BY CONOR GAFFEY

Since the Ethiopian government announced plans to expand the territory of the capital Addis Ababa in April 2014, the country’s largest region, Oromia, has been racked with protests that have led to hundreds of deaths.

Oromia, which completely surrounds the capital of the Horn of Africa country, is home to the Oromo ethnic group. Oromos constitute the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, yet members of the community claim to have suffered systematic discrimination and oppression at the hands of Ethiopia’s federal government.

Newsweek explains who the Oromo are, why they are protesting and how the Ethiopian government is responding.

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Who are the Oromos?

More than one in three Ethiopians hails from the Oromo ethnic group: Oromos constituted more than 25 million of the total 74 million population at the last census in 2007 (the population of Ethiopia has since grown to almost 100 million). The Oromo have their own language and culture distinct from the Amharic language, which is employed as Ethiopia’s official dialect.

The Oromo have been subject to human rights violations and discrimination under three successive regimes in Ethiopia, according to a 2009 report by U.S.-based Advocates for Human Rights group: the Abyssinian Empire under Haile Selassie, dissolved in 1974; the Marxist Derg military junta that seized power in 1974 and ruled until 1991; and the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, established in 1991 and existing until the present.

Oromo language was sidelined and not taught in schools for much of the 20th century and Oromo activists were often tortured or disappeared. A 2009 report by the United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) stated that 594 extra-judicial killings and 43 disappearances of Oromos were recorded between 2005 and 2008 by an Oromo activist group. The ethnic group have clashed with the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), in power since 1991; an Amnesty International report in October 2014 stated that at least 5,000 Oromos were arrestedbetween 2011 and 2014 on the basis of opposition to the government.

Why have Oromos protested against the Addis Ababa master plan?

According to the Ethiopian government, the Addis Ababa Integrated Master Plan proposed to expand the capital’s territory in order to bring better services and greater economic opportunities to the rural areas surrounding Addis. For the Oromos, however, the plan constituted an attempted land grab that could result in the forced eviction of Oromo farmers and the loss of valuable arable land in a country regularly plagued by drought.

Protests began in Oromia immediately after the plan was announced—at least nine students were killed in April and May 2014, according to the government, although eyewitnesses said the total was at least 47. The most recent round of protests began in November 2015 and have spread across the entirety of the vast Oromia region. Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported in January that at least140 protesters had been killed in demonstrations after heavy-handed crackdowns by security forces.

The Ethiopian government announced later in January that it was abandoning the Addis expansion plans after the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO)—the ruling party in Oromia and a member of the governing EPRDF coalition—dropped its support for the scheme. Yet despite that, the crackdown has continued: HRW’s latest update on February 22 cited claims from activists thatmore than 200 protesters had been killed, with security forces allegedly firing on peaceful protesters and thousands detained without trial.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, pictured addressing a U.N. summit in New York, September 25, 2015, has vowed to crack down on “destructive forces” the government says are hijacking Oromo protests.ANDREW KELLY/REUTERS

How have the government responded to Oromo protests?

The EPRDF has come down hard on protesters, claiming that “destructive forces”—including groups designated as terrorist organizations by the Ethiopian government—are hijacking the protests for their own means. Hailemariam Desalegn, the Ethiopian prime minister, said in December 2015 that protesters had burned down government properties and killed security forces, and that “merciless legitimate action” would be taken against those causing disorder.

In a statement sent to Newsweek on February 23, the Ethiopian embassy in London said that the claims made in HRW’s February report were based on “malicious statements, false accusations and unsubstantiated allegations from opposition propaganda materials.” The embassy claimed that the Addis expansion plans were dropped after “extensive public consultations” and an investigation into killings and destruction of property was underway.

Are Oromos seeking secession from Ethiopia?

One of the designated terrorist organizations accused of involvement in the protests by the Ethiopian government is the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). The group was established in 1973 to campaign for the Oromo’s right to self-determination. The OLF is now based out of Washington, D.C. and any accusations of its involvement in the Oromo protests is a means of “criminalizing protesters,” according to Etana Habte, Ethiopian author and PhD candidate at SOAS University of London. “I don’t believe the OLF has very significant influence on this protest,” says Habte. “[Claims the OLF is involved] have not any relevance or grain of truth within itself. Oromo protests are fundamentally peaceful and it carries a legitimate question.”

Habte claims that what the Oromo are seeking is self-determination, not secession. Article 39 of Ethiopia’s 1994 constitution affords “every nation, nationality or people in Ethiopia” the “unrestricted right to self-determination up to secession.” What the Oromo are asking for, says Habte, is a greater say in how their region is governed. “Oromos understand Oromia as their own territory where they have an absolute and constitutional right to self-rule,” says Habte. “The Oromo protests don’t ask for anything more than [what is provided by] the constitution.”

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Following the withdrawal of Togo, Algeria will now face Ethiopia in the first round of the qualifiers for the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations, Cameroon 2016.

‘Lucy’ as the Ethiopians are nicknamed will come up against the ‘Source: CAFonline.comof Algeria for a place at the second round.

The first leg will take place in Algiers on Sunday, 6 March 2016 with the return leg in Ethiopia a fortnight later.

The winner will face either Kenya or DR Congo at the second round.

The final tournament will be held in Cameroon from 19 November to 3 December 2016 in the cities of Yaounde and Limbe.

Source: CAF

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Independent

The coffee trade now accounts for nearly half its GDP, and the country is boosting production with the help of Fairtrade

In much of the world, coffee is a social lubricant, an indulgence, a morning eye-opener. In Ethiopia, it is also the backbone of the economy and now, as the country faces its worst drought in 50 years, it may also be its lifeline.

Ethiopia is a different country from that of the 1980s. It has rebranded as the Lion of Africa, one of the fastest growing economies in the world. Yet drought has been sweeping the north and east. Aid agencies are suggesting that the government – keen to shake its image as the poor man of Africa – asked for international help too late, and that food aid may run out by May, with 10 million at risk of starvation. In the south, security forces are cracking down on protesting farmers fearful for their land as the government plans to expand Addis Ababa. Despite the advances the country has made, food security is back on the agenda.

Eighty per cent of the country still subsists on rain-dependent agriculture. In good times, the country is almost completely self-sufficient. Coffee forms almost half the nation’s GDP, according to the World Bank, and about 15 million smallholder farmers depend on it for their livelihoods. But although this “black gold” is globally the second most valuable exported legal commodity, prices are still low. A farmer can expect about 12 birr (40p) for a kilo of coffee. Even when weather conditions are perfect, most farmers endure two months of hunger. The government claims that the drought in the north has not yet affected the south, but on the ground farmers say the rain came late last year, and that the crop was disappointing.

Ethiopia has been building a sophisticated food security network since the late 1980s. The Productive Safety Net Programme, a welfare-for-work initiative, enabled six million people to work on public infrastructure projects in return for food or cash. Since the government’s appeal for aid early this year, it has secured almost half of its $1.4bn target from the international community.

The government is also pledging to invest more heavily in coffee production, boosting output by 45 per cent, as well as offering incentives and more support to coffee farmers. In addition, the Fairtrade Foundation is working with local farming co-operatives in a drive for better prices and conditions for smallholders. To become Fairtrade certified, farmers and producers have to adhere to certain standards, and are guaranteed a minimum price for their coffee. The co-operatives also have access to the Fairtrade Premium, an additional sum of money that goes into a communal fund for farmers and workers to use as they see fit.

“Drought is caused by nature, but famine is caused by humans,” says James Mwai of Fairtrade Africa. “We have the technology at our fingertips to predict and pre-empt times of drought, by boosting food reserves and income, but establishing this at a local level can be difficult. While Nasa might be able to predict changes in weather patterns, it seems too technical to farmers. They maintain ‘our elders haven’t told us yet’.”

Fairtrade works closely with communities to ensure that it is the people themselves who are making decisions. “There is certainly a time and place for aid, to get communities back on their feet, but we are looking at long-term, sustainable goals,” says Mr Mwai. “Fairtrade should be a baseline. We are enabling the people to save money, to store food, to make plans. There is a great dignity in that.”

Even in the poorest communities, there is no shortage of ambition. Parents are eager for their children to get an education, and even go on to university. Wessi Wonago, a father of six and grandfather of 35, has become something of a village dignitary, heavily involved with his local co-operative board. His children graduated from university. “The community sees my family as a model. They are sending their children to school because of the example my family set,” he says. “It is important for our community to work to eradicate illiteracy.”

Almost 90 per cent of children are enrolled in primary school across Ethiopia, according to Unicef, compared to less than half 10 years ago. Mr Wessi has big plans for his grandchildren: “I hope that they will make a difference in the country, not just at community level.” He says his trade, coffee, has been integral in transforming the community.

“Coffee is the backbone of our life, our economy, our social life – it is everything to us. But we want to get a better price for it, so that we can improve our lives.” He says that Fairtrade’s involvement has helped towards that. “The co-operative gives us a dividend to see us through the harsh times. They also distribute things like exercise books without making any profit.”

Mr Mwai insists that to tackle hunger in the developing world, the chain needs to stretch right back to the consumer. “If a woman walks into a supermarket she needs to know that the choice she makes directly influences the woman picking her coffee.”

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Ethiopia: Having a good time with Teddy Afro, singing “Be Seba Dereja”

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ESAT Daily News DC Feb 27, 2016

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By Kathy Gao

South China Morning Post

The toxin contained in jequirity beans, also called rosary peas, is similar to deadly ricin, derived from the beans of the castor oil plant. Both plants are native to Hong Kong

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Following the announcement of a new decree to execute Regulation Number 208/2010 that the Federal Transport Authority is said to implement on drivers, taxi drivers in the city of Addis Ababa have called for and started a strike that will last for two days. As the news of strike started circulating, Transport Authority announced its plan to postpone the implementation of the decree for three months to ‘create awareness’ in advance.

As witnessed by Zone 9 bloggers in some parts of the city such as Sidest Kilo, Arat Kilo, Piassa, Megenagna, Awutobus Tera, Mexico square and etcetera blue minibus taxis were not seen in their usual terminals. Thus, long queues were seen in the streets while government deployed its public buses. In addition, officials are seen registering plate numbers of taxis that joined the strike in street conjunctions.

Fana Broadcasting Corporate, on its news feed, has interviewed people from the Associations of Taxi Owners where they claimed the strike was called without their consent and urged the drivers to end their strike and start serving the public immediately.

Meanwhile, as reported on social media, drivers out of Addis Ababa has also joined the strike.
For further news feedbacks on the strike, please follow ‪#‎AddisTaxiStrike‬.
Photo curtsy of the regulation and a call for the strike, © Social media

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Associated Press

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (AP) – Nine Ethiopian runners, five of them “top athletes,” are under investigation for doping, the general secretary of the country’s anti-doping agency said Monday, raising fears of another damaging scandal for track and field in the run-up to the Rio Olympics.

Solomon Meaza told The Associated Press that the Ethiopian Anti-Doping Agency is investigating the five athletes he described as high-profile after they returned “suspicious” results in tests.

“To be clear, some banned (substances) were found in the five athletes,” he said. “They will be summoned and asked if they have taken any banned substances (or) chemicals.”

Solomon declined to name the athletes, give details of the substances they are suspected of using, or say when tests were carried out as investigations are ongoing. He stressed that more tests were needed to establish any guilt.

But he said: “There is a real concern when the upcoming investigations arrive.”

The IAAF has requested contact details for the other four athletes under suspicion and the governing body is investigating them, Solomon said, adding that he has provided the details for those athletes to the IAAF through the World Anti-Doping Agency.

The Ethiopian cases will be another blow to the sport following major doping scandals in Russia and Kenya in the buildup to the Olympics in Rio de Janeiro in August.

Russia was banned from international track and field competition in November after damning allegations of a vast scheme of doping and cover-ups. Kenya is in danger of a similar sanction after four senior track officials were suspended by the IAAF pending investigations into allegations they sought to cover up doping. Kenya also has not fallen in line with global anti-doping rules and faces an April 5 deadline to sort out its failing anti-doping program.

Like Kenya, Ethiopia is a distance running powerhouse and finished in the top five on the medal table at last year’s track and field world championships in Beijing with eight medals.

The revelation by Solomon came on the same day the IAAF announced that Ethiopian-born former 1,500-meter world champion Abeba Aregawi failed a doping test and had been suspended pending an investigation. Swedish media reported that Abeba, who now competes for Sweden, failed an out-of-competition test in Ethiopia, where she trains. The IAAF said Abeba had voluntarily withdrawn from competition and asked for her backup “B” sample to be tested.

A Russian whistle-blower who helped uncover that country’s doping program warned last year that Kenya and Ethiopia both had serious problems with athletes using banned substances and should be closely investigated.

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(ESAT News) — Amid a growing protest against the iron fist government in Ethiopia, daily commutes in the city of Addis Ababa came to a screeching halt on Monday, on the first day of a strike called by drivers and owners of taxis serving the city of 4 million and its environs.

A committee representing tens of thousands of taxis that serve the city called the strike in protest against a new punitive regulation that would suspend drivers for a long period of time for minor traffic offences; and against the skyrocketing gas prices in the country that do not reflect the falling prices in the world market.

The government announced that the new regulation has been suspended for three months but the drivers wouldn’t buy that. The statement by the drivers demand the government to scrap the regulation altogether and make adjustments on gas prices. The drivers say their strike would continue till their demands are met. They have also warned that they would block roads with their vehicles if the regime’s forces do not stop harassing drivers taking part in the strike.

The latest strikes by taxi drivers is one among a growing opposition by Ethiopians against an oppressive minority government that’s facing resistance from all corners of the country.

Regime’s forces on Monday reportedly detained several students who were showing their solidarity with the taxi drivers. The students were staging a protest in the sub divisions of the city called Ayer Tena and Awtobis Tera. Their whereabouts is not yet known.

The hashtag ‪#‎AddisTaxiStrike‬ was trending on Monday in the Ethiopian twitter world with some calling for a nationwide strike by teachers and government employees.

Taxi strike has historical significance in Ethiopia. A strike by taxi drivers in 1974 helped fuel the revolution that toppled the monarchy.

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(Addis Standard) In 2009 the Addis Abeba City Council favorably voted to ratify the new traffic regulation, Road Transport and Traffic Control Regulation. Following the 2009 ratification of the amended regulation, the Addis Abeba Transport Bureau (AATB) claims to have had discussions with taxi and city mid-bus owners’ associations as well as the society at large before reaching at the recent decision to implement to regulation, seen by many as too strict and unpractical.

Up on the news that the new regulation was being implemented taxi drivers and city dwellers have taken to radio stations call-ins expressing their fears that the regulation ignores several circumstances, including shortages of proper taxi parking areas in the city, bad road conditions and the corruptible nature of traffic police officers.

The new Traffic Control Regulation has six categories that begin from deducting two points for light traffic law offenses such as improper parking and commuting extra passengers beyond the carrying capacity of the taxis. The Regulation stipulates a six month suspension of driving licenses and additional driving lessons for drivers who lost 14 -16 points due to previous offenses. A driver who has 17 -19 points deducted from his/her records will get his/her driving license suspended for a year; and any driver who gets 20 and above points deducted will have his/her driving license permanently revoked and can only re-apply for a fresh driving lessons after a gap of two years.

Yabibal Addis, head of the Addis Ababa Transport Bureau (AATB), said the regulation was “more than necessary” as it intends to curb the increasing traffic accidents in the country that are resulting in the death of more than 4,000 Ethiopians every year, and injures twice that number. Property damages due to traffic accidents during the year 2014 – 1015 were estimated to be slightly more than one billion ETB, according to Yabibal.

The federal transport bureau announced this morning that the implementation date for the new regulation was postponed by three months. But the announcement came a few hours too late as roads in all the four parts of the city were deserted of minibus taxis starting from early hours affecting thousands of commuters who resorted to walking to make it to their work stations.

According to Abel Daniel, an employee of AATB and one of the hundreds of young Ethiopians involved in regulating taxi routes in the mornings from dispatching areas, as of late this morning the bureau has started registering plate numbers belonging to striking taxi drivers to “penalize those who refuse to come to work”, Abel told Addis Standard. State owned blue buses that provide free transport to the city’s civil servants were seen trying to provide transport to hundreds of thousands of stranded commuters.

AATB estimates that Addis Abeba is home to close to more than 4, 000 white minibuses, 8,000 blue minibuses and more than 500 mid-buses (known as Higer buses), all providing the much needed transport within the city and its environs. It is estimated that the blue and white minibuses together provide transport services to about 1.1 million commuters every day, while the 500 mid-buses transport no less than 700, 000 commuters. The Addis Abeba city bus enterprise operates more than 800 city busses that transport an estimated 1.2 – 1.3 million passengers per day.

Taxi and bus owners’ association are often at odds with the government over issues such as low taxi fares and forced destinations, which are both regulated by the government. Recently discontent is also often heard from taxi drivers and commuters alike over the government’s reluctance to adjust the cost of fuel price in line with the global prices index, which continued plummeting as of the last five months.

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Hundreds of young men in India’s Bihar state have been made to strip down to their underwear while appearing for an army recruitment test in an attempt to prevent cheating.

Photographs showed candidates sitting cross-legged in a field in Muzaffarpur town wearing only their underpants.

The army said it was done to “save time on checking so many students”.

A candidate told The Indian Express newspaper that he felt “it was not dignified”.

Officials said 1,159 candidates participated in Sunday’s hour-long written examination to join the Indian army.

“As we entered Chakkar Maidan, the venue, we were asked to remove all clothes except underwear. We had no option but to comply with the instructions even though it felt odd. The gap between candidates was about eight feet in all directions,” The Indian Express quoted a candidate as saying.

The paper quoted a senior army official as saying candidates being asked to strip was an “administrative lapse”.

Bihar and many other parts of northern India are notorious for cheating during examinations – last year, the state government was embarrassed after parents and friends were photographed climbing school walls to pass on answers to school students.

In January, the state announced tough measures such as fines and jail terms to stop cheating in exams.

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By Ayah Aman

CAIRO — Political and technical negotiations between Cairo and Addis Ababa on Nile River water management remain at a standstill in light of Ethiopia’s insistence on going forward with construction of the Renaissance Dam, which threatens Egyptian Nile water interests. This once again pushed the Egyptian political administration to renew its policy based on mending and strengthening its relationship with other Nile upstream countries in the equatorial lakes region, especially the Democratic Republic of Congo, which has been one of Egypt’s political and strategic allies since the beginning of the Nile water dispute.

On Feb. 4, Augustin Matata Ponyo, the Democratic Republic of Congo’s prime minister, visited Cairo for three days at the head of a delegation that included the ministers of energy, water and industry. Ponyo held extensive meetings with President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Prime Minister Sherif Ismail. In addition, a memorandum of understanding was inked between Egypt and the Democratic Republic of Congo on the Inga Dam project. In a press conference held at the Council of Ministers, the Egyptian and Congolese prime ministers announced that Egypt will participate in stages 3 and 4 of the Inga Dam construction project and stated that an Egyptian official visit to the Democratic Republic of Congo will be scheduled to acquire further accurate information about the dam.

In this regard, Egypt’s Minister of Electricity and Energy Mohamed Shaker told Al-Monitor, “We will provide technical, technological and engineering support for the construction of the Inga Dam.”

Shaker talked about how Egypt will benefit from the Congolese dam project. “There are ambitious plans for power grids [interconnecting] between South Africa and North Africa, whose execution may require some time — but there is a vision to start the execution of these plans on the ground over different stages,” he said.

The Egyptian grants that were agreed upon during the visit reached $10 million and were allocated for the execution of six projects, including the design studies and commissioning of the Inga Dam and other service projects to dig wells for providing drinking water, as well as scholarships and training for workers in the field of water resources in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Egyptian Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation Hossam Maghazi told Al-Monitor, “The Egyptian Ministry of Irrigation will send a delegation to [the Democratic Republic of Congo] to follow up on the implementation of cooperation projects and on all matters related to coordination on the execution of the Inga Dam.”

The Inga Dam, located on the Congo River 225 kilometers (140 miles) southwest of the capital, Kinshasa, is one of the largest hydropower projects in Africa. It is designed to generate 40,000 megawatts of electricity. The project, which is still under construction, is facing financial hurdles with the estimated cost to build it having risen to $80 billion, and counting.

Congolese Minister of Energy and Water Matadi Gamanda told Al-Monitor, “The completion of the dam is facing major challenges in terms of design, financing and management, and we hope Egypt will cooperate with us on facing these challenges.”

He added, “The Inga Dam project will be the largest integration project in Africa, which is still in need of more power to meet the needs of its population.”

“We do intend to compete with Ethiopia in terms for the production of hydroelectric power. The Inga Dam project will certainly provide huge amounts of energy that may not be compared with a project such as the Ethiopian Renaissance Dam.”

It should be noted that Egypt’s water interests with the Democratic Republic of Congo are not limited to Egyptian official support to the Inga Dam; Egypt raised proposals in the last three years aimed at pumping more water into the Nile River in the equatorial lakes region by linking the Nile and Congo rivers, to provide Egypt with additional water shares — a proposed project that was subject to a wide technical controversy.

Gamanda said of this proposal, “This project is not realistic; it is merely a dream. What is more important now is to promote cooperation to help [the Democratic Republic of Congo] benefit from the water resources on its territory.”

He added, “[The Democratic Republic of Congo’s] position to support Egypt in the dispute between it and the Nile upstream countries on water management in the Nile basin is clear and explicit.”

“We will not sign any agreements that harm Egyptian interests,” Gamanda added, referring to the Agreement on the Nile Basin Cooperative Framework, also known as the Entebbe Agreement. The agreement was signed by the six Nile Basin upstream countries and rejected by the downstream countries, Egypt and Sudan, which object to clauses giving upstream countries the right to exploit the Nile resources without being bound by the obligations not to harm water interests or historical quotas.

“We are ready to act as mediator again between Egypt and the rest of the Nile upstream countries in order to renegotiate the agreement and resolve this crisis, if Egypt asks us to play this role,” said Gamanda.

It seems that Cairo is banking on improving its relationship with the Democratic Republic of Congo as an important step to ensure Egypt’s presence in the Nile’s headwaters (the equatorial lakes) region by building on the Democratic Republic of Congo’s policies and its support for Egypt’s stance during the arduous negotiations over the past 10 years with the Nile upstream countries on water management in the Nile River basin.

Mohamed Nasreddin Allam, the former minister of water resources and irrigation who participated in the negotiations with the Nile Basin countries between 2009 and 2011, told Al-Monitor, “[The Democratic Republic of Congo] has been consistently supporting the Egyptian stance and opinion and refused to sign the Entebbe Agreement — unlike Burundi, which signed it after the Egyptian revolution in 2011.”

He added, “The current political coordination of positions with [the Democratic Republic of Congo] is important in order for Egypt to gain a strong African ally, especially in light of enormous pressures on Egypt by the Nile upstream countries and poor coordination with Sudan, which was a strategic ally of Egypt in the Nile water issue.”

Allam said, “Egypt’s support to Inga Dam in [the Democratic Republic of Congo] is a strong pressure card against Ethiopia’s dream to be the only source of energy export to the African countries, since the execution and commissioning of the dam will turn [the Democratic Republic of Congo] into the first energy exporter in Africa as well as the cheapest and safest alternative.”

It seems the Egyptian political administration has managed to gain allies from among the Nile upstream countries to secure its water interests. Yet its biggest challenge is to link its official rapprochement policies to projects and direct interests that bring about tangible benefits for the peoples of the upstream countries aspiring for development and not just contenting itself with official visits and political promises.
Read more: http://www.al-monitor.com

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By Deng Yiech Bachech

After the fall of Mengistu’s Derg regime in May 1991, people of Ethiopia had great hopes that the peace will ultimately prevail. The bloody and torturous days experienced by the people of Ethiopia in the hands of Mengistu and his cronies were now gone; and the new government had to solve political, economic and social crises created by past regimes. In essence, the new regime had to come up with a new form of democratic political system that would accommodate the conflicting needs and interests of the people of Ethiopia in general. In doing so, the ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), embraced “Ethnic federalism” as a viable political experiment to accommodate ethnic differences.

This essay attempts to describe and analyze political events in Ethiopia since the coming of EPRDF to power in 1991 until present time. The major focus of this analysis will however examine and investigate the problems and prospects of EPRDF’s ethnicized politics of federalism. In the process, the fundamental ideas of ‘identity, history, and nation’ will highlight the present ethnic dimensions of state formation, ethnic leadership, party design and competition, and governance in Ethiopia.

The history of Ethiopia as a state is almost two hundred years old. Unlike other African states which were colonized by European powers, Ethiopia was never formally colonized, but it was ruled by successive emperors (1855-1974). The nature of the state was imperialistic and autocratic, whereby past emperors brought together various ethnic groups to form the existing Ethiopian state through conquest and domination of other less powerful ethnic groups by the major two ethnic groups: the Amhara and Tigre. This expansion policy had not been without resistance. In fact, according to Peter Woodward who has done extensive works on the Horn of Africa, wars of expansion had been the classical methods of state formation in Ethiopia. In the late 18th century emperor Menelik II, an Amhara, brought all regions in Ethiopia under his rule, and exerted a traditionally autocratic political system that gave little autonomy over his subjects, basically the ethnic groups that constitute southern Ethiopia today. Among these groups were the Oromo and other ethnic groups in the southwestern Ethiopia. Since then the dominance of the Amhara and Tigre in all aspects of life had prevailed at best and had been resented at worst.

Therefore the concept of Ethiopia as a unifying nationality identity has been in big question because other ethnic groups, especially the Oromo, felt that the current Ethiopia belongs to only Amhara and Tigre. They claimed that the Ethiopia has never been a unified country with common history, culture, and language, except the 19th century wars, which were fought against the colonist powers such as Turks, Italians, Egyptians and Sudanese. Conversely, various ethnic groups were fighting against an internal war of colonialism and imperialism which they considered as ‘Ethiopian imperialism” perpetuated by the Amhara and Tigre with the help of Europeans. Because of the Amhara’s pre-eminence in military, political and economic spheres in the country, Amharic history, language, and cultures have been imposed upon others through either peaceful or assimilation means.

That being said, since 1960s scholars from the Oromo ethnic group that constitutes about half of the Ethiopian population have tried to redefine and re-conceptualize their national identity and reject an all-embracing Ethiopian national identity. In this sense, “Ethiopians had a national consciousness, [that] was the consciousness of subjects united under the emperor, not that of citizens with a voice in the government of the country.” Asafa Jalata, an Oromo, claims that there has not been a commonly held identity as “Ethiopia” or “Ethiopian”. Historically, the people who are called today, as Ethiopians were the native people of Abyssinia referred to as “Habasha,” (Amhara and Tigre). The Habasha lived in the northern Ethiopian highlands of Gondar, Gojjam, Tigray, Wollo, and Shoa. Due to their proximity to the Red Sea, Abyssinians (or Ethiopians) had enormous contacts with European forces, mainly the Greek, and that enabled them to build their empire by colonizing and subduing their traditional enemies. When they became militarily and economically powerful, they maintained their power by collecting taxes from the conquered ethnic groups to build their Christian kingdoms. Because of a popular perception that Ethiopia was a ‘Christian island in an Islamic Sea,” Europeans helped Ethiopian Christians to resist Muslim invaders, infiltrating into Ethiopia heartland through the lowlands of Ethiopia from the Red Sea.

The last king of Ethiopia, Haile Selassie (1930-1974) formally introduced the modern form of centralization policy of which Amhara minority group dominated all state institutions. Not only the Amhara dominated state institutions, but Haile Selassie also dismantled trade unions, political parties, the press, and the elected parliament, which were deemed “anathema to his own highly centralized structure of control.” This system of governance provoked enormous oppositions among non-amhara nationalities mainly in Tigray (1943), Oromo (1963) and Eritrea (1961) regions. Furthermore, lack of development, crisis in agricultural sector, inequitable land distribution, political repression, popular uprisings in Eritrea and Tigray provinces, drought and famine in Wollo (Amhara district) had weakened Haile Selassie’s regime.

After Ethiopians suffered a lot from Amhara’s monopoly of power, unprecedented political crises revisited Ethiopia when army officers ousted Haile Selassie’s autocratic regime, and replaced it with socialist democratic dictatorship—or a Marxist-Leninist state of Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1974. While Mengistu and his cronies envisioned to revolutionize the government structure and to make it accountable for the people of Ethiopia, in the process they failed to fulfill people’s aspirations and hopes. The Derg regime, Military Junta, (or simply Committee in Amharic), introduced a massive nationalization of private sectors, one-party system, forced resettlement of highlanders into lowland regions. His aim was to establish a strong modern state using a Soviet model where the state required a centralized economy state with a sturdy bureaucratic system to keep Ethiopia united. However, the collectivization policy and peasant resettlement did not work because Ethiopian economy was virtually primitive based on agricultural economy. So the military regime rather embarked on consolidating its power through repression that fueled discontent and increased support for guerrillas.

Urban intellectuals, mainly students, launched the first wave of opposition against Mengistu’s military regime and wanted to transform the Ethiopian empire into a democratically modern, centralized and bureaucratic state. Although those rival groups favoured socialist ideology, and they rejected a military regime government. Later on the Derg destroyed their movements. Thereafter another Ethnic groups who now threatened the state, not the regime, led the second wave. They were separatists whose political objectives were to attain ethnic regional autonomy and rights to self-determination. In response to the widespread opposition, Mengistu launched a brutal witch-hunt campaign against groups who were threats to his regime. In 1976, this campaign, known as a Red Terror, took five bloody months for arrests, tortures and killings of dissident officials, students, young children, and women alike. The Derg regime justified their act of terror as a defence of the revolution: “We are ready to unleash red terror on the EPRP fascists. Their blood shall serve as the water with which we (will) put out the fire of counter revolution.” Asked by Amnesty International, the Voice of Masses radio, a mouthpiece for Derg regime, responded that “if they [human rights groups] say we don’t have to kill people, aren’t they saying that we can quit the Revolution? The cry to stop the killing is a bourgeois cry.”

The Red Terror campaign instead emboldened ethnic liberation movements and their supporters to wage war against the military regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam. The irony was that, each faction had different goals to achieve. First, for example, Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) aimed to establish an independent “Democratic Republic of Tigray, ” and also to challenge the Amhara domination in the central government. Initially, the TPLF defined the geographic boundary of Tigray with ethnic language and identity. Whoever spoke Tigrigna (Tigrean language) definitely qualified to be a member of Tigray. Besides, Tigray would have been better off than the rest of Ethiopia because it had access to the Assab port. However, when the Derg collapsed, the TPLF expanded its goals and proceeded to militarily occupy the rest of Ethiopia. Second, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) was predominately a separatist group whose political objection was to fight for the liberation of the Oromo people in every part of the country and to establish their own state. While the third major groups, the Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU) and Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (EPDRM)—an Amhara dominated party—wanted a representative, united Ethiopia; but these groups were weak because their ideological and political orientations were diverse. Some accused the Amhara ethnic group of conspiring to maintain their ethnic hegemony over others if unity was to be achieved. The only faction that had a unique goal was the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), which firmly sought to secede from Ethiopia given its past history. However, in 1989, all factions merged to form the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) under the leadership of TPLF to overthrow the Derg regime. Therefore, before Mengistu government fell in May 1991 the United States sponsored a national conference in London for all oppositions to work together and ‘restore public order and prevent further bloodshed’16 in the country. In the Conference, EPLF was granted a de facto self-government in Eritrea while awaiting referendum and the US convinced the EPRDF to abandon its secessionist goal to maintain the unity of the country, although in a different political outlook.

Finally in May 1991 the EPRDF took control of the country and it had to set things straight by introducing a political system that could either unite Ethiopia permanently or disintegrate into so many states. The problem that most experts cautioned against were that, each political faction believed that the best solution was what contained in its own programme that sought to redress the political and economic injustice the people have endured for long; but there was no consensus on how to achieve this common aim, whether it would mean secession or unity. Every thing was hanging in the air. Some argued that the only best solution might be ‘ethnic federalism’ if Ethiopia is to survive its existing political form. In essence, ethnic federalism accentuates the “rights of nations, nationalities, and peoples’ [which] is diametrically opposed to the ideology of nationalism and a ‘Greater Ethiopia.”

Critics viewed ethnic federalism as a system that could not guarantee national unity and survival because it is considered as a state-sanctioned political ideology that does not match people’s interests and inspirations. Moreover, nearly all political parties identify themselves with ethnic groups and territories, which in turn could reinforce ethnic prejudices and sentiments that are antithesis to nation building. However, the EPRDF opted for ethnic federalism as the best political alternative to resolve ethnic conflicts and political marginalization. On the contrary, the EPRDF faced two major challenges during its transition from the year it came to power in 1991 to 1995 when Ethiopia became a Federal Republic: to consolidate its power as a minority government and to achieve its ideological goal of establishing a ‘revolutionary democracy.’ In any way, the EPRDF has not succeeded in achieving both goals. It continues to consolidate its power at all costs at the expense of true democracy.

To form a coalition government during the transition period, the EPRDF convened a national conference in Addis Ababa in 1991 whereby over 20 ethnic political parties attended. Yet, only ethnic factions affiliated with the EPRDF were handsomely represented leaving other parties in the cold. Meles Zenawi, the Chairman of TPLF, chaired the conference. According to international observers, the conference was dominated by the EPRDF and its affiliates. Many political parties felt excluded or chose not to participate in the national conference. Then critics dubbed the conference as “The Conference of Nationalities’ with a ‘problem of inclusion and lack of a national consensus from the start of the transition.’ Most political parties based in exiles and rebel groups who refused full mergence with the EPRDF such as the Ethiopian people’s revolutionary party (EPRP); the all-Ethiopian socialist Movement (or MEISON in Amharic); OLF, and the Coalition of Ethiopian Democratic Forces (COEDF) were deliberately excluded.

Then the national conference adopted the Transition Period Charter and voted for the supreme law of the land during what was supposed to be a two-and-half year transitional period. The Charter established political institutions that could help create both political and economic transformations and reconstructions. Under the charter, a newly elected National Assembly or Council of Representatives composed of eighty seven members and a 547-member of Constituent Assembly, mostly dominated by the EPRDF and its affiliates, established the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) to oversee, draft and ratify nation’s constitution.

However, the adopted charter that was believed to be democratic did not pass any democratic test. The charter did not include the separation of powers provision; and therefore the judiciary was part of the legislature and executive branches, which rendered it not independent. Second, Meles Zenawi was elected to be the president during the transitional period by the national conference that was dominated by the EPRDF and its affiliated ethnic parties. Third, the members of parliament (or Council of Representatives) were not democratically elected by their constituents but rather appointed by the political organizations they represented. And in the 87-member of parliament alone, the EPRDF had thirty-two seats. Fourth, the most problematic section in the Charter was its affirmation of the right to self-determination for ethnic groups to secede and regional autonomy. The country that had been for years linguistically homogenous now allowed every ethnic group to use its own language. The three main ethnic languages (Amharic, Tigrigna, and Oromo) were given the same recognition and time in state-owned radios, newspapers and television channels. Fifth, disarmament and reintegration of all armed forces were not carried out. Political wings of liberation fronts were simply required to register their forces and confine them to separate military barracks before 1992 elections, with the exception of EPRDF that would serve in the meantime as State Defence Army. “The encampment agreements were negotiated between EPRDF and OLF to resolve disputes over encampment and ensure free political competition.”

Because of major democratic deficits observed in the ethnic federalism model, some argue that giving all 80 ethnic languages rights would make people to abandon their common national identity. With the issue of the right to secede, various groups within Amhara and Oromo condemned this concept as a betrayal of national interest and integrity that would lead to a wholesale breakdown of Ethiopia into so many nation-states. On the other hand, they claimed that Tigre-dominated EPRDF used the secessionist approach as a ‘plan-B’ that would legitimize their case for separating from the rest of Ethiopia if their hold of power fails. Besides, the provinces of Eritrea and Tigray have economic and political significance. Although Tigray region has no sea outlet26, it is historically, ethnically and linguistically closer to Eritrea than the rest. It would also be noted that, Meles Zinawi’s mother hails from Eritrea, a point that makes most Ethiopians question his Ethiopianism.

To resolve the disintegration of Ethiopia into pieces, prominent political activists representing the Oromo, Amhara, and Tigre ethnic groups united and formed the United Democratic Nationals party (UDN). The UDN party’s political objectives were aimed to challenge the EPRDF’s ethnic ideology and to ensure that human rights, equality and unity for the people of Ethiopia were protected. Most importantly, they rejected the division of Ethiopia along ethnic lines, Eritrea’s referendum, unelected parliament, and demanded the creation of independent judiciary and the protection of private property rights. Because the EPRDF had no viable, ethnically diverse opposition political party to oppose its policies before, it now faced ultimate challenges from the UND. In an attempt to save its face, the EPRDF used the state-owned radio and television to denigrate UDN as a ‘chauvinistic Amhara organization harboring many former members of Derg;” and similarly the English language newspaper, Ethiopia Herald, labeled UDN “a war-mongering, discord-sowing and violence-advocating sadistic group whose rank and file was comprised of disgruntled ex-servicemen, anarchists, and hooligans.” Then the EPRDF, in principle, showed its true colour of not abiding to the human rights, freedom of expression, and rights to assembly by blocking mass demonstration and harassing, intimidating and imprisoning individuals opposed to its policies. Three of the UDN leaders were imprisoned for two months, and later on 23 January 1992 they were charged for making ‘seditious statements’ by asking students of how could they “receive an education in a country whose map had been fragmented” by ethnic divisions and also saying ‘Eritrea was being sold to the Arabs;” and statement like “Ethiopia cannot be sold by individual whim.”

Since then the UDN party was torn apart by assassination threats and arrests. As situation deteriorated, most UDN leaders sought political asylum abroad, and thereafter the UDN was pronounced dead because of fear it was no longer interested to participate in the upcoming elections scheduled for June 1992. Worse still, for a party to be eligible to contest elections, the TGE demanded all political parties to register their members, but it was viewed as a gambit to expose them to torture, intimidation and coercion.

As June elections neared, the unelected Council of Representatives appointed a National Election Commission comprised of ten members representing different parties to organize and supervise the elections. However, the same electoral biases that often impair democratic exercises in many African states occurred in Ethiopia’s 1992 elections. First, the NEC was dominated by the EPRDF from federal down to Kebele polling stations (neighbourhoods); the general public and other parties were kept uninformed of electoral rules and processes till the expiration deadlines; voters did not either use secret ballots or they were being forced deliberately to vote for person shown to them; political parties had no free access to state-owned media, and resources; and the EPRDF had absolute control of the military and security apparatus. In light of this, the TGE and ruling party (EPRDF) failed to adhere to its stated goals of elections as prescribed in the Charter:

To empower Ethiopian national groups by decentralizing authority and by creating a federal structure of government;

To resolve armed conflicts among and within different contending ethnic groups;

To provide regional and local governments with a popular mandate and sanction the replacement of the non-elected administration designated by the TGE; and

To demonstrate the TGE’s commitment to pluralism.

To accomplish these goals, the TGE solicited material and technical assistance from the international community in support of the election process.30

During the elections campaign, which began in May, the EPRDF and its affiliated parties, the OLF and AAPO contested, all at various levels of government. Unfortunately, the OLF and AAPO campaigns were severed by massive harassment, intimidation, and coercion by the EPRDF’s secret security police. That led them (the OLF and AAPO) plus other minor parties like the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Oromia (IFLO), the Ethiopian Democratic Alliance Group (EDAG) and the Gedeo People’s Democratic Organization (GPDO) to boycott elections. Six days later the OLF opted out from the government (TGE) and the only political organization that represented the interests of Oromo people was an EPRDF-affiliate, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO). By June 21, 1992 all political parties withdrew and that gave the EPRDF and its affiliates full advantage of garnering 96.6% of the vote, and secured 1,108 of the 1,145 regional seats. Consequently, although the TGE made unfounded claims that the elections were ‘free and fair’, international observers were concerned of the democratization process in Ethiopia. Some noticed irregularities were the lack of voter and civic education, unfair political competition, intimidation and campaigning, biased electoral process and administration, and violations of the secrecy.

After winning the lections, the EPRDF’s controlled government resorted to clean-up operations within its party and from without. Many Ministers and Members of Parliament were relieved from their positions. What befell Ethiopia was a reminiscent of politics of apartheid based on ethnicity and loyalty to the ruling party. On the economic fronts, the TFLF in the EPRDF’s clothing was accused of giving disproportionate share of government subsidies and loans to local investors and entrepreneurs of Tigre-origin and to Tigray Development Agency. The transitional government failed to redress ethnic conflicts, political and economic suffering of the nation as it professed, but it instead fueled the ethnic tensions and increased popular dissatisfactions in the government.

After ratification of the constitution on 21 August 1995, the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) was set up. And 1995 elections were likewise flawed by abuse of power and lack of political liberalization. The EPRDF and its affiliates managed to constitute 90 percent of the seats in the Parliament, and Meles Zinawi under new federal constitution become Prime Minister with a 5-year term in office. The Parliament chose Nigasso Gidada of the OPDO as the head of state. While the new Council of People’s Representatives (CPR) were elected, still they had no power to veto Prime Minister’s decisions and policies. The Prime Minister had absolute power over executive and legislative branches. Still judiciary branch remained totally weak and lack independency. The obvious reason for weakening the judiciary system was that, most judges were experienced judges educated in the nation’s best-known University of Addis Ababa who served during past regime and ethnically-Amhara. And therefore their loyalty to the EPDRF was in question. For this reason, the FDRE opened Civil Service College to train new judges and prosecutors whose loyalty to the regime was unquestioned.

As Ethiopia underwent a difficult path to democracy in the 1990s, it was thought that in the 21st century the true democratic transformation would come out of the new political experiment: Ethnic Federalism. However, both 2000 and 2005 elections did not change much of Ethiopia’s political discourse for the better. The EPRDF is so adamant to consolidate its power what come may. Political parties are faced with irreversible challenges despite the pledge from the international community and the people of Ethiopia to give democracy a chance to flourish. Many opposition leaders now languish in Ethiopian jails; rebel movements, notably the old OLF, Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP) that protested the 2005 elections and the new Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) region near Somalia continue to terrorize people and government establishments everyday demanding justice and right to self-determination. Cultural, religious, ethnic prejudice and intolerance against ‘other’ have been incited and misrepresented into denying others basic human, political and economic rights. “This ethnicity run wildly exaggerates differences, intensifies resentments and antagonisms, and sharply divides races and nationalities. Mutual suspicion and hostility are bound to emerge in a society bent on defining itself in terms of such jostling and competing groups.”

Ethnic officials use their political cards, economic exploitation, and mental degradation to ‘drive out members of other ethnic groups who may have lived in the regions for decades—or to make life miserable for those who remain. ‘ For example, during Mengistu’s regime, most highlanders were resettled in the lowland regions, and they considered those new places their homes. Intermarriage between ethnic groups was encouraged and people considered themselves as one people under the banner of an all-embracing national identity. Of late, ethnic politics has revived old myths of boundary markers such as ethnic language, history, territory and physical traits rendering the unified Ethiopian identity as unnatural. With all these, ethnic liberation movements and insurgencies are everywhere in Ethiopia demanding their rights to self-determination through bullets rather than ballots. The chance for the survival of a strong, united Ethiopia is far in sight. However, there is still a glimpse of hope that ethnic federalism experiment would fulfill people’s aspirations and end ethnic conflicts if the ruling party puts its doctrine of ethnic equality and political representation into practice. Paul Henze, a notable expert in the Horn of Africa, suggests that:

A whole new philosophy of governing [that] is new is needed and a new style of leadership; no need of more central government; need a less intrusive government; more directly responsive to peoples’ needs, understand the limitations of government…leaders to recognize and encourage Regional diversity. Understand the advantages of pluralism in all aspects of political and social life and above all in economic endeavor.

Therefore, the EPRDF has to revise its policies and to negotiate peacefully with all political oppositions and rebel groups to reach a conclusion that might save Ethiopia from sinking deep into abyss of political turmoil, as it appears now.

The author is a native of South Sudan and graduate student at the University of Calgary, Canada. He can be reached at dyiec@hotmail.com

“Sudan Tribune

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The post The crisis of ethnic identity and democracy in Ethiopia (Deng Yiech Bachech) appeared first on Satenaw.

ESAT Daily News Amsterdam March 02 2016

ESAT Daily News Amsterdam March 02 2016

The post ESAT Daily News Amsterdam March 02 2016 appeared first on Satenaw.

By Ebow Chuol,

March 02, 2016(Nyamilepedia) —- His Majesty, Emperor King Haile Selassie was not only an influential man of divine trait but his ascending to power in Ethiopia remains unusual. Among other miracles, in Ethiopia he is known as a Lion of Judah, King of Kings, the father of Abyssinia, an African Elder. The list is pretty long and it needs many efforts to bring together the collective mysteries of a man whose lineage touches every tribe in Ethiopia. Myth had it that he is from Amhara tribe, some say his real father is from Afan Oromo. Others alleged to people of Afar. To this day nobody knows the origin of this great man.

A lot of people said he is a Jewish because of King Solomon. The wisdom of King Solomon attracted the queen of Sheba. King Menelik II was born out of this mystery’s journey. Emperor Haile Selassie was the legend and he inherited one of the most respected name in Ethiopia, Africa and the world at large. His mother was cousin to King Menelik the II. This is how the story emerged.

My dad was almost led to the prison in 1957 for refusing to vow down after the chariots of the King passed by him and his friends. He was in primary school by then. The name of the King to him was something mystifying since most of the stories running around in the town of Addis Ababa were about the celestial works of the mighty King of Kings. During the days of Haile Selassie, Ethiopia belong to him, his possession and the conventional Church; Orthodox. For those who heard the King’s visit to Jamaica, it wasn’t a fairy legendary visit. It was an event overwhelming observed even to this day.

His majesty, King of Ethiopia, Emperor Haile Selassie was the strange grandson of King Menelik the II. Whatever the possession in the king’s palace by the virtue of his lineage he was in position directly to inherit them. Simple gifts fromWec-Deng, Ngundeng to be precise to his grandfather Menelik the II were all rightfully inherited by Emperor Haile Selassie. He begun to develop a peculiar reputation around himself pointing it to his descendants; Solomonic Dynasty.

Very long journey: The journey that took Emperor Haile Selassie to Jamaica receiving an ocean of Rastafarians in 1966 dates back to blessing of Ngundeng Bong from Wec-Deng. When the servants of Menelik II approached Wec-Deng, they were not just simple messengers from the Highlands of Abyssinia but serious men full of faith to explain their problems to Prophet Ngundeng Bong; a man by that time whose fame brushed the Highlands of Ethiopia forming a perfect triangle.
Menelik II was in trouble. He was already familiar with the battles Ngundeng Bong fought and won against his adversaries. Out of this logic, he was convinced by this particular friend from Wec-Deng. No one was at a closer distance to help him win the war against the invaders.
Before the battle of Adwa, March 1896, Ngundeng won several victories against Turkish, Arabs, British and Egyptians. The news were heard all over the South-West of Garden of Eden. And so he was of great relief to his African friends seeking the same victory. Ngundeng Bong made for himself a name which is heard beyond the small village of Wec-Dengto far west of Jamaica. As things get interesting, the guests were practically shown a miracle of hospitality. A rare trait only existing among the Nilotic Cush Hamite’s descendants. The direct descendants of Cush, the father of Nimrod, the mightier hunter before God.
Actually, the tower of Babel was built by the Nimrod, the son of Cush. Before the brother of Ham, Shem returned to Shinar, the children of Ham advanced in mixing sands and petroleum in building the tower of Babel. It was extremely large and taller than any existing towers in our days. God had to interfere to stop this great discovery in that era.
Early evidences suggest that Plato came to Africa to study mathematics. Africa apart being the original home of mankind, the descendants of Ham the second son of Noah were practically the great builders. So does his children that follow thereof. They advance in Art of building pyramids and mathematics, and they were philosophically oriented. They opposed the idea of social disintegration but highly cherish the order of new age, the founders of New World Order.

Let me clarify something about Ham. Ham had five or six children. The first born is Cush, Anaan, Put and the rest are left for research. Cush begot Nimrod and Canaan Palestine.
The Biblical curse by the Noah their father, Ham was told to be the servant of Shem and Japheth. Abram the descendant of Shem had to leave Chaldeans to Canaan and occupied it. God fought for Abram based on the blessing and promise of faith. Basically, the entire Middle East, Africa and part of Australia were the lands of Ham. Not by the color of skin but perhaps the nature of our eyes the children of Noah could be distinguished. For those who may have doubted the truth about Nilotic Hamite, work hard to familiar yourself with the history. Both Biblical and Secular scholars can confirm this.
When Albert Einstein raised his concerns about the gravitational waves. The entire scientific community of his days were skeptical. Last month, the work of a man who won scientific awards in every scientific university on our planet was confirmed. Truth is a rare thing that shakes off every single dust of falsehood.

Celebration rock Wec-Deng: The evening came and the next morning was inaugurated by people joyfully oriented. Peculiar quests arrived in Wec-Deng (Wec-Deng is located in central Lou Nuer of Jonglie currently known Bieh. Waat to be precise).

They were welcomed with sounds of horns, drums, guitars and harps. It was one of the most celebrated home coming event in ages. Ngundeng was now ready to corroborate himself beyond his home town. He was familiar with Amharic and could read Arabic. In most cases he referred to himself, the master of languages. A claim not yet disapproved to date. As they approached with their heads vowed low. The master of that era Ngundeng Bong predicted the troubled special guests of his time. The message was read the following morning with harmony of worry and excitement. Ngundeng assured his guests from Abyssinia not to be troubled for they are in the safest hand in the entire land. A month of hospitality wasn’t enough but the council of the Nuer in Wec-Deng had to let go their good friends back to their master, king Menelik II and deliver the blessing from the people of Ngundeng, a project initiated by Ngundeng Bong himself.
They pursued to prove the Naath’s (Nuere) hospitality. Four most important gifts were announced to the pilgrims of the king. The first gift was ” tooch“, kind of like pop corns. The second was “puok“, meaning ashes from the pyramid. The mightier “tungkernyang” literally means a bull, the last “mut” which is a spear to kill the bull immediately upon arrival. How Ngundeng Bong communicated this ritualistic exercise only proved his claim to hear all kinds of human languages. Tooch were for the long journey. Bull was to be killed to evoke the spirit of “Kuoth” meaning the Most High in order to grant the king victory against well-equipped army of Italy. This gift in particular was the focus of the farewell.
As they make journey back home, Ngundeng ordered one of his good friends to cut of the tail of the bull. Announcing the bull would be followed by the coming generations. The relationship between South Sudanese and Ethiopians is a bond never to be broken. It is special scenario established from that very day.
Just to remind the readers. Ethiopia in Greek word means “burnt-face, black. The current Ethiopia was indigenously settled by the Cushite and other descendants of Ham. Our current brothers and sisters in Central Equatoria; Bari lived long ago in Eritrea, migration and displacement settled them in their current homeland. The ashes was to serve bigger purpose 70 years later. Rumors spreading around claimed Emperor Haile Selassie used ashes from Wec-Deng to evoke rain to rain in Jamaica after more than 40 years of severe drought.
Ngundeng Bong long before everything else was known to be very well educated man. He majored in art, mathematics; he’s a singer, architecture, astrologist and part from him being character builder which he inherited from Nimrod. Ngundeng was purely a scientist, and spiritualist. How did he calculate the perfect height of the pyramid and the length? He was a great mathematician of his time. He could assembly the elders in Wec-Deng to look at something he wrote on leaves, no one took him seriously. Prophet Ngundeng was highly disregarded, he lived in the society of lords of all equals. An extraordinary characteristic living among the people is always rejected vehemently. Even to this day, the society of Naath (Nuer) have worse attitude towards those considering themselves superior.

Tooch (pop corns), Tungkernyang (bull) and puok (ashes) safely arrived to king Menelik II before the battle of Adwa took place. The king won the battle through Ngundeng Bong’s blessing, that is how I heard about his greatness from the elders in Mandeng of Nasir County of upper Nile State.

Everything else contributes to the downfall of kingdoms. Food, sex and power with little irresponsible stupidity makes a perfect sense to why kingdoms fall and new ones come into being, worse of the mankind’s persisted tradition. Emperor Haile Selassie was killed and buried in the State Parliament in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia..

The conservative Amara tribe never mentioned anything about the role of Ngundeng Bong played popularized their victory. Indeed, almost the entire population knows nothing about this great gift of Tungkernyang.
For the sake of the history: When King of Ethiopia, Menelik II sent a few of his messengers to Wec-Deng, little did he understand the hospitality of the people of Ngundeng would make a complete change in the history of his country. Nuer and Jieng, like any other Nilotic tribes, the direct descendants of Nilotic Hamite, the second born of Noah, are known globally. Though Nuer persist in this, their traditions, the lords of all equal philosophy existed centuries before British scarf it. (Notice: Nilotic tribes are the descendants of Cush the son of Ham, they are Nilotic Hamite,) They pride themselves in social democracy. One reason their ancestors tried to unite the whole earth under the tower of Babel, democracy, hence in cultural definition is therefore, a culture of practicing equality. So the art of social democracy was long time ago observed in the lands of Cush. Prime reason the kingdom of England tired hard to contain Nuer is their tendency of assimilating people into their culture, economic and political system. Naath are the only African society with high quality of hospitality; awarding their guests with pure dignity and respect. Come to Nuerland with humility, you shall be with them to the end of the ages.
Ashes from Wec-Deng: Ngundeng’s final gifts to the messengers from king Menelik II Palace were not ‘pop corns’. Let me bring together how the ‘ashes’ from Wec-Deng was used by Emperor Haile Selassie to make the rains rained in Jamaica. On Thursday of April 21 1966, more than 100, 000 Rastafarians already gathered to witness the arrival of his holiness Emperor Haile Selassie in Palisodoes airport in Kingston. Crowd busted into smoking Marijuana, sounds of calabash drums could be heard in the entire city. It’s the history in making.

Gosh! The king refused to use the red carpet, he walked on the ground; then the name grounation surfaced. Grounation day is one of the most celebrated days in the history of the Rastafarians. It is usually marked every Thursday of 21st of April to show respect for Emperor Haile Selassie.

That same day the miracle of rains coming down from heaven for the first time in more than 40 years of severe drought was observed. It was the ashes from Emperor Haile Selassie that spelt the rain. How the king of king,s the strongest monarch in Africa performed this miracle of all ages remains unknown to this day, one would ask.
Forevermore, Jamaica continue to enjoy the green pastures, growth of marijuana, the gifts from Ngundeng Bong to Emperor Haile Selassie.

Elbow Chuol is reachable via elbow.chuol@gmail.com

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5 Shocking Sexual Traditions From Around The World 5 Shocking Sexual Traditions From Around The World

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Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and Restorative Justice – Hamrawit Tesfa’s Speech

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Oromo Community of Minnesota Protests Against Ethiopian Goverment

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ESAT Daily News Amsterdam March 03, 2016 ESAT Daily News Amsterdam March 03, 2016 ESAT Daily News Amsterdam March 03, 2016

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