish the regional special forces and “reorganize” them into national army, federal and regular police. He said the mass protests seen in the Amhara region in opposition to the decision were the result of poor leadership on the part of the task force commissioned with reorganizing the special forces in the region.

According to him, the responsible reorganizing team was unable to adequately notify the public about the reorganization plan, and the media concentrated on disseminating political sabotage and inaccurate information irrelevant to the actual picture of the plan.

This story is developing…

Addis Abeba – Ethiopian prime minister Abiy Ahmed (PhD) has held discussions over the phone with General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, the two generals at the helm of the warring Sudanese army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) stressing the need to resolve disputes amicably and bring stability to Sudan.

“The great people of Sudan deserve peace,” said Abiy in a Twitter post. 

General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, leader of the paramilitary RSF, on his part, Tweeted that he had a productive conversation with the Ethiopian prime minister, addressing various issues regarding the ongoing crisis in Sudan.

He further stated that, while exchanging views, the Ethiopian prime minister urged the importance of finding a solution to the Sudanese issue.

“He [Abiy] also expressed his support for the Sudanese people, and their choices, emphasizing Ethiopia’s readiness to provide assistance to help Sudan get through this crisis.”

The phone conversations came in the backdrop of reports of Ethiopia seeking to mediate between the warring parties through regional blocs such as the IGAD and the African Union.

Follows intensive diplomatic efforts by neighboring countries, as well as the US, UK and UN, the BBC reported that both warring parties have agreed to renew the three-day ceasefire, which was declared on Monday night for another 72 hours.

Meanwhile, there have been reports of continued fighting despite the truce. AS

From Left: Redwan Hussien,Prof. Mohammed Hassan, Dr. Gedion Timothwos and Taha Abdii

Addis Abeba – The talks between the representatives of the Ethiopian government and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) entered the fourth day today with the two sides engaged in multiple discussions on preliminary topics, sources with knowledge to the matter told Addis Standard.

Among the topics of the various talks held so far include discussions on modalities and rules of engagement to pave ways for broader negotiations, according to two sources who are familiar with the matter. One source described the atmosphere of the last four days as “encouraging.”

The sources spoke to Addis Standard on conditions of anonymity because they are not authorized, also said the discussions so far are not about substantive issues of negotiations between the two parties. 

Both the government of Ethiopia and the OLA have so far remained tight-lipped on the topics of the ongoing talks

Earlier this week, Nuur Mohamud Sheekh, the spokesperson for the Executive Secretary of IGAD, described the process as “Ethiopian-led-Ethiopian-owned.”

“The Executive Secretary of IGAD Dr Workneh Gebeyehu has always availed his “good offices” to the two sides. He wishes the parties every success,” Nuur said commenting on the role of the regional body.

Credible sources also told Addis Standard that in addition to IGAD, the talks are being facilitated by the governments of Norway, Kenya. Although some media reports suggested that the EU and the US government were also part of the external stakeholder. Bu according to the sources who spoke with Addis Standard, there is no clear indication that both the EU and the US are involved in any capacity until now.

Both the government of Ethiopia and the OLA have so far remained tight-lipped on the topics of the ongoing talks.

Addis Standard can confirm that the federal government’s negotiating team currently at the venue in Zanzibar, Tanzania, consists Redwan Hussien, National Security Advisor to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, and Dr. Gedion Timothwos, Minister of Justice, Kefyalew Teferra, head of Oromia regional state’s justice and security cluster with a rank of vice president, Major General Demissew Amenu, Deputy Head of Military Intelligence at the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) and Bonsa Ewunetu from Ethiopia’s National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS). Ambassador Shibiru Mamo, Ethiopian Ambassador in Tanzania is also present in the discussion rooms.

Part of the confirmed participants from the OLA side include Professor Mohammed Hassan, Taha Abdii, Dr. Banti Ujulu and Ejerso Urgessa. Addis Standard understands that there are more representatives of the OLA present at the venue.

Background

Both sides made the move to resolve the war that has gripped the Oromia region for nearly five years and destroyed countless lives and caused immeasurable destruction in the region, after calls for peace began gaining momentum, including from lawmakers representing Oromia regional state and the US government to end the war through peace negotiations.

On Sunday, 23 April PM Abiy Ahmed made a surprise announcement that negotiations with the rebel group, which the government refers to as “Shene” and designated as a “terrorist organization” in May 2021 would start in Tanzania.

The next day, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) said in a statement that it “acknowledges the statements” made by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, and said it “can confirm that the Ethiopian regime has accepted our terms for peace negotiations”.

The group said that the negotiation includes “the involvement of an independent third-party mediator and a commitment to maintain transparency throughout the process,” and said it is “a crucial and positive step towards establishing a lasting peace in the region.”

The OLA has for long insisted to negotiate in the presence of a credible third party.

Over the past few months, both the federal government and the OLA have been signaling efforts in resolving the war through peace talks.

In March this year, PM Abiy hinted at an ongoing effort to resolve the war and acknowledged that the calls made for peace from the Oromia regional state government was decided at a party level with the formation of a committee.

The PM was referring to the call made by the Oromia regional state president Shimelis Abdissa while addressing the 6th regular meeting of Caffee Oromia, the regional council, on 17 February. It was the second such call within a span of a week.

The OLA reciprocated to the Shimelis’ remark at the Caffee as “welcome news“, although it cautioned that it lacked clarity. 

The OLA has for long insisted to negotiate in the presence of a credible third party. It has recently published a brief political manifesto titled “From Armed Struggle to the Prospect for Peace”.

The manifesto stated, among others, OLA’s prospects for peaceful resolution of the conflict and said that the OLA “maintains that a lasting and sustainable solution to Ethiopia’s multifaceted and complex political problems can result only from a comprehensive political settlement that emanates from an all-inclusive political process involving all stakeholders and representative [of] political forces.” AS

By Molla Mitiku @MollaAyenew

Addis Abeba – The Ethiopian Ministry of Transport and Logistics has insisted on its decision to fully digitalize gas transactions in the capital Addis Abeba, despite long queues causing traffic jams and chaos at several gas stations in the city.

Complaints are rising as drivers are forced to wait for hours to refill since the decision to go full digital was enforced on Monday, 24 April. Drivers who spoke to Addis Standard are mostly supportive of the move but are irked that the long queues and subsequent congestion near gas stations is consuming their working hours.

One driver who wishes not to be named said the digitalization should have been implemented gradually and drivers must be allowed to use both options until they master digital payment methods in order to avoid the current problems.

According to the Ministry of Transport and Logistics, the digitalization of gas transactions was introduced based on the decision made in December 2022 by the Council of Ministers.

Selman Mohammed, Fuel subsidy project coordinator at the Ministry, told Addis Standard that “digital gas payment has been enforced since July 2022 on more than 200 thousand transport vehicles that have become beneficiaries of the gov’t fuel subsidy program”.

After nine months of practice on the 200 thousand vehicles and by adding additional inputs, direction was put in place to go full digital in Addis Abeba following a trial period that started from February 2023 to help drivers accustom themselves with the payment systems, Selman added.

Over 80 thousand transactions accounting for over 156 million birr has been made since Monday, 24 April, Selman told Addis Standard on Thursday. 

He said the long queues at the gas stations are mainly caused due to customers’ failures to complete preparations needed to go digital within the trial period. Furthermore, shortage of manpower to properly provide the services at some gas stations have also contributed to the long queues he added.

He insisted despite instant decisions that are being made on the spot at some gas stations where there are long queues, the government has no intention to reverse the course and allow cash to be used alternatively.

He said efforts are being made to introduce additional payment methods by involving private banks and other financial institutions.

According to Selman, the digitalization of the gas payment will help to control illegal activities including gas contrabands and other sabotages that have been disrupting oil transactions.  

Yehualashet Tamiru, a corporate business lawyer, told Addis Standard that there is no arising legal issue in enforcing digital-only transactions, arguing that the decision does not restrict either buying or selling gas with the birr, but only change the modality of payment to digital instead of cash.

According to the lawyer, the government’s decision to prohibit cash can be validated on the basis of the current shortage of cash in the market and on the account of tackling persistent illicit practices observed in gas transactions.

However, he criticized the monopolization of the digital payment systems by the state owned Ethio-telecom and Commercial Bank of Ethiopia and said the government must involve all financial institutions particularly the private sector. AS

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Ethiopia’s government and Oromo rebels meet in Tanzania for talks.

Ethiopia’s long-running ruinous conflict in Oromia may finally be coming to an end as the government and Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) engage in talks in Tanzania.

Following Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s announcement of the forthcoming peace talks, the OLA expressed its readiness to participate and discussions began on 24 April in Zanzibar. 

As such, both parties finally appear open to dialogue.

The OLA’s insurgency grew over the past four years in response to the government’s intensifying clampdown on political activity, which motivated scores of young activists to join the Oromo nationalist rebels. That occurred when the transition derailed and most of the opposition boycotted delayed elections, citing repression. 

Ensuing strife resulted in a horrific civil war in and around Tigray, rising Amhara-Oromo tensions, worsening political repression, and widespread human rights violations, including multiple atrocities by state security forces.

In Oromia, the insurgency grew and spread, with the OLA controlling rural areas and carrying out occasional hit and run operations on government targets. The government conducted a ruthless counter-insurgency operation, including some indiscriminate air strikes on civilian areas, apparently on certain occasions to punish people for supporting insurgents during graduation ceremonies for fresh recruits. 

Bridging Divides

The news of talks comes after signs this year that both sides were looking for an alternative to more destructive low-intensity warfare that has exacerbated a severe drought in southern parts of Oromia and disrupted agricultural and other economic activity across swaths of the region of more than 40-million people. 

After the government expressed its willingness to engage in negotiations with the group in March, the OLA insisted on the involvement of a neutral third party in any potential peace process.

Abiy followed this up by announcing the formation of a committee tasked with ending the hostilities in Oromia. Last week he visited Wollega in the region’s west, the epicenter of the rebellion, possibly finalizing peace plans with local dignitaries.

Abiy’s begrudging acceptance of the mediation process is tied to international pressure to make peace in Tigray and Oromia – which is in effect a precondition for IMF and other funding to resume – as well as his administration’s fallout with its erstwhile allies over attempts to disarm Amhara regional forces.

Mediation Detail

While the prospect of negotiations offers hope of ending the carnage, many details remain to be ironed out. Most notably, no announcement has been made concerning the critical issues of third-party mediation. 

The OLA had previously insisted that the U.S. must provide logistics – as it did to convene federal and Tigray officials – while the African Union (AU) and Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) are also likely to be involved. The head of IGAD is an important Oromo ally of Abiy, Workneh Gebeyehu.

The process is being led by conflict resolution outfit Humanitarian Dialogue with support to varying degrees by entities from Kenya, Norway, Canada, and probably the U.S. and European Union. It’s not clear what role, if any, the Tanzanian authorities will play other than as hosts.

Redwan Hussien, National Security Affairs Advisor, and Gedion Timothewos, the Minister of Justice, are part of the Ethiopian government’s delegation for the negotiations. Both men were central in the negotiations with Tigray’s leadership. 

Meanwhile, the OLA representatives include Jiregna Gudeta, Benti Ujulu, Mohammad Hassan, and Abdi Taha. Jiregna heads a diaspora-based OLA political division and advises Chief Commander Kumsa Diriba (‘Jaal Marro’), Benti heads the OLA’s political branch in Europe, and the two other delegates are scholars who back the OLA’s objectives but their leadership positions within OLA are not known.

Potential Roadblocks

Amid ongoing fighting in Oromia, the mediation process has already faced minor disagreements as OLA leaders question the government’s characterization of the meetings as the commencement of negotiations. In the OLA’s eyes, initial talks will be centered on planning and designing the peace process. 

OLA representatives may also be concerned by the minimal involvement of influential western countries, and it seems the two parties have yet to reach consensus on the identity of third-party mediators, perhaps because those discussions have yet to be had in earnest.

The OLA chief has indicated he is willing to make some concessions in pursuit of peace but emphasized that the fundamental demands of the Oromo people will not be compromised. Kumsa remains cautious given what he described as the failure of previous peace talks in 1991 and 2018. 

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The government’s continued use of the term “Shene” when referring to the OLA raises further concerns for many Oromos. This term was coined by the government in an effort to portray the OLA as illegitimate and is not used by the OLA itself or by its supporters. 

At the height of the Tigray war, in 2021, federal authorities branded the OLA a terrorist organization, alongside the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), and the two formerly opposed groups were loosely and briefly allied during the conflict. 

Any peace deal will necessitate removing this terrorist designation much like federal authorities did in March for the TPLF after making peace with Tigray’s leadership. 

Ultimately, the OLA said in a recent manifesto that a “comprehensive political settlement that emanates from an all-inclusive political process involving all stakeholders and representative political forces” is needed in Ethiopia.

Broader War

The OLA is a splinter group of the OLF, which has long led the struggle for Oromo autonomy. The split occurred in 2019 after the OLF was invited home by Abiy in 2018 and some OLA commanders said they didn’t trust the transition process.

Since 2019, the government has been actively pursuing not only members of the OLA but also their suspected supporters and family members as part of its broader counter-insurgency operation to try and dismantle the organization. 

Human Rights Watch says that security forces have conducted extrajudicial killings and detained, tortured, and mistreated individuals suspected of supporting or being a part of the OLA.

Moreover, the government shut down all political avenues for opposition parties, cracking down on dissenting voices and silencing all but pro-government opinions.

In the latest example, high-ranking Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) officials disappeared from an Ethiopian prison in Burayu, Oromia region, on 18 April amid allegations of torture, abuse, and arbitrary detention.

Government officials accuse the OLA of being responsible for a slew of atrocities targeting civilians, particularly Amhara, in Oromia. One of the most recent and brutal such incidents occurred on 18 June 2022 in a village called Tole.

The OLA says the killings are done by government-organized militia that act as a “counterfeit OLA” to undermine its struggle and justify its so-called law enforcement tactics. It also points to killings by federal forces, Oromia and Amhara special forces, and Fano militias. 

Competing Narratives

The OLA says it’s fighting for Oromo self-determination against an illegitimate regime and wants an end to state repression.

In its manifesto, it listed some specific demands, such as giving the Oromo language equal status to Amharic and making the federal capital Addis Ababa – or, Finfinne in Oromiffa – an “integral part of Oromia” with the government acknowledging the Oromos’ “longstanding proprietary right to the city.” 

That is one of the positions that brings the OLA – and other Oromo nationalist groups – into sharp disagreement with Amhara-oriented political parties, who say Oromo nationalists want to take over the city to the detriment of other residents. They also accuse the OLA of trying to ethnically cleanse Amharas from Oromia.

Increasingly, the tensions have become intercommunal and were also represented in a schism this year in one of Ethiopia’s oldest, richest, and most powerful institutions, the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. 

Amhara nationalists believe other Ethiopian ethno-nationalists are immutably anti-Amhara and many from the community reject the system of ethnic, or multinational, federalism. 

Activists from other groups say Amharas dominated the imperial system that oppressed their people’s rights and still wield vast administrative, cultural, and economic power.

Dissenting Decades

Campaigners from the Oromo, the country’s largest ethnic group, have been pushing for better representation and self-determination since the 1970s. 

In 2015, protests against the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which the TPLF founded and controlled, kicked off in Ginchi, a small town in Oromia, before spreading across the region and evolving into a nationwide movement. 

While the protests began peacefully, they quickly turned violent after security forces killed hundreds of protesters. These protests led to a coalition among Oromo and Amhara branches of the EPRDF that ultimately sidelined the TPLF.

This power struggle within the EPRDF resulted in the appointment of Abiy – who was a leading member of the ruling coalition’s Oromia party and is of mixed Oromo-Amhara background – as prime minister in 2018, marking a significant change in the coalition’s dynamics.

Upon taking office, Abiy was seen as a transformative figure, particularly for the historically marginalized Oromo people. His promises to expand political opportunities and his offer to reintegrate exiled opposition parties ignited hope. 

Unfortunately, this optimism faded quickly as the government’s response to Oromo demands were deemed insufficient, leading to increased unrest in Oromia.

Tensions escalated when the government tried to disarm OLA fighters, sparking protests across Oromia. An agreement reached between the government and OLF in early 2019 collapsed owing to distrust and the government’s failure to implement its terms. Consequently, the OLA armed wing distanced itself from the OLF.

As Abiy’s administration resorted to oppressive tactics, many Oromos’ faith in his leadership dwindled. The resulting grievances fueled the OLA’s burgeoning rebellion, turning the organization into a significant political force in Oromia and nationally — a fact that Abiy now seems to have belatedly recognized.

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Main Image: OLA Southern command graduation ceremony; 2021

Published under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International licence. You may not use the material for commercial purposes.

By Mirgissa Kaba @MirgissaK &

Girma Gutema @Abbaacabsa

Background

Various interest groups who tend to see political developments in Ethiopia in as balanced way as possible may read Dr. Yonas Biru’s writing entitled “Averting Civil War in Ethiopia: An emergency Manifesto” with utmost attention. Every single writing has its own purpose and more importantly, putting ideas in a recorded form would contribute to future historical accounts. No matter how rightly or wrongly such writings are framed, history could benefit, among others, from such an account. Nowhere else could one see distortion of history easily transformed into ‘an authoritative history’ for future reference than in Ethiopia. Some commentators including Bahiru Zewdie, a well-known professor of history at Addis Abeba University, argued that such distortions of history in Ethiopia often happen due to obsession with history itself.  

In our view, the Oromo as well as all nations and nationalities that have suffered under the subjugation of the Amhara political elites in Ethiopia often do not give much attention to such hostile rhetoric as well as intentionally corrupted writings. This might have to do with the complete disagreement with the point of view and hence shunning it off or perhaps because they do not have traditions of engaging in such hollow debates. For the Oromo elite in particular, engagement in such debate was considered a luxury early on, and to date such engagement is believed to be counterproductive at different levels.

Yet, for us, we wanted to engage in this discourse that Dr. Yonas Biru and his associates appear to formulate yet another nascent narrative and wanted to keep it as a reference to the future history. In our writing, we only intend to focus on the points made and use some evidences to debunk their nascent narrative. The purpose of this piece of writing is therefore to show the flaws and false claims of their nascent narrative intended to be constructed and also to open up for genuine and scholarly debates with constructive purposes.

Key thesis and anti-thesis of the points in the manifesto

From the Ethiopian history, we know individuals who are within the government system or associates have been actively shaping the politics and policies. We do not have to go spending much space to convince each other on this. The political manifesto of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) and the governance modality of EPRP comes from individuals who named themselves as “ultimate power” – yebelay akal. People in both have come from the same political generation and effort to shape and influence policies and presenting manifesto is nothing than keeping that same tradition in the twenty first century. The struggle in Ethiopia, as it stands now is everyone should have equal voice to chart the future of the country. Yet, individuals and their narrow groupings like that of Dr Yonas Biru still appear to influence the process through their writing, advocacy and twisting their alike in foreign government system.

Nevertheless, we appreciate the efforts made by Dr. Yonas Biru and his collaborators in writing such “an emergency manifesto” of their own. Dr. Yonas claims to have collected ‘inputs from many prominent individuals and groups in Ethiopia and abroad and conducted preliminary survey in which 556 participants took part’. This could perhaps be great research although from basic research principle one could still flag red if this is really representative from positivist instance and maximum variation is considered from constructionist stance. Thus, this manifesto, in our view, is essentially an opinion of individuals or at best people in the same circle who may have their own dream which has nothing to do with what the general public believe it should rather be.  

Oromummaa and the Oromia Prosperity Party

The effort made to convince readers and listeners on the wrong link between “Oromummaa and Oromia-PP” clearly is an amateurish act if not an awkward one. There are two important points that the writer appears to have missed, perhaps intentionally. These are the foundational concept of Oromummaa and the relationship between Oromia-PP and the Oromo public at large, in which cases the writer intentionally flawed these facts.

Oromummaa is a fundamental concept among the Oromo. The Oromo that occupies a vast land mass and speaks Afaan Oromoo is tied up by its identity of being Oromo/Oromoness and thus Oromummaa. The early leaders of the Oromo liberation struggle have paid their ultimate life to protect their Oromummaa.

Every April 15, on Oromo Martyrs Day, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Oromo nation honor the bravery of those who sacrificed their lives on the line of duty, fighting for the freedom and liberation of Oromia. Mid 1978-1979 was the time when survival of the Oromo national liberation struggle, led by the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), was under a severe threat of extinction due to the immense threat from the Dergue. However, in 1980’s the units in the different zones regrouped and intensified their resistance. Same time a ten-member high-ranking military and political delegates travelled to Somalia to meet with political leaders there. Unfortunately, these leaders were captured by Somali bandits in Shinniga desert (in Ogaden). The bandits not only abused and severely tortured the captives but also tried to divide the group into Muslims and Christians. The Oromo leaders then chose to stay together as an Oromo undivided by religion and face any bitter consequences. All of them were executed together and their bodies thrown into a single grave. So, we as an Oromo cherish this and celebrate it April 15 as the day of the Martyrs. In fact, had there been a rational system, they deserved a statue and could serve as references for teaching. The Oromo public cherish Oromummaa so much to date not only because of the martyrs but we all share common belief as the martyrs.

Although the writer argues “Oromummaa is in equal measure part cult and part political dogma. Its adherents uphold it above religion and family”, this argument even from an ethic perspective lacks a simple professional reflexivity vis-à-vis the foundation of it. In as far as the Oromo is concerned the fundamental question remains: Did we achieve as much laying the foundations and developing it to the extent where it could also serve as a model for others? No, we are too far yet.

Understandably the Oromia-PP as mentioned in the manifesto is blamed for promoting this. The blame as presented is again based on false narrative. For us, had Oromia-PP promoted it, Oromummaa could have been for the best interest of the country. The model could be used to build the bigger picture for the country. Nonetheless, in our view much of what they do remains on paper or perhaps in speeches as presented by the author where “The Prosperity Party is built in such a way to advance the interest of Oromo” …… “spending billions erecting Oromummaa markers in Addis Ababa”. We don’t see any problem with this speech for this could, as stated above, serve much bigger purpose had this been translated into action. 

The writer tried to color Oromia-PP is in hands and glove with the Oromo public. As we all know and from recorded evidences, the Oromo has suffered much under the ‘Ethiopian empire’. We opted to use the concept empire here because a) we all now recognize the military march by Menilik to the south and enslavement of the people on their own property b) the policies and rules levied were to protect the rights of the rulers neglecting the indigenous people 3) the indigenous ones were denied right to participation and more. So, yes, the empire has subjugated the Oromo. In view of this the Oromo has been fighting for its freedom, justice and equality all along and consequently suffered immensely. Recent history itself shows that Afaan Oromoo was a  ‘prison language’ to show the incarceration of the Oromo which has continued to date. We do see imprisonment of journalists, activists, political party leaders and members who are released after a while. Unfortunately, thousands of Oromo activists, journalists and political leaders are still behind bars in Oromia while others are publicly executed. The ongoing struggle for freedom, justice and equality has continued and will never stop since it has been there for generations as the demands are not addressed yet.

Thus, the intention of the writer to bring in a newly thatched up narrative that the ruling party at best sympathizes for the Oromo values and works more in developing the Oromo system is completely unfounded. Still, the system of the state put in place since Menelik’s time is at work and that is certainly the challenge for the country today. In fact, the writer himself argues that the shear number of Oromo youths who were killed and imprisoned during the reign of the current regime far exceeds the sum total of all the preceding ones in Ethiopia.

Oromo relations with other nations and nationalities

The writer went too far to justify how neighbors to the Oromo have suffered in the hands of the Oromo. We understand that there are units who are working with the divisive mentality of the Amhara elites in every part of the country. Such units orchestrate events that bring people who live together peacefully into conflict. Now, what are presented by the author in our view are simple allegation of dramatized act by themselves. The Oromo lived peacefully and has never enticed any wrong to any peoples whom they live with as neighbors. Even when conflicts in boarder areas happen, they established joint mechanisms to resolve such localized conflicts. This could be amenable for further study. 

What has Oromo offered to the country and perhaps to the world?

The Oromo has long been known and this is also well documented for its authentic contributions. We wanted to dwell just on the two that the writer mentioned: Gadaa and Moggaasaa.

Gadaa is governance system of the Oromo that has survived the subjugation and annihilation for 600 years despite brutal crackdown under the different state of this country. Gadaa not only is governance system but also shapes and guides the economic, social and religious activities of the community. Efforts to revive it in recent years encountered major problem due to the yet negative positions of this by the political leaders in the country including Oromo who are operating within institutions established by the reactionary Ethiopianism ideology–the ideology that aims to maintain the empire state intact. The writer referred to Gadaa as, “– a 16th century traditional Oromo governance system”. Ethiopia unfortunately do not have anything of its own that it could proudly claim to have as relevant to the world, except the monuments in the rocky lands of the habasha Old Testament Biblical belt. The good ones coming from the South including Oromia are shunned down as indigenous etc. Again, this is the perspective upheld for long and maintained to date. For the Oromo, Gada system needs to be developed in line with the twenty first century features and should be celebrated and thought at large given those who maintain the reductionist view lift their hands off.  Similarly, Moggaasaa mentioned in the manifesto is related to adoption system of the Oromo known as Guddifachaa where natal family and family that wants to adopt a child go through a ritual to blend the adoptive child into the family. This is the most important adoptive process the Gada system protects and cherishes. In fact, among the Oromo, war captives are taken for Gudifachaa and are named after a group and/or family line Moggaasaa. While this is broadly recognized, the writer again attempted to despise this globally cherished institutional mechanism of families to accommodate “others” that the Oromo has contributed to the country. If no due recognition for this, at least avoiding to campaign against it as an outsider to the Oromo system would have been appropriate.

TPLF and Pretoria agreement

One major problem in Ethiopia is the spiritual breeds of Menelik remain to consider themselves as political players behind the curtain. They want to remain to influence the countries political trajectory. Of course, they have been and still trying to cling to that. However, in our view political civility is sin qua none to development of any country. We don’t understand the role those in Diaspora and not active in politics could play in agreements between political parties in the country. Leave politics to those who are in the field, meaning politicians. The question is what happens then and protest could be staged again in a civilized and peaceful way? For us, we did not believe in violence in the first place and we welcome peaceful deals for we are against life loss in connection to violent conflicts. 

Call to the international community

Unfortunately, Dr. Yonas and his associates always tend to maintain their comfort zone. We have seen evidences when they rush to work with government when they feel it works for them at the cost of others. The writers of this piece are here arguing from the perspective of the interests of the  general public. It doesn’t however mean we don’t have anywhere to go but we believe we can make a difference here sticking to our professional domain. Our call always remains for collaboration, partnership and win-win play games. Now, the effort by Dr. Yonas and his likes to “Mobilizing international pressure against Ethiopian military and police leaders, launching international investigations and Imposing international sanctions” give us an impression that there is too much unwarranted demands some of which are counterproductive to the country as a whole.

While the international system has its own criterion to evaluate countries on globally set indicators, we do not have to call for that. In our view there is no country’s diaspora community that relentlessly work against its own country. We fully recognize the need for accountability and measures based on findings. So, yes to investigation and consequences. However, the call for security forces in the country and sanctions by international organization reveals that Dr. Yonas and his team do not want to see the Ethiopia that they do not have an absolute influence on. As we indicated above, that cannot happen anymore. 

Summary

Although this remains a non-formal group of people with shared views, it is important to have such forums where individuals or groups with shared frame of thinking could dialogue on issues of common concerns as long as we could manage to draw common agenda, although drawing common agenda is far-fetched in view of this established notion of ‘mine is mine and yours mine as well’. However, this is probably an important beginning. We however throw a couple of recommendations to those who are in the shade with much non constructive noise. Firstly, arguments that are not based on evidences that are etic reflects nothing but your interest and assumptions which is counterproductive to your own arguments. The hitherto narratives about Ethiopia: its history, culture etc is nothing but a vivid proof. Secondly, staying away from the fire but instigating the fire to do harm is nothing but inhuman and immoral. This would not serve any good purpose. Finally, the country we all are referring to appears increasingly to be different in what it constitutes and what it survived. Our team advocates for the Ethiopia that is inclusive catering for all and could benefit from all. So, good for you to be on this journey to have a country that we all have or that we all claim to own. Calling for embargo and lobbying international organizations and countries that supports this country would at best serve nothing but the demise of the country you claim to love. Instead, Dr. Yonas & co should call for the international community and those that support the country to hold government accountable instead. That way the public would not suffer the consequence on the one hand and we could work on building the country we all want on the other.

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Editor’s Note: Mirgissa Kaba (PhD) is an Associate Professor at Addis Ababa University. A sociocultural epidemiologist in specialization, Mirgissa is also an ardent advocate of social justice. He tweets @MirgissaK

Girma Gutema (MSc) is an independent researcher and human rights defender based in Oromia, Ethiopia. He is member of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC). He tweets @Abbaacabsa

The views expressed in the article are that of the writers and do not necessarily reflect AS’ editorial stands.

Addis Abeba – The Amhara region has accused the faction of informal ‘Fano’ armed group operating in Eastern part of the region ‘Misrak Amhara Fano’ for the killing of Girma Yeshitila, head of the Amhara Prosperity Party and member of the party’s executive committee, who was shot dead on 27 April.

Despite attempts by the national army to peacefully resolve differences, a group led by the ‘Misrak Amhara Fano’ killed “our leadership and is still terrorizing the people” a statement by the Amhara Communication Bureau has said.

According to the statement the group is also working to incite discord between the defense forces and the people by disseminating false information that blackmails the army. The statement noted that the government would continue in its law enforcement operations and called on individuals in the armed groups to surrender and return to their normal lives.

“Brutal killings have been perpetrated on senior government officials by groups organized covertly aiming to make the region leader-less even though the government chooses to give peaceful dialogue a priority when it is capable of enforcing the law,” the statement reads.

This comes days after the Ethiopian Joint Security and Intelligence Task Force announced on 28 April that it has started “taking decisive measures” against “extremist forces” that it accused of “trying to take control of regional state power by destroying the constitutional system in the Amhara regional state”.

As a sequel to the announcement the taskforce said on Sunday, 30 April that it has arrested 47 suspects who were organized covertly and have allegedly committed terrorism offenses. The individuals were apprehended with several individual and group weapons, bombs and incendiary explosives as well as satellite communication devices and laptops containing various information, the taskforce said in a statement.

“The suspects, making the killing of senior Amhara region leaders their target, were organized and coordinated in the country and abroad to overthrow the federal government by violently attacking the constitutional system and controlling the governmental structure of the region” the statement added.

The statement also listed names of 11 individuals including prominent politician Lidetu Ayalew and other notable media personalities from the Youtube based Ethio-360 media as accomplices of the plot, and said that the government is working with governments of foreign countries where the individuals are based, to have them extradited.

Speaking at the inauguration ceremony of Halala Kela Resort, which was built as part of his ‘Dine for nation’ initiative, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said on Monday that external forces that have been interfering in Ethiopia’s internal affairs whenever there is any insecurity in the country should restrain from their deeds. 

He warned the wealthy and young people who have been residing abroad or at home and participating in this action to restrain themselves from illegal actions, saying that “it is impossible either to live comfortably or come to power through killing people”.

In a statement he released shortly after the news of the killing of the Amhara Prosperity Party head, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said the perpetrators were those who espoused “ultimate extremism” to try to persuade everyone who disagrees with them “with a gun” and have committed this “shameful and horrible act.” AS

On Monday to Tuesday night, the taskforce also announced that it has captured large amounts of weapons “buried in the a forest” in North Wello zone of the Amhara region

Addis Abeba – The Amhara regional state government has accused the informal ‘Fano’ armed group commonly known as ‘Misrak Amhara Fano’ for the killing of Girma Yeshitila, head of the Amhara Prosperity Party and member of the party’s executive committee, who was shot dead on 27 April.

Despite attempts by the national army to peacefully resolve differences, a group led by the ‘Misrak Amhara Fano’ killed “our leadership and is still terrorizing the people” the Amhara regional state government this morning in a statement released through its communication bureau.

The regional state also accused the group of working to “incite discord between the defense forces and the people by disseminating false information that blackmails the army,” and admitted that there has been armed confrontation between the group and members of the national defense forces. The government would “continue in its law enforcement operations” in the region, the statement said, and called on individuals in the armed groups to surrender and return to their normal lives.

“Brutal killings have been perpetrated on senior government officials by groups organized covertly aiming to make the region leader-less even though the government chooses to give peaceful dialogue a priority when it is capable of enforcing the law,” the statement reads.

On Monday, speaking at the inauguration ceremony of Halala Kela Resort, which was built as part of his ‘Dine for Ethiopia’ initiative, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed weighed in on the killing of Girma, whom he once again blamed on those who couldn’t tolerate different ideas.

In the same speech, he accused unnamed external forces that he said have been “interfering in Ethiopia’s internal affairs” whenever there is any insecurity issue in the country, and warned that they should “refrain from their deeds.” 

“On this occasion, I would like to warn these forces, especially non-Ethiopian forces, to not meddle in our internal affairs; they cannot benefit by trying to create division among our people every time there is a sign of [instability]. I warn that they should to leave our affairs to ourselves and focus on many things they need to do but have not done for themselves in their own land,” he said.

The “wealthy and young people” who have been residing abroad or at home and participating in this action should also restrain themselves from such illegal actions,he said, and added that “it is impossible either to live comfortably or come to power through killing people”.

In a statement he released shortly after the news of the killing of the Amhara Prosperity Party head, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said the perpetrators were those who espoused “ultimate extremism” to try to persuade everyone who disagrees with them “with a gun” and have committed this “shameful and horrible act.”

The remarks by PM and and the statement from the Amhara region government came days after the Ethiopian Joint Security and Intelligence Task Force announced on 28 April that it has started “taking decisive measures” against “extremist forces” that it accused of “trying to take control of regional state power by destroying the constitutional order in the Amhara regional state”.

As a sequel to the announcement the taskforce said on Sunday, 30 April, that it had arrested 47 suspects who were “organized covertly and have allegedly committed terrorism offenses.” Among the detainees who are now accused of terrorism related offenses include journalists who were detained over the past few weeks. The taskforce claimed some of the detainees were “apprehended with several individual and group weapons, bombs and incendiary explosives as well as satellite communication devices and laptops” containing various information, the taskforce said in a statement.

“The suspects, making the killing of senior Amhara region leaders their target, were organized and coordinated in the country and abroad to overthrow the federal government by violently attacking the constitutional system and controlling the governmental structure of the region” the statement added.

Furthermore, the taskforce listed names of 11 individuals, including opposition politician Lidetu Ayalew and a group media personalities from the Youtube based Ethio-360 media, based in the US, as accomplices of the plot. The government is seeking cooperation from the Interpol and is working with governments of foreign countries where the individuals are based, to have them extradited, the statement said.

On Monday to Tuesday night, the taskforce also announced that it has captured large amounts of weapons “buried in the a forest” in North Wello zone of the Amhara region that it claimed was being used by “extremist terrorist groups” bent on “destroying the constitutional order of the country by force and to achieve evil political interests.”AS