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The 44 weirdest lines from Donald Trump’s first 2020 campaign rally

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National Politics
By CNN
Published January 10, 2020

Amid an ongoing debate in Washington over when, exactly, the impeachment trial will begin in the Senate — and the continued fallout from the killing of Iranian commander Qasem Soleimani — President Donald Trump went to his happy place on Thursday night: a campaign rally.

Trump traveled to Toledo, Ohio, to bask in the glow of his adoring base — and bask he did, delivering his now-familiar stream-of-consciousness speech rife with exaggerations and flat-out falsehoods. And the crowd loved every minute of it.

I went through the transcript of Trump’s speech and picked out the lines you need to see. They’re below.

1. “You remember, 2016, what year that was, right?”

I do! I mean, it was only, like, three years ago! And away we go!

2. “So now we have South Korea, we just finished the big one, $40 billion with Japan on January 15, we are signing a monster, a big beautiful monster, $40 billion to $50 billion to our farmers.”

He’s talking about trade. I think.

3. “I keep saying go buy larger tractors. Go buy larger tractors.”

Same.

4. “And just in case you didn’t know it, Ohio just had the best year economically in the history of your state.”

It’s not clear what measurement Trump is using here. As Seth Richardson of the Cleveland Plain Dealer notes, Ohio actually lost jobs in 2019.

5. “I signed the largest-ever investments in the United States military, $738 billion, and we created this sixth branch of the United States Armed Forces, the Space Force, and everybody is excited about that.”

Mars Awaits!

6. “We’ve got new planes, we’ve got new rockets, new missiles, we’ve got new everything, and it’s either here or coming in.”

“We’ve got new everything.” — The President of the United States

7. “They go home to mommy. They’re going home to mommy. They are going home to mommy. It’s a beautiful sight. Thank you, security. Do we love law enforcement, by the way?”

This is Trump’s response to a protester being escorted out of the rally. And yes, he says the “go home to mommy” thing every time. Why? Because, at root, he is a bully.

8. “So they don’t want me to make that decision. They want me to call up, maybe go over there, let me go over to Congress. Or come on over to the White House, let’s talk about it.”

In which Trump says he can’t possibly be asked to seek congressional approval for a military strike — although the power to declare war lies solely in the hands of Congress. Because, the Constitution.

9. “We didn’t have time to call up Nancy, who is not operating with a full deck.”

In which the President suggests the Speaker of the House is operating at some sort of reduced mental capacity. His evidence? Oh, he didn’t provide any.

10. “Nine inches. He buys the smallest shirt collar you can get, and it is loose.”

Trump is talking here about the neck circumference of the chairman of the House Intelligence Committee. Very normal stuff!

11. “By the way, did you see, I did nothing wrong. They don’t even know what the hell is going on.”

This is about impeachment. And yes, Donald Trump is only the third president in the history of the country to be impeached by the House.

12. “That is the way the Academy Awards used to look when it was successful. Then they started hitting us all the time, and it became unsuccessful. I love it. I love it, actually.”

So the Academy Awards are no longer successful because, uh, they started attacking Donald Trump? Also, the ratings for the 2019 Academy Awards were up from 2018. So …

13. “They write — if you watched for the last three years, think of it — and then they get Pulitzer Prizes, but it turned out to be all wrong. How do you do that? They get Pulitzer Prize for being wrong.”

[narrator voice] They weren’t wrong.

14. “I made a deal. I saved a country, and I just heard that the head of that country is now getting the Nobel Peace Prize for saving the country. I said, what? Did I have something do with it? Yes.”

Trump appears to be referencing the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize winner — Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. Abiy was chosen for the prize “for his efforts to achieve peace and international cooperation, and in particular for his decisive initiative to resolve the border conflict with neighboring Eritrea.” Which, I guess, Trump thinks he did and, therefore, should have won the Peace Prize?

15. “I saved a big war. I saved a couple of them.”

So I assume here Trump is counting the conflict with Iran as a “big war”? Let’s, just for the sake of argument, grant that one. What other “big” wars has Trump saved us from?

16. “And nobody has done it like we’ve done it. And it is we, it is we. It is not me. It is we.”

No “I” in team!!

17. “You know, outside, I don’t know what this place holds, like 10,000 or 11,000 people, right? Outside you have thousands and thousands of people that want to get in.”

This is a common Trump brag that is rarely based in reality.

18. “But now I have completed more promises than I have made.”

[cut to egg-headed scientist] This simply isn’t possible.

19. “Did you ever hear me prior to the election talk about Space Force? I never talked about it. We did Space Force. But did we ever speak about it? No.”

Here’s how Space Force came about, according to Trump himself in March 2018. “You know, I was saying it the other day — because we’re doing a tremendous amount of work in space — I said, ‘Maybe we need a new force. We’ll call it the Space Force,” Trump recounted. “And I was not really serious. And then I said, ‘What a great idea. Maybe we’ll have to do that.’ “

20. “He calls me Mr. President. I’ve known this guy forever. He used to call me, ‘Hey, Don, let’s go out to dinner.’ You know, before, he’ll go, ‘Hey, let’s go out to dinner.’ Now he goes, ‘Mr. President, sir, how are you?’ “

So, you are saying, people call you “Mr. President” now that you are President? But they didn’t call you that before you were President? Weird!

21. “So we have the greatest phrase of all time, Make America Great Again, and with all due respect, I’ll never end it.”

So it’s the greatest phrase of all time now, is it?

22. “So Crooked Hillary — wait — Crooked Hillary –you should lock her up, I will tell you.”

This comment followed a chant of “lock her up” from the crowd. Which is ironic because on Thursday, Trump’s Justice Department cleared Clinton of any and all wrongdoing as secretary of state in regard to her work with the Clinton Foundation.

23. “Oh, I hate to see it.”

You do hate to see it.

24. “You ever see these crazy polls that come out — we are doing great in the polls, by the way.”

In Gallup’s most recent poll, 45% approved of how Trump is doing his job, while 51% disapproved.

25. “We are selling that hat like nobody has ever sold a hat before, I will say. So it’s great. Good.”

Trump is talking about the “Make America Great Again” hats. Or maybe the “Keep America Great” hats. Either way, those hats are selling “like nobody has ever sold a hat before.”

26. “And he punked out on us, right, this guy.”

“This guy” appears to be former Ohio Republican Gov. John Kasich, who refused to endorse Trump’s 2016 campaign.

27. “I have a 95% approval rating. Can you believe it?”

I cannot. Mostly because it’s not clear to me where Trump is getting this number, which he cites a lot. A Fox News poll conducted last month showed him at 85% approval among Republicans.

28. “They say, they did a poll on this. I think I remember the numbers. All you know is, we won against Abraham, Honest Abe. We won. Fifty-three to 47, do you believe that? Abraham Lincoln.”

This is from a YouGov poll — and Trump has the numbers right. A majority of Republicans believe he is a better president than Abraham Lincoln. So, well, yeah.

29. “I don’t know if they had polls back then, but Abraham Lincoln — I always say, I can be more presidential than any candidate that ever ran, than any president, other than maybe Abraham Lincoln when he is wearing his hat.”

No words.

30. “But I like Abe Lincoln, but we are doing well.”

Yeah, this all checks out.

31. “I should watch — you know, I’m supposed to watch, it’s like my job, try and watch. Watch the competition. But it’s like watching death.”

If you don’t think Trump watches the Democratic presidential debates, I have a terrific company named Theranos to tell you about.

32. “And Biden doesn’t know the difference between Iran and Iraq. He has gotten it wrong four times.”

Here’s Trump’s answer from a 2015 debate when asked about the nuclear triad: “We have to be extremely vigilant and extremely careful when it comes to nuclear. Nuclear changes the whole ballgame. … The biggest problem we have is nuclear — nuclear proliferation and having some maniac, having some madman, go out and get a nuclear weapon. That’s in my opinion, that is the single biggest problem that our country faces right now.” Uh huh.

33. “I said, we have to have — where is Hunter — as a witness and they said, what do you mean, where is Hunter? I said, that’s his first name. I have now made his first name, where is. Where is Hunter?”

So. Hunter Biden’s new name, according to Trump, is “Where Is Hunter Biden.” OK.

34. “So where is Hunter? Where the hell are you, Hunter?”

Where’s Wallace at?

35. “And they just called today, five of the most respected people and they said things that were incredible. They said there’s never been anything like this in the church that they can remember.”

Religious leaders called Trump and told him that “there’s never been anything like this in the church.” And the “this” is the excitement for Trump. Yeah.

36. “It is being shipped all over the world, while every Democrat running for president wants to shut down our coal mines, we are putting our miners back to work. Dig we must. Dig we must.”

Trump channels Yoda.

37. “You know, there is a state known as Texas, and I won Texas by a lot, just like I won Ohio by a lot.”

A state known as Texas, you say? Also, Trump won Texas by 9 points in 2016. Mitt Romney won it by 16 points four years earlier.

38. “And our air and our water right now is cleaner than it’s been in 40 years.”

“US air quality is slipping after years of improvement” — June 2019

39. “The steel industry was dead, and now it is vibrant.”

Er …

40. “And Congressman Van Drew left their party and joined our party. So we’ve done things that nobody has ever done before, but the Democrats are taking their cues from the socialist Bernie Sanders and that girl.”

Uh. I guess “that girl” that Trump is referring to is New York’s Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez?

41. “Virtually every top Democrat also now supports late-term abortion, ripping babies straight from the mother’s womb right up until the moment of birth.”

Flat wrong.

42. “I spent two to three hours talking to the people that work there. I looked at some of that hydraulics and I’m — I love the whole thing, the world of tractors and all of that stuff. I know a lot about it.”

Sure you do.

43. “And I looked at the carvings, I looked at the metal. I looked at how perfect everything was. The turrets, the round, how perfect it fit. They put it on.”

The carvings. The metal. The turrets. The round.

44. “A lot of crooked people, disgusting, crooked people.”

The President of the United States on Washington, DC. This feels like a good place to end,

The post The 44 weirdest lines from Donald Trump’s first 2020 campaign rally appeared first on Satenaw Ethiopian News/Breaking News:.


The End of EleCtions and Dictatorship and the Beginning of Free and Fair Elections and Democracy in Ethiopia (Part I)

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By Alemayehu G. Mariam

Author’s Note: As the 2020 Ethiopian general election looms, I am filled with hope and expectation that Ethiopia for the first time in its millennia-long history will have a free and fair election and transition to democracy.

Ethiopia today is at a crossroads.

On May 22, 2015, in anticipation of general elections that month, I wrote a commentary entitled, “Ethiopia at the Crossroads of History” and posed a single question:

Are the people of Ethiopia better off today than they were 5 years ago?

Do they have more press freedom? More human rights protections today than five years ago? Is there more accountability, transparency and openness in government today than five years ago? Do young Ethiopians today have more confidence in their future than they did five years ago? Do Ethiopia’s youth have more employment opportunities today than they did five years ago? More academic freedom in the universities? Do Ethiopians have more access to the vast universe of information available on the internet than they did five years ago? Do Ethiopians today have more confidence in their future, their rulers and public institutions than they did five years ago?

In the past 20 months, all of these questions have been answered with resounding affirmation! There is vastly more human rights protections, press freedom, accountability, transparency and openness in government and the rest than there ever before in the history of Ethiopia!

But the burdensome economic legacy of the regime of the Tigrean People’s Liberation (TPLF) still lingers on and hangs on the necks of every Ethiopian like an albatross. The unemployment rate in Ethiopia increased to 19.10 percent in 2018 from 16.90 percent in 2016.  The TPLF had completely depleted the country’s foreign exchange reserves and the “crisis with hard currency will not be solved today, nor will it in the next 15 or 20 years.” Ethiopia’s population in 2015 was 100.8 million. In 2018, it was 109.2 million.

But Ethiopia is in the twilight of a new, free, prosperous ear. The tectonic transformations that have taken place over the past two years in Ethiopia point in the direction of an Ethiopia rising from the ashes of dictatorship.

Democracy looms over the Ethiopian horizon.

Democracy is not a magic wand that can be waived to fix inter-generational social and political problems. It is a process by which people in a society select those to whom they will delegate their sovereign power for a period of time under the principle of the rule of law. The essence of democracy is popular sovereignty, constitutional accountability and transparency in policy and decision-making.

In Part I of this commentary, I shall reflect on elections past, my role as a commentator on Ethiopian elections and examine the legal and scholarly standards for a free and fair election.

In Part II, I shall examine the recently enacted Proclamation No. 1162/2019 (The Ethiopian Electoral, Political Parties Registration and Election’s Code of Conduct Proclamation).

Special challenge to Ethiopian scholars, academics, intellectuals and others: Let us be “Ethiopia’s eyes, ears and mouths and teach and preach to the younger generation and the broader masses” as the 2020 election draws near.

I got involved in Ethiopian human rights advocacy as a result of the massacres that took place in Ethiopia following the 2005 election (see discussion below).

I have written dozens of commentaries on elections in Ethiopia over the past 14 years as part of my personal commitment to civic education to my regular readers and others as well as in protest to the TPLF’s election travesties.

As the 2020 election looms, I challenge all Ethiopian scholars, academics, intellectuals and other informed commentators to join me in civic public education.

I re-issue the challenge I made in my July 2012 commentary;

Ethiopia’s intelligentsia could play the roles described by Said and Havel, and even go beyond their prescriptions and serve as consensus-builders, bridge-builders, facilitators, promoters and pacifiers. I would like to challenge and urge them to become Ethiopia’s eyes, ears and mouths and teach and preach to the younger generation and the broader masses. They do not have to be concerned about dumbing down their messages to the people, for when speaking truth to power the people get the message loud and clear.

Never look back unless…

I coined the word “eleKtion” to describe the “elections” that were taking place in Ethiopia since the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front took power in Ethiopia in 1991, and particularly after 2005.

The “K” in “eleKtions” is for kangaroo elections.

In my February 2015 commentary “Ethiopia’s Perfekt Elektion”,  I suggested the parliamentary “election” scheduled for May of that year was “much ado about nothing.” I likened it to the proverbial pig in lipstick. At the end of the day, a pig in lipstick is still a pig just as a rigged election dressed in democratic haberdashery is still a rigged election.

Not to disappoint, the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TTLF) in May 2015 declared it had won 100 percent of the seats in its kangaroo parliament.

In 2010, TPLF claimed to have won 99.6 percent of the seats in its “parliament.”

I have written an extensive analysis of that election.

It is said that there are at least four different types of elections: (1) free and fair elections, (2) unfree and unfair elections, (3) unfree but fair elections and (4) free but unfair elections.

I would add kangaroo elections as the fifth type of elections.

…you want to know how far you have come along!

In less than two years, Ethiopia has taken a warp drive journey from ethnic dictatorship to multiparty democracy.

The bogus front party created by the TPLF, for the TPLF and called “EPRDF” is buried and on it grave have arisen many political parties, especially Prosperity Party.

There are over 100 self-declared political parties and opposition groups operating in the country. They should winnow down to 3 or 4 strong and competitive political parties and offer the people real alternatives.

Ethiopian eleKtions and I or how the 2005 Ethiopian parliamentary eleKtion changed my life

Until the 2005 “parliamentary election” in Ethiopia, I had at best an academic interest in Ethiopian politics and affairs.

As I have recounted on numerous occasions, I joined the Ethiopian human rights struggle after the Meles Massacres of 2005 and to vindicate the sacrifices of those who were murdered and maimed protesting that stolen election.

Following the 2005 election, the late Meles Zenawi, boss of the TPLF crime family, gave an order to shoot any protesters who demonstrated against the election results. As a result of that order, an Inquiry Commission established by Zenawi himself documented the extrajudicial killing of 193 individuals and severe gunshot injury to nearly 800 others.

I was outraged by the crimes against humanity committed by Meles and his TPLF gang. It was a defining moment: Either the moment defined me or I defined the moment.

I had four clear choices before me: 1) pretend the massacres did not really happen; 2) express fleeting private moral outrage and conveniently forget the whole thing as too many did; 3) hope someone will take up the cause of these victims of crimes against humanity and I can watch indifferently from the sidelines making excuses, or 4) take an active advocacy role and prosecute the criminals and their foreign supporters in the court of world public opinion, and if ever possible in a court of law.

I decided to live out the wisdom of the old saying, “The only thing necessary for the persistence of evil is for enough good people to do nothing.”

For the past 14 years, I have committed to using my pen/keyboard every week to prosecute and convict the TPLF criminals against humanity in the court of world public opinion.

Indeed, in February 2019, I put on “trial” “Bereket (The Curse of Ethiopia) Simon for Crimes Against Humanity” in the 2005 election massacre.

I have written extensively on Ethiopia’s “eleKtions” over the years.

In my April 2008 commentary, “The Emperor Has No Clothes”, I called on people to stand up and bear witness for democracy. “Speak up! We must tell the truth, the naked truth: ‘The emperor has no clothes!’ We must raise our collective voices and shout out, ‘These elections are a sham, a fraud and a scam!’ We must bear witness for democracy.”

In my December 2008 commentary, “To Catch an Election Thief”, I commented on the actions of the Thai  Constitutional Court of Thailand which convicted a boatload of election thieves for vote buying, vote rigging, conspiracies to defraud voters and other fraudulent electoral practices. I thought the 2005 election thieves would also be brought to the bar of justice.

In my October 2009 commentary, “Much Ado About An Already Won Election!”, I called it like it was. I argued the 2010 election was already won because the same crooks that rigged the 2005 election will be managing the 2010 election. I was right. The same crooks “won” 99.6 percent of the seats in parliament.

In my two-part commentary on “The Madness of Ethiopia’s “2010 Elections”,  I argued the TPLF was using the game of “election code of conduct” as a cover of legitimacy but the outcome will be the same old zero-sum game the TPLF has played so well for the past two decades.

In my March 2010 commentary “The A B C’s of Stealing an Election in Ethiopia”, I observed elections for the TPLF were the same as they were for Stalin who said, “The people who cast the votes don’t decide an election, the people who count the votes do.”

In my May 2010 commentary, “Of Elections and Diapers in Ethiopia”, I told Meles Zenawi and his TPLF crew a  simple fact about elections: “Politicians are like diapers. They both need changing regularly and for the same reason. What a pity the poor Ethiopia had to wear the same diapers for another 5 years plus!”

In my August 2013 commentary, I wrote about “Dishonor Among African Elections Thieves”, I observed, “Change is inevitable even though African dictators believe they can remain in power indefinitely by stealing elections and harassing, jailing and killing their opponents. African dictatorships have fallen from their own internal weaknesses and contradictions. Behind the tough and gritty exterior of regimes such as those in Zimbabwe and Ethiopia remain fragile structures and confused and ignorant leaders who are clueless about good governance and what to do to remain in power legitimately.” I was right!

In my May 2014, a year before the May 2015 election, in my commentary, “Of Elections and Diapers in Ethiopia”, I warned, “The ghost of Meles Zenawi will hang over the 2015 elections like “pall in the dunnest (dark) smoke of hell”, to paraphrase Shakespeare. Meles was the supreme playwright of stolen and rigged elections. He wrote the script and playbook for rigging and hijacking elections in the bush, long before he held the mantle of power. “

In my May 23, 2015 commentary, “Aaargh! T-TPLF ‘Wins’ Again!”, I offered the TPLF sarcastic congratulations for winning a flawlessly rigged election which it claimed to have won by 100 percent!

In my July 2015 commentary, “Laughing at Ethiopia’s 2015 Elektion”, I took to task Barack Obama’s National Security Advisor Susan Rice for laughing her butt off about Ethiopia’s election. She said the TPLF’s 100 percent electoral victory was democratic.

In 2009, Obama told the people of Africa “Make no mistake: History is on the side of these brave Africans, not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.”

In July 2015, Barack Obama and I parted ways after he visited Ethiopia and declared the TPLF regime “has been democratically elected” and he “opposed any group that is promoting the violent overthrow of the government of Ethiopia.”

In 2015, Obama stood on the wrong side of history with the strongmen in Ethiopia who steal elections in broad daylight.”

It is 2020 I am looking forward for the first ever free and fair election in Ethiopia.

What makes for a free and fair election?

“Free and fair election” is an overused phrase with divergent meaning even among political scientists and scholars. In general conversation, the phrase is often loosely used to signify the need for transparency, inclusivity, accountability and equitable opportunities to compete in the electoral process.

Political scientists use “value-free measures, such as the quality of elections electoral self-determination and electoral integrity” to discuss electoral integrity.

I share the view of political scientists who comprehend “freeness” of an election in terms of the “the right of adult citizens to register and vote as well as having the right to establish and join parties and campaign freely within the country.” The “fairness” element “refers to every voter’s entitlement to exercise his or her right equally with others.”

However, there are at least ten variables that should be considered in a comprehensive evaluation of a given election: legal framework,  electoral management bodies, electoral rights, voter registration, ballot access, campaign process, media access, voting process, role of officials and counting votes.

Beyond scholarly standards, “free and fair elections” are guided by various international conventions and resolutions.

The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, though non-binding, under article 21 (3) provides “everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives” and “the will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures.”

The 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, binding upon signatories including Ethiopia, under article 25 provides, “Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity, without any of the distinctions mentioned in article 2 and without unreasonable restrictions: (a) To take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives; (b) To vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors; (c) To have access, on general terms of equality, to public service in his country”.

The African Union Declaration on the Principles Governing Democratic Elections in Africa lists 13 conditions under which democratic elections are conducted as part of the strengthening of the democratization process. Of special significance are the requirement for an AU observation and monitoring of elections.

The Declaration  of Criteria for free and Fair Elections of the Inter-Parliamentary Council (the international organization of the parliaments of sovereign states” has set 13 provisions on election rights and obligations.

In all of the foregoing, there is consensus on the core elements of a free and fair election.

Stars aligning for the first free and fair election in Ethiopia’s history

There is substantial evidence to show that Ethiopia is poised to have its first free and fair election in its long history.

Legal Framework:

The legal framework established in Proclamation No. 1162/2019 (The Ethiopian Electoral, Political Parties Registration and Election’s Code of Conduct Proclamation) provides a comprehensive scheme of rights, guarantees and obligations. (Full discussion of the Proclamation will be provided in Part II of this commentary.)

Electoral Management Body:

The duties, responsibilities and independence of the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia are set forth in minute detail in Proclamation No. 1162/2019. The Board is led by Birtukan Midekksa, a former judge, political prisoner and Harvard graduate.  The Board has substantial power in all aspects of the electoral process Proclamation guarantees independence and impartiality to the Board and decisions of the Board may be appealed to the Federal High Court.

Voter Registration:

Extraordinary care is given in the Proclamation to prevent voting fraud and irregularities. Part III of the Proclamation provides detailed procedures for voter registration, verification and vote counting.

Parties/Candidates:

Chapter Two of the Proclamation provides detailed procedures for qualification for candidates, nominations and issuance of certificate of candidature, among other things.

Campaign Process:

Chapter Three of the Proclamation provides detailed procedures on how to conduct election campaigns, code of conduct, use of mass media and prohibited practices.

Media Access:

Article 44 of Chapter Three provides use of mass media, article 126 of Chapter Five addresses the responsibilities of journalists.

Voting Process:

Chapter Four of the Proclamation provides detailed guidelines on the voting process including operation and security of polling stations, election observers, voting hours and casting votes.

Role of Officials:

Chapter Eight of the Proclamation provides various safeguards to prevent manipulation of votes to distort voting process. It has provisions to prevent intimidation and violence, process for filing grievances and complaints, transparency and any violation of the Proclamation.

Counting of Votes:

Chapter Five of the Proclamation provides detailed procedures for vote counting, accountability, transparency, invalid votes and provisional votes.

Will Ethiopia have free and fair elections in May 2020?

Whether Ethiopia will have free and fair elections in May 2020 is a question of empirical proof once the election takes place.

However, in my assessment there will be a free and fair election in May 2020. My reasons are set forth above.

But there are those who  doubt there will be a fair and free election.

In September 2018, it was reported that certain opposition groups were threatening to boycott the election because of a requirement for a national party to produce signatures of 10,000 voters, up from 1,500. Regional parties will need 4,000 signatures, up from 750.

Other opposition leaders had argued the new Proclamation will disadvantage opposition parties seeking to challenge the ruling party’s “grip on power.” There was also objection to a provision civil servants must vacate their jobs if they are going to run for office.

However, despite “complaints from the Joint Council of Political Parties, representing 107 opposition parties, and a threat to boycott Ethiopia’s 2020 general elections, the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) chairwoman, Birtukan Mideksa, stood by the new Electoral and Political Parties Law of Ethiopia.”

Some have argued for the postponement of the 2020 election and formation of a “grand coalition government for the coming three years to debate and implement social-political reforms.”

Almost a year ago, foreign doomsayers-cum-commentators have declared, “The probability that Abiy and the EPRDF would be defeated in 2020 is high, assuming it is a “free and fair” process.” One of the doomsayers recently threatened to lead a demonstration against PM Abiy during the Nobel Peace Prize Oslo ceremonies.

I like to see the sunny side of Ethiopia. I see an Ethiopia Rising in the Horn of Africa. The others see the sun setting on Ethiopia.

To be continued… Part II…

I am willing to bet my bottom dollar that in May 2020 Ethiopia will be basking in the sunshine of peace, prosperity, progress and liberty!

 

The post The End of EleCtions and Dictatorship and the Beginning of Free and Fair Elections and Democracy in Ethiopia (Part I) appeared first on Satenaw Ethiopian News/Breaking News:.

Ethiopian PM reacts to Trump complaint over peace prize

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By Hassan Isilow
South Africa
PRETORIA

Abiy Ahmed Ali received award last year for his initiative to resolve his country’s border conflict with Eritrea. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali said Sunday that U.S. President Donald Trump’s recent complaint about not receiving the Nobel Peace Prize for resolving Ethiopia’s decades-long border conflict with Eritrea should be brought up with the selection committee.

“The issue of President Trump must go to the Nobel Peace Prize committee. I’m not aware of how they select someone,” Ali said in reply to a reporter’s question in South Africa’s capital Pretoria.

The journalist had sought Abiy’s view on what he thought about Trump’s complaint.

Abiy said his efforts were not aimed at obtaining the prize but because peace is very critical to the region.

He added that if Trump complained, the issue must be taken up in Oslo, not Ethiopia.

Last week, Trump suggested he was overlooked for last year’s Nobel Peace Prize.

“I made a deal. I saved a country, and I just heard that the head of that country is now getting the Nobel Peace Prize for saving the country. I said: ‘What, did I have something to do with it?’ Yeah, but you know, that’s the way it is. As long as we know, that’s all that matters,” Trump said in a video clip shared on Twitter of him speaking at a campaign rally in Toledo, Ohio on Thursday.

Trump did not mention the leader of the country, but it was obvious that he was referring to the Ethiopian prime minister, who was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019.

Experts say the deal Trump was referring to was his offer to help mediate a dispute between Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan over a proposed dam on the Nile River.

The Nobel Peace Prize committee said 43- year-old Abiy, Africa’s youngest leader, was awarded the prize for resolving the bitter border conflict with neighboring Eritrea.

The neighboring countries fought a border war between 1998 and 2000, leading to the deaths of some 80,000 people and bitter relations for two decades.

Abiy also championed political and social reforms in Ethiopia, a country that was previously governed by leaders accused of being unsympathetic to their people.

He also promoted gender equality in Ethiopia as well as the release of political prisoners and journalists and a commitment to national elections later this year.

The post Ethiopian PM reacts to Trump complaint over peace prize appeared first on Satenaw Ethiopian News/Breaking News:.

More questions than answers as news of kidnapped university students turns into political ping-pong

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“We left in two vehicles traveling via Gambella because to road via Nekemte was closed; we were eight in one car and nine in another,” Asmra Shume

The federal government claims Dembi Dollo University students hostage crisis nearly over, yet there more questions on the kidnapping and ordeal of students than answers

AS/ Mahlet Fasil & Zecharias Zelalem

Addis Abeba, January 13/2019 – The news of the kidnapping of dozens of university students from Dembi Dollo University by unknown kidnappers was first aired on December 17/2019.  Speaking to the Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio (ESAT) Amharic News segment over the phone, a family member of one of the kidnapped students said the students were singled out from the bus they were traveling in some 34 km off Dembi Dollo, located around 600 kilometers west of Addis Abeba, in Kelem Wollega zone of Oromia regional state.

The students were heading home after many universities in Oromia and Amhara regional states were hit by series of crisis involving the murder of students. On November 13/2019, a student in Dembi Dollo university has died after having been admitted to the city’s hospital for injures he sustained following a fight between students near the university’s cafeteria, the university’s president Dr. Leta Tesfaye admitted. Getaneh Bitew was a third year student at the university, according to social media reports.

Since then the teaching-learning process at the university has been on and off while several students have decided to leave campus for their families. However, a four minute video released by the university on November 21, which included interviews with various students, claimed the teaching-learning process was “ongoing in good condition.” Habtamu Abebew, a second year biology department student, gave his testimonial in the video saying: “As it’s known, there has been a problem in [many] universities including Dembi Dollo University. However currently, we can all see that calm is returning, the teaching-learning process is ongoing, the problem is getting close to [having] solutions and the students who left [campus] are returning back to their studies.”

However, from the chronology of events, the kidnapping, by unarmed group of people, took place after the above video was posted on the university’s YouTube channel. According to Asmra Shume, who was one of the kidnapped students but has since escaped after two days of ordeal in the bush, the kidnapping took place on December 03. “We left in two vehicles traveling via Gambella because to road via Nekemte was closed; we were eight in one car and nine in another,” she said, indicating the number to be 18 before her escape leaving the 17 behind. “The driver in our vehicle contacted the kidnappers and delivered us to them,” she recalls.

Asmra has been speaking to the media over the weekend including Addis Standard. “They took our phones away and walked us deep into the forest,” she said over the phone, “there were girls who were shaking and unable to walk. But the kidnappers told them to get up and keep going.” According to her, the kidnappers were a group of eight unarmed men.

As if nothing happened

For a month and two weeks there has neither been more media coverage nor a substantial online activism regarding the fate of the students, believed to be 13 female and 4 male students, all from the same university.

The management of the university, too, continued issuing statements via state owned media and its Facebook page that the teaching-learning process has restarted. In a December 24 cover story interview with state daily Addis Zemen, the university’s president Dr. Leta Tesfaye said the students were back to their studies. The reason for the temporary interruption was, according to Dr. Leta, the demand by some students who left campuses located in universities in Amhara regional state asking to be accepted in Dembi Dollo university, which didn’t happen.

In the same interview, Associate Professor Yoseph Shiferaw, deputy president of research and development services in the university, said the university was peaceful and that the teaching-learning process of ongoing as usual. “Although there are people who think there is no peace in our area, there is peace. I joined the university in September and many have told me to given up on my life before coming here. But what’s being said and what’s on the ground are a world apart. I say the media have a responsibility to amplify this,” he said.

There was no mention of the missing students in the news. However, a public notice posted inside campus on January 02/2020 acknowledged that there were students who were leaving campus without the knowledge and approval of the university and notified students that the teaching-learning process was ongoing and that students who were interested to study should proceed to attend classes.

A subsequent letter gave an ultimatum to all students that the regular teaching-learning process would begin at 8:00 AM on Monday, January 13/2020, and that all students should resume classes. The notice said other than [a breif] interruption, the university did not suspend classes.

There was no sign of any recognition of the missing students both from the notices by the academic management of the university and the interviews of the president.

Regional and federal governments’ deafening silence

But the deafening silence wasn’t limited to the university alone. Families of the kidnapped students who spoke to both Addis Standard, the BBC Amharic and the Amhara regional state mass media agency, AMMA, speak of their weeks-long frantic attempts to notify local authorities, including the police and education bureaus of the regional state; but all fell on deaf ears.

Girmaw Habte, third year mechanical engineering student, is one of the kidnapped students. His sister who spoke to Addis Standard on conditions of anonymity, shares the same frustrations of her repeated attempts to report her missing brother to local authorities in Gonder. The police provided her with words of comfort and a promise to follow up on the case but as days and weeks go by “it is like nothing happened,” she shared her frustrations.

In his account about his kidnapped daughter, Yeneneh Adugna, who is from central Gonder zone, Dembia Wereda, Sankisa Kebele, also said families of the kidnapped students have come together and went to the Amhara regional state peace and security bureau as well as the region’s police commission to explain the situation. He quoted officials as saying: “there is nothing you can do; go back to your homes, we are following the case.”

The first sign from the regional government came in the form of a message by the region’s president, Temesgen Tiruneh, which was delivered on January 06 in the eve of the Orthodox Christmas. In his message, Temesgen said, among other things, the regional state was closely following the disappearance of four university students who went missing while heading to their families. However, he stated that the federal police told the regional state that they have no information about it. Without going into details, he told the regional state broadcaster, AMMA, that he has received information about the four students who were “abducted by unknown people”, and added that the regional state has communicated the information both to the federal police and federal defense forces.

The regional government did not explain why the information submitted to its peace and security bureau and the police commission and other relevant authorities by the parents of the missing students, which included providing phone numbers used by the abducted students and their estimated locations, according to Asmra, were not acted upon. Addis Standard’s repeated attempt to speak to the communication bureau of the region since last Saturday were all to no avail.

This came in the wake of a social media rupture on Friday and Saturday January 10 and 11. The social media campaigns were led by, among others, Dessalegn Chanie, Chairperson of the National movement of Amhara (NaMA), followed by issuance of statements from various associations and civic organizations such as Amhara Association of America, condemning the kidnapping and demanding the federal government to intervene and rescue the students. NaMA also issued a statement providing the list of the 17 students and in which it also condemned the federal government’s negligence. The outcry has eventually broke the deafening silence of the federal government when Negussu Tilahun, Press secretariat of the office of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, gave a statement on Saturday.

Appearing at the evening bulletin of the national broadcaster, ETV, Negussu revealed that 21 students (13 female and eight male students) were rescued following negotiations with the kidnappers which was led by the federal government. He also said that negotiations were ongoing to secure the release of six more students who were still in the hands of their captors.

Negussu identified the kidnapped students as those from Dembi Dollo university but his account, including the figures he mentioned, has raised more questions than answers. What is more, Negussu did not explain anything about the circumstances of the release other than saying “works to secure their release were ongoing for sometime,” and that it involved the federal army, the federal police, local elders and and local officials.

Negussu’s statement not only lacks basic information such as where and how the released students were found, and how they were rescued, but it clearly contradicts the statement of that of the Amhara regional president who said on January 06 that the federal government did not have information about the circumstances. It became even more perplexing as family members of the students said they had no knowledge of the release up until the publication of this story. Both Girmaw Habte’s sister and the escapee, Asmra, told Addis Standard as late as this afternoon that they have not received any news of the release. Asmra went as far as saying that parents of the rest of the students who do not have phones at home keep calling her “many of them crying and tormented by the lack of information. I cry with them too as there is little I can say to comfort them,” she said.

Other federal institutions have also shut their doors from providing further information. Dechassa Gurmu, public relations head of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education, referred Addis Standard to Negussu Tilahun; Endeshaw Tasew, federal police commission commissioner, said he cannot comment on the matter; and the ministry of women and children affairs said authorities who can comment on the issue are not available as of now.

The missing puzzle and the discrepancies of the numbers in the information provided by Negussu, who remains unavailable to other media despite repeated calls (since Saturday night he only answered one text message from Addis Standard in which he said he was in a meeting), have further fueled social media suspicions that either the kidnapping did not happen, or was deliberately orchestrated by the government for political ends.

Kidnapped by unarmed men

Yeneneh Adugna, the father, said that in the earlier days of a telephone conversation, his daughter had told him that the students were kidnapped by a group of young people after they left the campus. Asmra also told Addis Standard the kidnappers were eight unarmed young people.

The first news segment by ESAT also presented one of the abductors who claimed that the students were abducted by Qeerroos (young people). The unnamed abductor also said they were 18. “They are taken by Qeerroos; the place cannot be disclosed but it is in Oromia. They have done nothing wrong, they were leaving university campus and they are 18 in number. It’s been 14 days since they were taken and they are being taken care of…care is being provided for them.”

Many, including Dessalegn Chanie, blame members of the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), an armed group which split from Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), and still engaged in armed conflict with the Ethiopian army in the surrounding area. But the group deny any involvement in the kidnapping. “Contrary to online rumors, OLA has not engaged in any kidnapping whatsoever,” OLA press said via the group’s Twitter feed. “Claims that 20 Amhara female students were kidnapped by OLA units are pure fabrication.”

Since December 2018, the area was placed under a federal command post as a result of escalating military clashes. And recently, there has been an escalating conflict resulting in complete shut down of internet services and phone lines in the area. Taye Dendea, spokesperson of Oromia Prosperity Party office, told VOA Amharic that the government was taking renewed military measures against armed groups in the area.

However, Major General Mohammed Tessema, head of indoctrination and public relations bureau of the federal national defense forces, failed to provide information on what is clearly a security matter in an area under the federal army’s control. Major General Mohammed referred Addis Maleda newspaper that inquires should be directed to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s press secretariat office.

But up until this moment, our repeated calls to Negussu Tilahun remained unanswered, leaving more questions on the kidnapping and ordeal of the students than answers. To make matters worse, the Asmra and the sister of Girmaw Habte have politely informed Addis Standard not to make any phone calls to follow updates. “I have received a number of phone calls since Saturday threatening me not to speak to the media. don’t call me,” Asmra said.

AS

The post More questions than answers as news of kidnapped university students turns into political ping-pong appeared first on Ethiopian Registrar News/Breaking News.

Development 101 for Willfully Ignorant Economists, Politicians, Journalists, investors… of Ethiopia

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The political Marketplace of Money, war and the business of Power” will end and replaced by the Marketplace of individual liberty, peace and the business of Democracy only when access to information is possible to force willfully ignorant economists, politicians, journalists, investors… embrace reality on behalf of the people than fairytale on behalf of their enablers.

Teshome Debalke
January 12, 2020

The Chinese proverb say, ‘a journey of 1000 miles begins with a single step’.  Disappointingly, it doesn’t mean much for willfully Ignorant contemporary economists, politicians, journalists, investors… to take a single step in the right direction to the mitigate the systemic problem facing the people of Ethiopia and the region — starting from embracing the reality on the ground and telling the truth about the ethnic clans and cliques’ captured apartheid developmental state undergoing ‘reform under new Prime Minster.

As pathetic as the ruling member Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) party and its surrogates that instigated ethnic apartheid rule and their empty propaganda against the modest reform the new PM initiated that gave them the opportunity to own their crimes against the people of Ethiopia may be,  ‘The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa: Money, war and the business Power (2015) authored by Alex De Waal nailed how the Horn of African regimes in general operate with far more consequences to come for the people if the PM reforms doesn’t address what drives the ruling elites and their willfully ignorant ‘professional’ cheerleaders and enablers head-on.

De Waal’s book review summarized the reality as; “…drawing on thirty-year career in Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia, including experience as a participant in high-level peace talks, Alex de Waal provides a unique and compelling account of how these countries’ leaders run their government, conduct their business, fight their wars and, occasionally, make peace. De Wall shows leaders operate on business model, securing funds for their political budget which they use to rent the provisional allegiances of army officers, militia commanders, triable chiefs and party officials at the going rate. This political marketplace is eroding the institutions of government and reversing state building and it is fueled in large part by oil export, aid funds and western military assistant for counter-terrorism and peace keeping”.

When you take the ‘dollar financed nonsensical ethnic apartheid developmental state’ of Ethiopia with giant population and self-subsistence economy that surpass the combined populations of all the Horn of African nations, one would think, the single logical first step in the right direction for any reform to take would be to dismantle the ‘political marketplace’ of money, war, and business of power and replace it with a marketplace of individual liberty, peace and the business of democracy that would build viable, transparent and accountable institutions in the public interest. Unfortunately, it wasn’t meant to be, thanks for the willfully Ignorant and donor-dependent economists, politicians, journalists, investors… conflating reality with fairytales to sustain the status qua that served them well for almost three decades.

Granted most of the world is run by perception than reality primarily due to elaborate propaganda infrastructure built to sustain the status qua, any willfully ignorant professional can pass as expert in governance, democracy, development, economy, investment, peace, security …  to pivot the reality as it was designed. Thus, as fate would have it their behavior is ‘elastic’ as economist like to refer it marinating in what psychologists refer as “argument from ignorance” … more so ‘argument from willful ignorance’ better contextualized by Peter Block, the author of ‘The Structure of Belongings’ as;

“Invitation is not only a step in bringing people together, it is also a fundamental way of being in a community. It manifests the willingness to live in collaborative way.  This means that a future can be created without having to force or sell it or barter it. When we believe that barter or subtle coercion is necessary, we are operating out of a context of scarcity and self-interest, the core currency of the economist.” 

Thus, without the context of the reality, there are no professional economists, politicians, journalists, investors… but useful instruments of power ‘to force or sell or barter’ public liberty, rights and resources. Nor, there is an economy, politics, journalism, investment…  to speak of but a ‘political marketplace’ of money, war and the business of power’ to distribute the pillage among the willing elites at the going rate as De Waal stipulated.

Development Rule101: You shall not participate in Political Marketplace of Money, war and the business of Power or simply put state-sponsored COURRAPTION. That basic rule that would have made a world of difference for the people ruled by fairytales shouldn’t require a PhD in any field to figure out.

Unfortunately, as repetitive as it may sound to tell the political, social and economic reality of Ethiopia for the ruling elites and their willfully ignorant ‘professional’ cheerleaders again-and-again, too many aid-dependent and willful ignorant homegrown economists, politicians, journalists, investors… in nations with too little economy, rights, information and opportunities … better articulated by a Ghanaian born Grant Management expert Benjamin Kofi Quansah as; “the more Africa depends on aid the less opportunity it creates for its people” speaks volume why and how ‘The Real Politics of Money, war and the business of Power’ is sustained as long as it did on behalf of shadowy interest groups posed as private sectors to extract public resources.

But, beyond ‘the real politics of money, war and the business of power’ that persisted for decades, the groundbreaking economic development book authored by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson in 2012 titled Why Nations Fail: The Origin of Power, Prosperity and Poverty that must be read by all willfully ignorant elites that strive in failed states as well as every student of development and citizen alike that ultimately pay for it summed up the universality of the ‘Politics of Money, war and the business of Power’ that brought state-sponsored mismanagement, nepotism and corruption thus, the political, social and economic crises — underdevelopment, poverty, war, misery, migration … and, the one-and-only remedy to end it all in one short paragraph as;

“Whether it is North Korea, Sierra Leone or Zimbabwe, well show that poor countries are poor for the same reason that Egypt is poor.  Countries such as Great Britain and Unites States became rich because their citizens overthrew the elites who controlled power and created a society where political rights were much more broadly distributed, where the government was accountable and responsive to citizens,  and where the greatest mass of people could take advantage of economic opportunities.”

Speaking of the sorry state of Egypt under tyranny since independence, a recent Al Jazeera documentary titled Egypt’s lost power that exposes the network of corruption and racketeering in the energy sector alone reviles; the universality of “the political marketplace of Money, war and the business of Power in every poor and aid-dependent nation that cannot get rid of the  corrupt ruling elites and their willfully ignorant pseudo professional cheerleaders that cover for them.

Thus, the next logical ‘journalistic’ inquiry — who, what, when, who, where, why and how the ruling elites’ control and sustain power comes in handy if only the willfully ignorant journalists stop being lapdogs for the power to be as oppose watchdog journalists in public interest like their counterparts in democratic nations. Unfortunately, lapdog journalist outnumbers watchdog journalist, the reality is buried underground for as long as one remembers.

In recent article titled; “The Dollar Curse: Financing the Nonsensical Ethnic Apartheid Developmental State explain most of the problem of Ethiopia”, we presented  Janine R. Weddle’s paper published in April of 2003 titled Clans, cliques and Captured State: Rethinking ‘transition’ in central and Eastern Europe that eluded the Ethiopian intelligentsia in understanding what author refers as “the partially appropriated state and the clan-state” they live under. Accordingly, she observed; “the two models fall along a continuum – from substantial appropriation of the state and use of politics by private actors in a sweeping appropriation and a near wholesale intertwining of state resources and politics.”

When the ruling ethnic clans and cliques posed as ‘private actors’ capture state agencies, nongovernmental organizations and business enterprises of Ethiopia wasn’t enough, the willfully ignorant economists, politicians, journalists, investors… parroting their fairytales to sustain the status qua that benefit them astonishing.   

       For instance, take two high-profile ethnic clans-and-cliques captured research institutions in apartheid Ethiopia. The first is the Ethiopian Development Research Institute (EDRI) affiliated with The London School of Economics based International Growth Center that  claims to be “a semi-autonomies thinktank established in Aug of 1999 to engage in development research” and led by Dr Newai Gebre-Ab, the Former Senior Economic Adviser for the late PM Melse Zenawi. Unfortunately,  Gebre-Ab’s  missing association with TPLF on his International Growth Center profile alone tells a story; EDRI is not what it claims to be but a front masquerading as independent thinktank.

The second is the Ethiopian Economic Association that claims to be “professionals’ association established in 1991” to “engage in economic research” led by Dr. Atnafu G/Meskel of College of Business and Economics at A.A. University. What the Association’s website provide to the public speaks volume, it is anything but association of professional economists.  Dr. Atnafu G/Meskel nonexistence public profile other than what is provided by A.A. University itself ethnic clans and cliques captured institution also tells a story; EEA is association of willingfully ignorant economists doing the bidding of its sponsors not to mention making a mockery of the profession of economics.

Regardless, there are many flaws to unpack from just two institutions among many governmental, nongovernmental and private institutions, it would be disservice to claim one write up can do justice to explain the systemic problem ethnic apartheid developmental regime captured institutions pose to the public interest but to highlight the underpinning institutional complicity, nepotism and corruption that come with it at the expenses of the rights and liberties and the economic opportunity of the people of Ethiopia.

From the outset, one thing identical about both institutions like many that set the nation’s public policy agenda is their funds come exclusively from bilateral and multilateral organization and corporate foundations. As the result, not only they subverted their respective institutional integrity along the personal and professional integrity of their members but, they are playing hide-and-seek not to disclose information about themselves and whose behalf they do research, once again making mockery of institutional transparency and accountability along the way.

Moreover, the relatively staggering numbers of economists engaged in ‘research’ produced nothing more than the little they provide on their respective official website to the public in the English language. It speaks volume, public information is a domain of willfully ignorant economists run institutions to “force or barter or sell’ it like any other commodity at the going rate.

Take for instance the 17th International Conference on Ethiopian Economy held in July 18, 2019 co-organized by the Ethiopian Economic Association and the International Food Police Research Institute (IFPRI) — a Washington D.C. based NGO with no information on the proceedings and the outcome of the conference nor the background of the participant provided on the respective official websites of the organizers to the public. It is typical example of the hide-and-seek policy of state captured political, social and economic institutions and their partners and sponsors in what they do behind the seen.

Thus, EEA website provided only the featured guests as “Dr Eyob Tekalgn Tolina, State Minster and The Minister of Finance & Economic Development as the guest of honor who gave the opening remark and Dr Abebe Aemero Selase, International Monitory Fund (IMF) Africa Director making presidential address following the opening remark”.

Apparently, according to the organizers, the two ‘honored guests’ speeches or the proceeding of the International Conference on Ethiopian Economy nor who participated weren’t important enough for the people of Ethiopia to know.

Here it worth to note, IFPRI is a member of the Center for Global Innovative Agriculture Research (CGIAR) www.cgiar.org. – “a Global partnership that unite international organizations engaged in research for food-secured future”, according to its website.  Among CGIAR’s 15 member organizations is IFPRI that opened an office in Addis Ababa at undisclosed year and location on its own official website but has a dedicated website for its Ethiopian Strategic Support Program (www.essp.ifpri.info) with a joint twitter account IFPRI-ESSP@IFPRI_ESSP that was set up in September of 2018. IFPRI also claims to “collaborate” with Ethiopian government’s  Policy Studies Institute (www.psi.gov.et) as well as the Ethiopian Economic Association and the Ethiopian Development Research Institute all funded by donors led by the World Bank.

With 100s of ‘research analysts’, ‘fellows’ and ‘coordinators’ around the world, among them was the Former IFPRI researcher Dr Eleni Gebremedhin that ended up to be the Founder and CEO of the donors-funded Ethiopian Commodity Exchange. Three years later, the former food policy research fellow of IFPRI conveniently established Eleni LLC, a Nairobi, Kenya based foreign private equity fund management firm with the support of the World Bank and Morgen Staley Investment and a decade later founded Blue Moon Ethiopia, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia based ‘agribusiness investment fund’ with the help of donors led by the European Investment Bank.

Eleni L.L.C’s investment portfolio includes, the infamous Irish singer Bono led private equity investors 8 Miles Equity Fund that initially acquired Awash Winery from the infamous Ethiopian Privatization Agency. The Agency, according to the London based All Africa Media sourcing the government run English language Ethiopian Herald “transferred  377 public enterprises to private holding”.

Bono, known better for fundraising scheme to help the African poor through his Washington. D.C. based NGO One Campaign that claim to be “a global movement campaigning to end extreme poverty” brought abroad Dr Eleni Gebremedhin as Advisory Board member and the Former USAID Director General Gayle Smith as President while advocating private equity investment including his own will help “end extreme poverty”.

It is not clear how an Irish national Bono implicated by the leaked Paradise Paper of 2016 for engaging in offshore equity investment in several developing countries while simultaneously raising fund to help the African poor for over four decades  and with his relatively new US based NGO One Campaign remained a mystery and, says more about the complicity of donors on conflict of interest, nepotism and corruption.

Ironically, the same Bono led One Campaign according to BBC News advocates Corruption impoverishes and kills Millions. Again, the half-baked BBC report sourcing the “anti-poverty organization One” claims, “an estimated $ 1 tn (£600bn) a year is being taken out of poor countries and millions of lives are lost because of corruption” without doing further investigation; Bono & Associates’ venture in poor nations in the name of private investment led development and fund raising for the same poor to “end  extreme poverty” is main source of  corruption.

The BBC report also claims, One’s recommendation as a solution in fighting corruption is not for the African nations’ governments he invest under but  “urging G-20 leaders meeting in Australia in November to take various measures to tackle the problem including making information public about who owns companies and trusts to prevent them being used to launder money and conceal the identity of criminals”.  

Regardless of whether the willfully ignorant BBC journalists on Bono & Associates’ or local and international Medias’ journalist on EEA and IFPRI co-organizer International Conference on Ethiopian Economy and the ‘honored guest speakers’ State Minster and Federal Minster of Finance & Economic Development Dr Eyob Tekalgn Tolina and the IMF’s African Director Dr Abebe Aemero Selase conflict of interest; distracting from the mother of all corruption is no accident but a preemptive strike to control the narrative.

After all, for Bono and Associates or State Minster and Minster of Finance Dr Eyob Tekalgn Tolina and Associates that represents a New York based and Cayman Island registered venture capital firm Schulz Private Equity Fund that opened its Ethiopian office in 2008 like many, manmade poverty is an investment opportunity with lucrative return.

Dr Tolina was also the Minster of the Federal Planning and Development Commission of Ethiopia despite the only experience he provided on his LinkedIn Profile (as of Oct 2019) was “Manager of the Ethiopian Public Private Consultative Forum for the World Bank Group from March 2013-Present”. Since October 19 his LinkedIn Profile was revised to reflect a better picture of what he did for the last two decades. Moreover, he claims to be a graduate of Mekelle University, BA in Economics (1996-2000) and Gorge Washington University — Elliott School of International Affairs in MIPP (2009 -2010) and a PhD fellow at ‘University of Maryland in Public Policy (Political Economy) 2011 – Present’.

Therefore, it is not clear whether Dr Eyob Tekalgn Tolina is speaking on behalf of the undisclosed ethnic apartheid state he supposedly represents, the Ethiopian Federal Government, the World Bank Consultative Group or SGI Frontier Capital, “a Venture Capital & Private Equity investors’ (formerly known as Schulz Private Equity Fund registered in Singapore) when he attended the July 18, 2019 International Conference on Ethiopian Economy and holds Media interviews ever since as a government official in the new PM Abiy Ahmed Administration.

 

At the meantime, Dr Aemero Selase’s missing professional career that span three decades  starting in 1991 as a Senior Economic Adviser for the late Chairman of the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) turn the President of Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) Melse Zenawi until 1995 before he joined IMF as Africa Deputy Director and later Director ever since tells a story of who the African Director may be.

But, what is not clear, how a graduate of one of the most prestigious London School of Economics  trained economist that worked for the Economist Magazine’s Economic Intelligence Unit described as “the world leader in global business intelligence” ended up as a Senior Economic Advisor for the late Chairman of the ruling member party TPLF and President of TGE not only speaks volume about the willful ignorance of contemporary economists to the reality of the Ethiopia in general but the very violation of economics profession itself.

Regardless, IMF through its Press Office provided the transcript of its African Director’s July 18, 2019 address at the International Conference on the Ethiopian Economy missing on both co-organizers’ websites titled Contextualizing Ethiopia’s Recent Economic Performance — despites his declaimer at beginning of his presentation stating; “Let me start with two caveats. First, these are my views and not those of the IMF nor its Executive Board.  Second, it has been some 25 years since I lived here. And here I am, in front of this assembly of our countries celebrated economists to tell you what you likely know very well already.”

It is not clear why the IMF African Director failed to disclose he didn’t just “lived here” i.e. Addis Ababa but he was a Senior Economic Adviser for the late PM Melse Zenawi. Nor, why his personal perspective of ‘contextualizing Ethiopian economic performance’ completely ignored the context of clans and cliques’ captured ‘developmental’ state led by the ruling ethnic member party TPLF he advised since 1991 and the nepotism and corruption that came with it.

At the same time, no one knows why the IMF Press Office want the world to know the personal perspective of its African Director as oppose its official policy.

Regardless, what stood out in the IMF’s African Director willfully ignorant perspective on the Ethiopian economy with the accompanying data and graphs to justify it was his opening and concluding remarks as well as his recommendations for the new PM Abiy Ahmed’s economic reform effort as;

“Known Knowns. As I have been reading and learning more about Ethiopia’s economy and preparing this address, there seems to be two important points on which there is broad agreement:

  • Over the last 25 years, Ethiopia has made incredibly important development progress, underpinned by rapid economic growth.
  • Of late however significant macroeconomic have emerged.

My aim today is threefold:

  • To put this progress into an international perspective. This comparative perspective is in many ways what the IMF is good at.
  • To concede the factors that have contributed to this success;
  • Finally, I will turn my thought on how the challenge that have emerged might be addressed.”

concluding;

“It is not for lack of appreciation on the development progress that has been made.  Some 30 years after the cold war, Ethiopia and much the rest of sub-Saharan Africa are much changed. It goes without saying that poverty remains unbearably high, the fruits of strong growth in some countries have accrued disproportionately to the better off, far too many people are still impacted by conflicts. But there has been much progress and transformation. And, I am not talking about skin-deep changes such as shiny new buildings or better skyline, but fundamental progress that has shifted the opportunity set of a generation.”

And, recommending;

“first, there is an urgent need to increase government revenue” and “second, there is a strong need to boost export growth by creating room for higher levels of domestic and foreign private investment”

Unfortunately, a day earlier (July 17, 2019) the IMF’s African Director Dr. Selase with the newly appointed Director General of the Ethiopian Investment Commission Abebe Abebayehu co-organized a workshop in Addis Ababa titled G20 Compact with Africa Peer Learning on Private-sector-Led Diversification and Growth. On his official capacity as the IMF’s African Director Dr. Selase’s remark once again provided not by the co-organizer — Ethiopian Investment Commission led by Abebe Abebayehu but by the same IMF Media Relation Office. He said;

“Excellencies,

My dear Co-host Commissioner Abebe Albabayhu,

Distinguished Guests,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Good morning. It gives me a great pleasure to welcome you this morning [in my hometown] to this workshop on Diversification and Growth jointly organized by Ethiopian Investment Commission and the International Monitory Fund.

It is good to see that we have brought together diverse set of stakeholders interested in making Africa succeed—government officials from compact with African countries, private sector representatives, civil society, academics and bilateral and multilateral development partners.

We also have the honor to have among us H.E. Getahun Mekuria, Minster of Innovation and Technology of Ethiopia and Dr. Arkebe Oqubay, Minster and special Advisor to Prime Minster of Ethiopia, who kindly accepted to participate in this workshop.

And went on;

 “our host country Ethiopia provides an interesting example, given its ambitious reform agenda to boost private sector-led growth through attracting foreign direct investment, increase export diversification and promoting greater integration with regional and global economy.”

What stood out in his presentation again is the absence of raising state-sponsored corruption nor national economy integration before “promoting greater integration with regional and global economy”.

Even more mesmerizing, in May 2018, a month before the new PM Abiy Ahmed came to power (April of 2018), the IMF African Director Amero Slease appeared at Wilson Center’s Africa Program Forum representing IMF on Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa titled Domestic Revenue Mobilization and Private Investment.

What stood out in his Wilson Center presentation was bundling Africa as one economic unit broken into regions as oppose individual sovereign nations under siege by aid-and-debt dependent regimes with willfully ignorant professional apologists looking the other way. By doing so, the IMF African Director failed to mention the reality of any single nation particularly the ethnic apartheid developmental state of Ethiopia under the late PM Melse Zenawi he advised in the early 90s that set the economic motion of developmental state under ethnic clans and cliques captured state that brought the present economic crises before he moved on to be an IMF official advising  African regimes and the one-fit-all solution of ‘regional and global economic integration’ and ‘domestic revenue mobilization and private investment’ of the IMF policy under his leadership that conveniently end up to be his personal perspective on the Ethiopian economic performance a day after he declared it was the IMF policy.

Apparently, in December 4, 2018 (eight month earlier), the official IMF Press Office’s “Country Focused News” titled “Ethiopian Remarkable Progress Over More than a Decade” stated;

“Ethiopia has built on its strong track record of development over more than a decade. Growth slowed in 2017/18 but remained high while current account deficit continues to narrow, the IMF says in its recent report. The sub-Saharan country is embarking on its next phase of economic reforms and powered by the private sector”.

What boggle the mind beyond conveniently  redefining the private sector, growth, development, economic reform… to the predetermined outcome was, where in the real world a multilateral organization Press Office put out news of itself and a personal perspective of its African Director on its own official website as impartial third-party —  making mockery of conflicts of interest and institutional transparency is what Africans are subjected, thanks to the complicity of the willfully ignorant African Director and many donors-sponsored homegrown economists, politicians, journalists, investors… singing the tune along.

Therefore, the context of ‘Conceptualizing Ethiopian Economic Performance’ of the IMF African Director’s personal perspective that happen to be the official policy of the IMF  should remind readers a research paper in December of 2018  authored by little known management professor at Indonesia University by a name Dr. Kanti Pertiwi titled Contextualizing Corruption: A cross-Disciplinary Approach studying Corruption in Organization”.  What stood out in the paper beside what the author referred as “taking a rationalist perspective studying corruption in organization” was the origin and the period the number of corruption studies spiked as;

“Anti-corruption arguably entered the sense of international development in the late 1990s in what Naim (1997) called the ‘corruption eruption’. There was an overwhelming interest, locally and globally at that time for eradication of corruption. This call was led by international development agencies, particularly The World Bank (Koechlin 2013).

… a quick research on Web of Science portal reveals that there was a significant increase in the number of studies on corruption, starting with 1125 articles in year 2000 but increasing to 18, 604 academic articles published by end of 2017.”

Thus, “corruption eruption” in the last decade proven to be nothing more than academic exercises to control the narratives on corruption to desired ends of the donor as oppose institutional transparency for democratization and economic development of poor nations.

In that regard, the 1998 World Bank Group – African Region Poverty Reduction and Social Development Unit Anti-Corruption Report on Ethiopia reviled; negotiation between high level WB official and the ruling member Party Tigray People Liberation Front Chairman and PM of Ethiopia Melse Zenawi created the government run and donor-financed Federal Ethics and Anticorruption Commission (FEACC) led by the  handpicked Commissioner Ali Suleman that end up what the World Bank consider ‘anti-corruption measure’ in Ethiopia.

Two things that stood out in the 1998 World Bank Anti-Corruption Report, in the “Background” section where high level WB officials negotiating with PM Zenawi led TPLF party that operate 100s of ethnic clans captured private enterprises that overwhelm the economy (essentially empowering ‘the fox to guard the henhouse’)  and the report section “II. Corruption: A Global Concern and Problem Areas” implying; corruption is not caused by the ruling party of Ethiopia but ‘a global concern and problem areas’ that requires yet more studies to understand.

Fourteen years later (2012), The World Bank came up with yet another 400-pages report in collaboration with the same Federal Ethics and Anti-corruption Commission titled Diagnosing Corruption in Ethiopia that examine a dozen sectors focusing on the symptom of corruption as oppose the cause —  making a mockery of fighting corruption along the way.

Bit, the report also reviles;

“Ethiopia has a particularly large number of international donors: 10 multilateral institutions, 22 bilateral organizations and 50 international NGOs”

In spite of the presence of all ‘development agencies and their professional experts, corruption fighting is not a priority for none and, three decades later the nation still relies on three commodities export and foreign aid – defying the very meaning of development itself.

The IMF under its African Director is even more brazen. Not a word of corruption let alone fighting the ruling party led state-sponsored corruption is in any of his speeches and writings as the source of the problem facing Ethiopians that requires reform when he recommends; ‘revenue mobilization and private investment’ as a solution.

Finally, since the IMF African Director dictates the economic reform agenda as his ‘personal perspective’  and IMF policy depending his audience, the latest IMF COUNTRY FOCUS – Six Things to Know about Ethiopia’s New Program reviles; IMF’s policy is presented as “Homegrown Economic Reform Plan” as

  • “Program Ownership: The authorities have developed their very own ambitious Homegrown Economic Reform Plan tailored to the country’s needs and preferences. They have engaged in wide-ranging outreach to discuss the economy’s future with key stakeholders and have taken important initial steps to implement reforms.
  • Program details: The IMF approved the Ethiopian authorities’ request for an almost US$ 3 billion loan under its Extended Credit Facility and Extended Fund Facility to back the Homegrown Economic Reform Plan. As well as helping to address the foreign exchange shortage, the program will also aim to reduce debt vulnerabilities. Other key objectives include reforming the financial sector and boosting revenue mobilization which will be supported by the provision of technical assistance and training.
  • Aims of the program: The program builds on the authorities’ actions by ensuring public sector borrowing is in line with lower debt levels and stronger oversight of state-owned enterprises. Monetary policy will aim to bring inflation into single digits. Exchange rate reform will address foreign exchange shortages and increase exchange rate flexibility and, combined with structural reform, will further improve export competitiveness. Revenue reforms and efforts to increase the efficiency of public investment will ensure that infrastructure and social spending needs are met while maintaining sustainable debt levels.
  • Protecting social spending and reducing poverty:  Fiscal policy is designed to create the space for more spending to tackle poverty. Expenditures on the rural and urban poor will be increased to ensure that sufficient resources are dedicated to support the Productive Safety Net Program, one of the largest and most successful social safety net programs in Africa.
  • From public to private sector-led growth:The government’s investment in infrastructure and education has laid a good foundation for the transition to private sector-led growth. To generate returns from past investments, reforms are needed. These include resolving the foreign exchange shortage, improving the business environment that will boost investment and accelerate the economy’s transformation.
  • Creating a vibrant financial sector:The program is also aimed at building on recent financial sector reforms by improving access to credit by the private sector—this has been identified as a key obstacle to private investment. Financial sector development needs to be accompanied by stronger supervision and financial safety nets to ensure that the financial sector remains stable.”

Though all ‘six things to know’ only reviled; the World Bank Group sponsored willfully ignorant economists with access to insider information defining economic reform, what stood out among the six is the transition “From public to private sector-led growth” with no information available to the public – redefining and defying  the very meaning of ‘private sector-led growth’ and ‘homegrown Economic Reform Plan’ — the price of ‘the cart before the horse’ reform policy.

Therefore, it is not clear whether IMF and its African Director believes Ethiopians are stupide to understand economics or simply have no power to do anything about it arm-twisting the PM. But one thing that is clear; many willfully ignorant professionals are not accountable to the people of Ethiopia but their sponsors to look the other way. That by the very definition is crime against humanity on economic front as it is on political front. 

Incidentally, Transparency International (IT) in 12 April 2019 report titled The Trillion Dollar Question: The IMF and Anti-Corruption One Year On reviles; splitting words on the symptoms of corruption or silence remained the preferred methods multilateral organizations like IMF chose to engage African regimes than tackling the cause – clans and cliques captured state-sponsored nepotism and corruption.

 

No wonder why the workshop co-organized by the IMF’s African Director Aemero Selase  and the Ethiopian Investment Commission Director General Abebe Abebayehu that invited the Minster of Innovation and Technology Getahun Mekuria, and State Minster and special Advisor to Prime Minster Dr. Arkebe Oqubay as guest of honor, nor the International Conference on Ethiopian Economy co-organized by the EEA under Dr. Atnafu G/Meskel and IFPRI under Director General Shenggen Fan a day later that invited the Minister of Finance Dr Tolina and the IMF African Director Dr Aemero Selase as guest of honor speakers all skipped to mention a word about corruption altogether; not to mention the mother-of-all corruption — clans and cliques captured state and private institutions despite over 18, 000 corruption studies led by the World Bank was conducted failed to figure out that would explains why the Ethics and Anticorruption Commission of Ethiopia sponsored by the WB remained dormant.

Professor Said Hasson of Murray University known for his anticorruption research on Ethiopia for decades including his July 2013 paper titled “Aid Predation and State Capture: The Role Developmental Aid is fueling Corruption and Undermining Governance in his January 2019 paper titled Corruption, state capture, and the effectiveness of anticorruption agency in post-communist Ethiopia” nailed the problem in one paragraph than all WB Group led donors financed institutions and their willfully ignorant economists failed to address as;

“we show that the war against corruption collapsed mainly because of mischaracterization of the nature of corruption in the country and how FEACC was established – a conventional anticorruption agency for nonconventional problem of corruption”.

The Federal Ethics and Anticorruption Commission of Ethiopia (FEACC), the principle government agency led by the Former long-time Commissioner Ali Suliman (picture left) followed by the current Commissioner  Ayeligne Mulualem (pictured right) that supposedly fight corruption in the nation since its inception in 2001 proven to be symbolic agency to cover up the systemic corruption.

For starter, its latest news on the official website was in November 2011 — arresting individuals for allegedly accepting bribe and its latest publication was on International Anti-corruption Day celebration in the same year of 2011.

But, the commission’s official Facebook page alike its website is active. Its September 2, 2019 news titled “EAAACA hold executive meeting” it reviled, the Federal Ethics and Anticorruption Commission (FEACC) of Ethiopia Commissioner Ayeligne Mulualem that replaced the Former longtime Commissioner Ali Suleiman is the current President of East Africa Association of Anti-Corruption Authorities (EAAACA).

The Irony Commissioner Mulualem of the Ethic and Anticorruption Commission of Ethiopia and President of the East AFRICA Association of Anti-Corruption Authorities left his Nation’s page blank on the official website of the eight member nations’  of East Africa anticorruption authorities website says more about fighting corruption is not the objective but covering it up on behalf of the sponsors.

Moreover, it is not clear how a Former Head of Amhara Regional Health Bureau ended up to be a Commissioner of the anticorruption agency of Ethiopia and leave the President of East Africa Anti-Corruption Authority.

The nonexistence background Ayeligne Mulualem on both high-profile national and regional anticorruption agencies is a prime example; willfully ignorant politician covering up the reality of clan and cliques captured state-sponsored corruption.

When that wasn’t enough, A little-known San Francisco based online Media E-Zega run by undisclosed individuals in its Aug 2019 News report  by unnamed ‘stuff reporter’ claimed, the “the Commission has been made inactive after its mandate and responsibility were taken over by the attorney general office and federal police offices, a senior official said”. It is not clear why E-Zega would not identify the ‘senior official’ that reviled the information the report relied on nor its ‘staff reporter’ that wrote the report and, why the editors’ responsible for E-Zega’s content identity is hidden from the public.  E-Zega is typical example of make-believe Media with willfully ignorant journalist pivoting the political, social and economic reality of Ethiopia on behalf of nefarious interest groups in the diaspora.

Unfortunately, like many public agencies, the new Investment Commissioner Abebe Ababayhu (since Dec 2018) isn’t forthcoming with the workshop he co-organized with the IMF African Director either. The proceeding of the workshop he as the Ethiopian government official co-organized with the IMF African Director is nowhere to be found on the official investment agency’s website he oversees.

Apparently, a mysterious TPLF operatives in diaspora and the Founder and CEO of a technology firm ModernETH based in New York Manny Amare (pictured left) that run the Ethiopian the nation’s Investment Commission website since TPLF came to power in 1991 appeared to be still in charge of what is put out for the public. Manny Amare real name Amanuel Amare  firm that opened its office in Addis Ababa in 2008 to run key public agencies’ websites on sight is a classic case of clans-and-cliques captured public institutions by private actors controlling the narratives and depriving information to the people of Ethiopia and, remained unchallenged by the new Commissioner under the reformist PM as well as the willfully ignorant journalists of make-believe Medias at home and in the diaspora that look the other way.

The new Investment Commission General Director Abebe Ababayhu’s LinkedIn Profile reviles he was a Senior Legal Adviser in the Office of the Prime Minster for one month while he was a Deputy Commissioner of the Investment Commission since Jan 2016 under Fesum Arega, the Former Commissioner turn a Press Secretory for the new PM Abiy Ahmed and the current Ethiopian Ambassador to US.

Prior to that, Ababayhu’s experience includes, working for USAID WTO Accession Project and the World Bank Group since 2008, according to his profile.

Incidentally, like the investment commission, the official website Ethiopian Embassy in the US under the Former Investment Commissioner and the current Ambassador Fesume Arega not only doesn’t provide information on who-is-who responsible but is run by the same individuals as it was before.

The saddest thing in the whole exercise of futility is the willfully ignorant ‘journalists looking elsewhere away in what our wise people like refer as ከብት ባልዋለበት ኩበት ለቀማthan exposing the reality nepotism and corruption that undermine the nation in the last three decades and the new reform effort to address it.

Had the so-called journalists of make-believe Media did their professional duty as oppose engage in diversion and cover up; they would uncover the reality of every big-and-small public agency and private institution that matter to the people of Ethiopia is captured by TPLF operatives mostly from the diaspora.  Manny Amare happened to be entrusted to control the investment and trade narratives in the last three decades posed as a private actor starting with the first Commissioner Abdi Woldemechael, a low-profile TPLF operative in UK appointed in 1991 followed by Taddse Haile and Fusume Arega.

The privately invite Ethiopian Diaspora Business Forum established in 2008 run by two-brother team Yohannes Assefa in New York and Henock Assefa in Addis Ababa that publish The Ethiopian American Magazine is the latest front Manny Amare uses to control investment and trade narratives of Ethiopia.    After 27-years behind the seen Manny Amare (Amanuel Amare) appearance as speaker  at and his firm Modern ETH as sponsor  of the 12th annual Diaspora Business Forum in July 2018 is a tell-tell sign; clandestine TPLF operatives are out in the open and  remained to be a force to be reckoned with undermining economic reform as much if not more than the ongoing political reform on behalf of TPLF oligarchs  willfully ignorant journalists choose to ignore altogether.

Here it worth to note, besides ModernETH led by Manny Amare of New York; Fairfax African Fund led by the infamous Former investment advisor of the ruling party Zemedeneh Negatu of McClain, Virginia,  PRECISE led by the Forum’s Co-Founder Henoke Assefa of Brooklyn, NY and World Remit  led by the Founder Ismail Ahmed of London, UK happened to be the sponsors of the 2018 Diaspora Business Forum.  Once again, the willfully ignorant journalists of the Ethiopian Broadcasting Service (Ebs) established in 2008 and run by TPLF operatives in Maryland and Tadias Magazine in New York established in 2003 happen to be the only Medias in the Diaspora that entertain the Forum’s propaganda of the last decade.

The legendary 17th century mathematician, logician, physicist and theologian Blaise Pascal said it best; “Distraction is the only thing that consoles us from miseries and yet it is itself the greatest of our miseries”.

In that regard, TPLF operatives’ self-inflected miseries of the last four decades as many other contemporary political forces are consoled by elaborate distraction from facing the reality of what they do to the people of Ethiopia.

Therefore, weather the 17th International Conference on Ethiopian Economy organized jointly by EEA and IFPRI or the workshop jointly  co-organized by IMF and EIC nor the 12th annual Diaspora Business Forum organized by two TPLF operatives brother team and publisher of The Ethiopian American Magazine and investors in Ethiopia should remind the public how willfully ignorant economists, politicians, journalists, investors… make up stuff to distract Ethiopians from ethnic clans and cliques captured apartheid state conflating fairytale with reality to the desire end of their sponsors.

Take for instance a snapshot of the reality of the ‘Ethiopian Economic Performance’ in the context of export commodities of the last decades under clan captured ethnic apartheid developmental state all willfully ignorant economist, politicians, journalists and investors ignored for almost three decades.

The top exports of Ethiopia since the Former Senior Economic Adviser for the ruling party of Ethiopia and the current IMF Africa Director Dr Aemero Selase advising African regimes what to do or not for almost three decades to end up recommending — ‘domestic revenue mobilization and private investment’ is the way to go in the new PM Abiy Ahmed economic reform effort, nothing much changed except massive national debt under his watch in just 10 years alone — leaving Ethiopians to hold the empty bag of debt worth several decades of income to pay.

As it stands now, the Ethiopian national per capita debt rose from $129 in 2008 to a whopping $449 in 2018, according to Country Economy. Thus, Ethiopia’s public debt of $10.344 billion in 2008 gone up to $48.991 billons in the last 10 years alone.  The report claims, “this amount means that the debt in 2018 reached 61.04% of Ethiopian GDP.”

Some estimate the total national debt in the $60 billion range.

At the meantime, the Organization for Economic Corporation (OEC) claims,  “Ethiopia exported $2.2 billion and imported $8 billion in 2017 year period resulting in negative balance of $5.8 billion. The top exports of Ethiopia according OEC consists, coffee ($712M) followed by oily seeds ($348M), Gold ($242M)”.

The WTO (World Trade Organization) Merchandise Trade claims, Ethiopian export/import data for 2017’ also reviles a ‘total merchandise export of $3.17 Billion and import of $16.289 Billion — a trade deficit of over $13 billion.

 

Notwithstanding public data is held hostage by the ruling elites led by TPLF operatives, it is not clear why such large disparity in export trade data reporting is possible. But, according to Global Financial’ December 2011 Report “illicit capital flows as a result of corruption, kickbacks and bribery while the remainder items from trade mispricing” are the top reasons pointed out. The report went on to say, “in 2008 Ethiopia received US $885 million in official development assistance but, this was swamped by massive illicit outflow. The scope of Ethiopia’s capital flight is so sever that our conservative US $3.26 billion estimate greatly exceeds the US $ 2 billion value of Ethiopian’s total export in 2009.”

Incidentally,  according to the October 2019 Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCCRP) titled  TI Report Expose the UK as a Money Laundering Haven —  showing the willful ignorance of mainstream Media journalists and the complicity of the donor community on money laundering and corruption in their own turf is no accident.

No one really knows what happened decade later with billions of additional foreign assistance and borrowings that reached critical stage.

At the meantime, the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) – Foreign Agricultural Service’s 5/29/19 USDA GAIN Report Number: ET1904, claims, “Coffee is the most important foreign currency earner for Ethiopia. In addition to ensuring the volume and quality of coffee exports, exporters must properly manage the contracts.”

The report also reviles, coffee is priority of the government to earn foreign exchange.

The same report also claims, “Ethiopia exports coffee to over 60 countries. Based on the coffee export data in 2017/18, the principal export markets for Ethiopian coffee were: Germany (22 %), Saudi Arabia (16 %), United States of America (11%), Belgium (7 %), Sudan (6 %) and Italy (5 %)”. It also states;

“While most exporters assist the economy by supplying quality coffee to the international market, the government is also taking strict actions against those who fail to comply with their contracts. In March of 2019 alone 81 coffee exporters have been banned from trading with the Ethiopian Commodity Exchange (ECX) because they defaulted on their contracts. Ethiopia has more than 400 coffee exporters, 395 coffee farmers who directly export coffee, and over 30 import-export companies who export coffee and use the foreign currency to import other materials like vehicles and construction inputs.”

With Germany leading importer of 22% of Ethiopian’s # 1 foreign exchange earing commodity of coffee, followed by China with the second commodity of oily seed followed by Switzerland with gold, it shouldn’t require economists, politician, journalists… from the IMF, EEA and IFPRI, EDRI nor the Donors to figure out; for almost three decades the performance of the Ethiopian economy is a repeat of the old colonial extractive economic regimes’ that created banana republics across Africa and, who may be responsible in the concerned government agencies colluding with ‘private actors’ in systemic nepotism and corruption at home and in export destination nations says more about willfully ignorant journalists that failed to uncover.

Interestingly, the whole ethnic clans and cliques  captured state-led systemic institutional corruption in coffee export business appeared to start in December of 2007 when the “First Germen Coffee Importer signed up for Ethiopia’s Coffee Initiative” according to the Corporate Social Responsibility Newswire sourcing WIPO — a UN Agency of Global Forum for Intellectual Property. The agreement was signed by the then Ethiopian Intellectual Property Office Director General Getachew Mengistie (pictured left) and the Head Councilor of the Business Affair Sector of the Ethiopian Embassy in Berlin Tsehaye Woldegebrile (with no public profile). A year later (2008) Mengistie left the agency and became an ‘intellectual property consultant and attorney based in Addis Ababa’  and authored a book titled ‘Intellectual Property as a Policy Tool for Development’ that apparently qualified him to be an African Scholar at the prestigious Yale University in the US.

At  the same time, the donors financed Ethiopian Commodity Exchange was established in 2008 by nonother than the infamous Former  IFPRI economist turn the Founder and CEO of the Exchange Dr Eleni Gebremedhin (pictured left) that went on rampage under PM Melse’s directives to force all coffee and oily seeds trades in the nation to be sold on the Exchange floor with the exception of “30 import-export companies who export coffee and use the foreign currency to import other materials like vehicles and construction inputs” to the benefit of clans and cliques captured private sectors led by Guna Trading House Plc — the #1 agriculture commodity exporter in the nation including, coffee and oily seed — the very meaning of state-sponsored institutional corruption at its best.

Ironically, Guna openly pride on its state-sponsored corruption in its own official website as “one of the corporate entity of Endowment Fund for Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT) engaged in exporting agriculture products, importing industrial input, distributing sister companies product and business representation/commission agency activities with an average of 100 million USD annual turnover” that somehow eluded the donor community, research institutions, Media establishments, anticorruption agencies … and yes, willfully ignorant economists, politicians, journalists, investors… that conveniently redefined private sector and corruption for the benefit of clan and cliques captured  ‘private sector’ and ‘private investment’ led development – defying the very meaning of private and institutional transparency on behalf of their sponsors not to mention the profession of economic itself in the making of a Banana Republic.

 

As a result, Germany that imports raw coffee from Ethiopia and 11 other coffee growing African countries not only became a major re-exporter of raw and processed coffee — surpassing all exported commodities of Ethiopia combined as well as all the 12 African coffee producing countries’ export combined just by importing and re-exporting coffee alone without growing a single coffee plant.

Interestingly,  in September 6, 2019 the Ethiopian Investment Commission sourcing the government run  Ethiopian News Agency (ENA) reported, EU funded  15-million-Euros coffee project launched and, quoted the Agriculture State Minster Sani Redi (pictured left) claiming; “the aim of the project is to  help increase the price of Ethiopian coffee in international market and strengthen the economy”.

Ironically, the full ENA report continentally left out reviles, EU “representative Dominique Davoux (pictured center) said on his part coffee production in Ethiopia will create jobs for many citizens”.

At the meantime, the infamous Addis Fortune report titled EU Seeds €10m to Support Coffee Production quoting (PhD), director-general of Ethiopian Coffee, Tea Development & Marketing Authority (pictures right) said “the project plans to increase the income of smallholder coffee farmers and actors in the coffee value chain, in turn increasing the benefit the country gets from the export of coffee.”

No one knows how much money EU supposedly provided, to whom and what string was attached to it and who may be the real beneficiary of the project willfully ignorant journalist failed to uncover or get their story straight.

Paradoxically, according Japan Times Jan 2019 article quoting Aaron Davis, the Head of coffee research at British Royal Botanical Garden Kew Center reported, “around 15 million Ethiopians are involved in coffee production, and annual exports have an estimated value of $1 billion”.

 

Apparently 15 million Ethiopians that are involved to produce a commodity with ‘an estimated value of $ 1 billion’ can “help increase price” and “create jobs for many citizens” by  EU $15-million-Euros or €10m ‘to increase the income of smallholder coffee farmers and actors in the coffee value chain’ and will “conserve the environment to retain the uniqueness of Ethiopian shade-grown coffee” is how willfully ignorant and donor-dependent economists, politicians, journalists, Investors… justify their livelihood.

 

At the meantime,  BMZ — the Germen Development Ministry cooperation with Ethiopia  pledging a total of 215.6 million euros to Ethiopia for the period 2018 to 2019. This include funding under transitional development assistance from the special ‘One WORLD-No Hunger’ initiative on displacement.” Accordingly, “since 2017, development cooperation has focused on three priority areas:

  • Vocational education
  • Agriculture and food security
  • Conservation and sustainable use of natural resources (biodiversity)”

 

It gets worse. A DW documentary titled “How Europe’s Agriculture Policy Hurts Africa reviled, Germany produced staple food products like grain and grain flower are sold cheaper in African markets than locally produced grain flowers and food products, thanks once again for donor-sponsored willfully ignorant economists, politicians, journalist, investors… in a make-believe institutions like the Ethiopian Economic Association and Ethiopian Development Research Institute doing ‘researches’ over-and-over again to the predetermined outcome of their sponsors and to the benefit of make-believe ‘private investors’ in extractive investment ventures.  

Therefore, whether the IMF’s official policy or its African Director Amero Selase’s personal perspective on “Ethiopian Remarkable Progress Over More than a Decade” or ‘economic growth and transformation and domestic revenue mobilization and private sector investment’ reform nor Public-Private Partnerships under ethnic clans and cliques’ captured state with “substantial appropriation of the state and use of politics by private actors in a sweeping appropriation and a near wholesale intertwining of state resources and politics” as articulated by Janine R. Weddle; state sponsored corruption is real and a menace to the people of Ethiopia and the nation. Unfortunately, it will remain so as we witness the expansion of resource extractive investment in real-time sponsored by nonother than the same ‘development partners’, thanks again to the ingenuity of willfully ignorant economists, politicians, journalists, investors that defy the reality of economic development and redefined ‘private sector’ to justify the systemic institutional corruption that benefit them well. After all, isn’t that what our wise people refer as የአባትህ ቤት ሲዘረፍ አብረህ ዝረፍ?

 

When the Prime Minster Office held its first official economic reform forum for a public discussion last summer hosted by Art TV (African Renascence Television) with willfully ignorant economists, politicians, journalists, investors… led by Dr Brook Taye representing the Ministry of Finance & Economic Development as a Senior Economic Advisor while simultaneously  manages A & A Capital Inc of Miami Beach, Florida  and Bruck Fikru of VOI Café Ltd, a coffee procurement agent for  Volcafe Specialty Coffee Corp  of Irvington, New York representing the private sector, who but willfully ignorant journalists to blame for failing to uncover as the usual when the ‘foxes guard the henhouse’ undermining economic reform within the PM Office.    

The infamous Addis Fortune that prides itself as the “largest independent English language business Media in Ethiopia” led by the current Chief Editor Fasika Taddese reported $10 Billion Economic Package reform announced by the PM Office by asking the same willfully ignorant economists, politicians, investors…, including Dr Eyob Tekalign Tolina,  ‘State Minster’ and Minster of Finance & Economic Development and  Manager of Ethiopian Public Private Consultative Forum of the World Bank Group while representing foreign equity fund investors and, the infamous Former EY East Africa Managing Partner and Investment

Adviser for the ruling party Zemdenhe Negatu turn Global Chairman of Fairfax African Private Equity Fund investor based in US parroting what is good for their ‘private investment’ is good for the people of Ethiopia. That alone should be enough to say; the largest established Media outfits in Ethiopia are in the business feeding the public fairytales and remained the main obstacle for reform as they were designed while the smallest Media outlets are struggling to put out the reality of the Ethiopian economy.

Regardless, what stood out in the Addis Fortune’s substandard report was the absence of addressing the elaborate nepotism and corruption of clans and cliques captured public and private institutions led by the ruling member TPLF party operatives pose as private actors.

At the meantime, world renowned Financial Times of London in June 4, 2019  article titledEthiopia Look to young technocrats to lead ambitious reform drive reviles, the driving force behind PM Abiy’s economic reform includes “Eyob Tolina at Finance Ministry (pictured left), Abebe Abebayehu at the Investment Commission (pictured Center) and Mamo Mihretu in the Prime Minster Office” (pictured right)  all present or former employees of donors led by World Bank and USAID.

But, what Tom Wilson of the Financial Time report failed to do was basic background investigation to discover;  ‘the young technocrats’ he labeled as “new generation with international experience appointed to turn around tightly controlled, state-led economy” not only their international experience comes working for donors led by the World Bank but for foreign private equity investment funds.

Even more fascinating about  ‘half-baked’ FT’s report was using Cepheus Capital, a London based private equity investment fund established in 2016 and led by expats as a source — “arguing that, as it was under Melese, the government would still prioritize growth and was likely to continue to take an interventionist approach related to land, industry and finance”.

It is obviously clear why Tom Wilson of FT failed to identify the principle of Cepheus Capital investors with the help of European Investment Bank as foreign private equity investment in Ethiopia is Kassaye (Kassahun) Kebede. The mysterious private fund manager/investor from New York to Ethiopia over a decade is purportedly a close associate with the late TPLF Chairman and PM of Ethiopia Melese Zenawi and inner circle. He is also the Founder and CEO of a New York based Panton Capital Management established in 2004 and the Founder and CEO of a Cayman Island based Panton Private Wealth Management established in 2009 with nearly a billion dollar private capital of unknown individuals under his management, according to U.S. Security and Exchange Commission  way before he established Cepheus Capital with his partner Berhane Demisse (pictures right) in 2016.

At the meantime, the private wealth investment and management guru Kassaye Kebede is not limited to private investment fund of undisclosed individuals to invest in Ethiopia. With his new partner he setup a London based venture Cepheus Capital to tap in on EU’s donors’ fund via European Investment Bank. When that wasn’t enough, the famous New York Billionaire Gorge Soros’ Open Society Foundation in October 2019 Press Release in unprecedented move announced Soros Economic Development Fund Joins Ethiopian Investment Fund. It reads;

“New York – The Open Societies Foundations are investing $10 million in the Cepheus Capital Growth Fund focused on supporting business development in Ethiopia, as part of its border commitment to support Ethiopia’s democratic and economic development.”

How a Foundation that pride itself supporting free media in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union nations ended up joining Cepheus Capital Growth Fund established in 2016 by Kassaye Kebede shows more; the Open Society is as Close Society as its critics claimed

What was even more fascinating, the claim; “The Soros Economic Development Fund’s investment is principally aimed at creating quality jobs particularly for young people and women in Ethiopia, including in less developed regions, in support of the government’s effort to reduce the country’s poverty rate.”

No one knows how the Soros’ Open Society Foundations’ partnerships with little vented expats run Cepheus Capital Growth Fund is going to “create quality jobs” for anyone.

Apparently, according to the same Press Release, “in December 2018, Patrick Gaspard, President of Open Society Foundations met Ethiopian’s prime minster Abiy Ahmed and offered the Foundations’ support for the government’s democratization objectives, particularly in the area of justice sector reform and strengthening institutions.”

Again, no one knows how “justice sector reform and strengthening institutions” turned out to be investing $10 million on Cepheus Capital Growth Fund established by two expats with unknown track record.

Kassaye is also one of the 21 members Advisory Council on privatization on state assets as well as 15 members’ Advisory Council of the Ethiopian Diaspora Trust Fund based in Washington, D.C. set up by PM Abiy Ahmed.

Therefore, it is clear why all relevant information about the principle persons of Cepheus Capital that was missing in Financial Times report of Tom Wilson is no accident.

Likewise, the willfully ignorant Bloomberg News journalist Nizar Manek in October 17, 2019 report titled “Ethiopia May Use Privatization Funds to repay State Lenders” by not identifying the lenders and inquiring the terms of the loan nor asking independent economists the implication but two government official’.

Five days later (October 22, 2019) the same Manek Bloomberg News reported Ethiopia Probs Possible Theft of Funds for Sugar claiming  — “Sugar Corp. debt amounts to about 70 billion birr ($2.37 billion), according to Brook Taye, senior adviser to the finance ministry” – the same government official  that also manages a Miami Beach, Florida based private venture A & A Capital Inc, ‘a Venture Capital  & Private Equity Firm’ established in April of 2016 and operate in Ethiopia led by the President/CEO by a name Adem Adem,  according to his LinkedIn profile.

No one knows how Bloomberg News assigned an Egyptian national Nizar Manek as Ethiopian correspondent based in Addis Ababa in the first place. But, if his several years of reporting on Ethiopia is any indication, he not only doesn’t follow basic journalistic inquiry but willfully ignore the reality of how an ethnic clans and cliques captured state operates ever since he became Ethiopian correspondent based in Addis Ababa for Bloomberg News a decade ago.

Meanwhile, dozens of willfully ignorant freelance journalists for foreign Medias have been putting out pure propaganda to prop up the apartheid regime of Ethiopia for over a decade. The most notable of them all are freelance journalist James Jeffrey, an ex-British military man turn business journalist in US, UK and Ethiopia and Neil Ford, that claims to be “a freelance journalists, consultant and analyst specializing in African affairs and energy sector” – redefining the profession of journalism itself.

In article titled James Jeffrey: Freelance journalist or Freelance Mercenary? …we identify African Business Magazine based in UK is where James Jeffery and Neil Ford’s substandard reporting are most welcomed.  The fact African Business Magazine is based in UK alone speaks volume; it is not about Africa business the Magazine is interested but something else altogether.

But, ever since the Ethiopian revolution against the ruling regime Woyane began in 2015, James Jeffery appears to abandon business reporting freelancing in the politics of terrorism outside his declared experience.  His latest article of December 4, 2019 titled “Fears Saudi-exported Extremism is Spreading throughout Africa’ freelancing for The American Conservative Magazine said it all.

Accordioning to Jeffery’s article; not the self-proclaimed representative of ethnic Tigray ruling member party TPLF warlords the source of ethnic and religious extremism in Ethiopia, but the symptom led by the infamous US national and self-proclaimed ethnic Oromo representative Jawar Mohammed. Unfortunately, it is all about undermining the new PM Abiy reform effort to unite Ethiopians that rattled the usual suspects that seek Jeffery’s service.

Even the famous Economist Magazine was not immune putting out fairytale reporting by its undisclosed willfully ignorant journalist[s] either. In its Nov 2, 2019 article titled “The Clash of Nationalism — Ethnic violence threatens to tear Ethiopia apart”  claiming, a US national and a self-declared Oromo ethnic clan activist turn politician and Media personality Jawar Mohammod is the cause should remind the public; mainstream Medias’ focus on the symptom than the cause of ‘ethnic violence’ is not by accident but by design.

Thus, according to The Economist’s article;

“underlining the unrest are two trends. The first is intra-Oromo power struggle embodied in rivalry between Jawar and Abiy. Jawar, who says he may run in the next year’s election, has loudly criticized the Prime Minister’s plan to form a national party to replace Ethiopia’s ruling multiethnic coalition. The second cause is competition between Oromo and Amhara. Since 1995, when the current constitution established nine ethnically based regions, politics has been a battle ground between rival nationalism. For much of the past three decades the Tigrayans, who are about 6% of the population, run the show.”

That is what the most celebrated publication in the world with no correspondent on the ground but one African correspondent in Johannesburg, South Africa and another African Editor in London responsible for covering the entire African continent (according to its own Media Directory) came up with explaining the current politics of Ethiopia.

Unfortunately, what was missing in the ‘half-baked’ report of the Economist was the cause of ethnic nationalism is nonother than the London based (the home of The Economist) Tigray People  Liberation Front led by its late Chairman turn  President of the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) until 1995 and Prime Minister Meles Zenawi until his death due to his undisclosed illness in 2012 that with the help of European governments led by UK that singlehandedly established ethnic apartheid rule the Magazine refer as “multiethnic coalition” and “the current constitution” that set the stage for ethnic apartheid party-sponsored ethnic violence and corruption that came with it way before TPLF became the ruling “multiethnic coalition” member party of Ethiopia.

Why the Economist ignored the source of ‘ethnic violence’ and zeroed in on the symptom — ‘incitement of violence’ led by Jawar Mohammod that grew up under ethnic apartheid Ethiopia says more about the willfully ignorant unnamed journalist[s] of The Economist Magazine that conveniently redefined apartheid than ‘the clash of nationalism’ in Ethiopia.

Sadly, even the esteemed journalist[s] at The Economist with all the resources at their disposal didn’t even do basic background investigation on who is behind the US national Jawar Mohammod that shuttles back-and-forth from his US base to cause havoc advocating to sustain ethnic apartheid rule in his birth country of Ethiopia from his adapted country of America that abolished apartheid half a century ago.

For starter, unless The Economist wittingly advocate to sustain ethnic apartheid rule in Ethiopia, there is no explanation how a publication of that caliber elevates a cult like ethnic clan politician and Media operator like a US national Jawar Mohammod without the context of who may be behind him — reminiscent of those that attempted and failed to sustain the old apartheid South Africa.

Even more disheartening is the willfully ignorant homegrown US journalists Tsion Girma of Voice of America (VOA) Amharic recent interview with Jawar Mohammod. Like the Economist, focusing on the symptom (Jawar) to cover up for the cause (TPLF warlords) that outsourced ethnic violence, she has proven the dedication of willfully ignorant journalists to sustain the status qua, unfortunately on the expenses of US taxpayers. Had she asked the same exact question to TPLF warlords decades ago, ‘Jawarism’ that piggybacks on decades of TPLF warlords’ ethnic violence wouldn’t be a blimp in Ethiopian politics. It is a classic example of projection or what our people like to refer as አህያውን ፈርቶ ዳውላውን.

Willfully ignorant journalists that pivots the reality should remind readers a book titled “selling Apartheid: South African Global Propaganda war’ authored by Ron Nixon. In his Aug 2016 article titled ‘how South African racist government waged propaganda war in UK against ending apartheid rule led by Mandela and the role shadowy lobbyist and  willfully ignorant journalists play that resembles what TPLF and surrogates led lobbying and propaganda outfits did and continue to do to undermine the new PM Abiy reform effort from ending the last apartheid rule standing in the world is astonishing.

Ironically, the display of  willfully ignorant economist, politicians, investors… backed by willfully ignorant journalists’ pivoting the reality of ethnic clans and cliques captured public and private institutions to the desired end is what Peter Block in his book titled ‘The Structure of Belonging referred as “the core currency of economists” that operates out of “the context of scarcity and self-interest” — not to mention their complicity on state-sponsored violence, nepotism and corruption that benefit them and their enablers.

The dilemma of homegrown and foreign journalists ‘to be, or not to be’  watchdog journalists on behalf the people VS. lapdog journalists on behalf of the power to be is real and more concerning for the reform effort than any single public or private institutions that pivots the reality and, will remain so for the foreseeable future to come until enough watchdog journalists stand up to say enough of lapdog journalism across the board and expose them for what they really are.

Two decades of Marxism followed by three decades of ethnic apartheid rule that casted a shadow on the democratization and economic liberalization of Ethiopia notwithstanding, reforming ethnic clans and cliques captured state sponsored by massive foreign aid-and-debt created aid-dependent and willfully ignorant political, social, economic elites that drive the policy agenda is not an easy task for anyone let alone for a new PM within surrounded by willfully ignorant economists, politicians, journalists, investors… and their sponsors that diligently work to sustain the status qua to secure their petty interest over the larger public interest visible for a necked eye. That is why they kept dodging the raw reality that shows the incompatibility of their petty interest over the larger public interest or what our wise people like to frame as ‘ሌባ ለአመሉ ዳቦ ይልሳ’.

Regardless, the first prudent step of any reform in the right direction on long journey of democratization and economic liberalization to take would be to acknowledging the existence of “the political Marketplace of Money, War and the Business of Power” of ethnic clans and cliques captured apartheid state and   “the use of politics by private actors in a sweeping appropriation and a near wholesale intertwining of state resources and politics” led by the ruling member party TPLF and taking the appropriate actions to end apartheid rule and nepotism and corruption that naturally come with it by cleaning up all public and private institutions.

The question of where to start and for whose benefit (beside to the benefit of the people of Ethiopia) is yet to be agreed by one-and-all elites, especially by the ruling elites led by TPLF operatives that feel entitled to do business as the usual.

For starter, in the words of the General Secretory of Reporters Without Boarders Christophe Deloire; “none of the issues which humanity is facing will be solved without access to information”.

Therefore, the ‘cart before the horse’ reform, no matter how it is presented can only go as  far as the financiers and the willfully ignorant economists, politicians, journalists, investors…wanted it to go without changing the underline cause of the problem – lack of access to information’ thus, the absence of institutional transparency and accountability at all level that would singlehandedly end nepotism and corruption of the ruling elites and free the people of Ethiopia from diversion propaganda for the people to make prudent political, social and economic decisions for their future.

In that regard, no one articulated the present development reform dilemma of Ethiopia better than Dr Tsegaye Tegenu. In a December 2019 article titled Homegrown Economic Reform and Regional Development in Ethiopia he once again reiterated; “there is no reference to the importance of regional development neither in the objective nor in the outlined pillars of the reform program. This is not surprising in a country were mainstream economic assumptions is often used to shape development policy. Mainstream economics is either space neutral or space blind.  The structural and sectoral policy of Ethiopia, both in current and past government, focus on specific instruments (such as infrastructure investment) and ignore the geographical concrete patterns in which these instruments are deployed” – reinforcing; lack of access to information in clan and cliques captured public and private institutions to end state-sponsored nepotism and corruption that came with it remained.

Therefore, in clans-and-cliques captured state where information is a ‘Weapon of Mass Destruction’, in the word of the Former World Bank Director and the Founder of Transparency International (TI) Peter Eigen; “corruption is the biggest cause of poverty in the world, of violence, of impoverishment and hopelessness in many societies”.

 

Thus, any economist, politician, journalist, investor… or their sponsors that don’t understand the cost of what economist call ‘information asymmetry’ on society and the nepotism and corruption that follows should be removed from making any public policy decision.

The ‘reformist’ Prime Minster Abiy Ahmed is juggling between the rights and liberties and the economic opportunities of the people of Ethiopia Verses the interest of ethnic clans-and-cliques & partners backed by willfully ignorant economists, politicians, journalists, investors… sponsored by nonother than the donors.

The Prime Minster would be advised to take to heart the advice of seasoned economists, politicians, journalists and anticorruption crusaders to end information asymmetry thus end state sponsored nepotism and corruption that cause poverty, violence, impoverishment and hopelessness and yes underdevelopment his new Prosperity Party want to address.

In recent press briefing on the formation of Prosperity Party of Ethiopia, PM Abiy took the second boldest step in the right direction (after decriminalization of political decent and free speech) since he came to power to end the last antiquated ethnic apartheid regime remaining in the world on the ash of ‘the political Marketplace of Money, War and the Business of Power of  the ruling EPDRF elites.

The reaction to PM’s latest bold move is a tell-tell sign; who is behind sustaining TPLF instigated ethnic apartheid rule and why.

But, a formation of a national ‘Prosperity Party’ that embraced ‘truth and knowledge’ as a guiding principle won’t be possible until willfully ignorant economist, politicians, journalists, investors…  that infested public institutions, including the Office of the Prime Minster are forced to tell the truth about themselves and respect the knowledge of their profession to end nepotism and corruption.

As they say, ‘charity began at home’. Therefore, full disclosure of all willfully ignorant ‘technocrat’ in every public agency and private institution starting from The Office of Prime Minster is the ultimate reform that is needed where ‘truth and knowledge’ can be practiced by professionals to serve the people of Ethiopia. After all, beyond theory, practicing ‘truth and knowledge’ base reform requires access to information to figure out who-is-who violating the rights and liberty and the economic opportunity of the people in a nation under the mercy of donors for almost three decades.

For instant, the fact TPLF’s principle ethnic warlord turn oligarch  and one of the mastermind of ethnic apartheid rule in Ethiopia Dr Arkebe Oqubay posed as State Minster and Special Economic Advisor in the Prime Minster Office along his entourages would help in the reform efforts says, there is a long way to go to end the ethnic clans and cliques’ ‘political Marketplace of Money, War and the Business of Power and the nepotism and corruption that came with it’.

The 2018 UK-Ethiopia Trade and Investment Forum hosted by the London based Developing Market Associates where Dr Arkebe Oqubay Forum representing the Ethiopian government showing up with shadowy TPLF operatives posed as investors is a good illustration of nepotism and party sponsored corruption is alive and well at present as it was in the 2015 UK-Ethiopia Trade and Investment Forum led by the infamous TPLF oligarch turn Health and Foreign Minister and WHO General Secretory Dr Tedros Adhanom.

After all, the ruling party sponsored oligarchs posed as government officials promoting trade and investment is the very definition of state sponsored nepotism and corruption that eluded willfully ignorant journalists and concerned national and international organizations’ officials, including the anticorruption and investment commission officials.

Given PM Abiy became a recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize for his effort to bring about peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea and reconciliation between self-appointed representative of the people of Ethiopia fighting for power and privilege, it remain to be seen if he is as bold or capable enough to go further to end ethnic clans and cliques’ impunity in what his Nobel Prize Lauriat counterpart Rigoberta Menchu Tum of Guatemala  for her human right activism underlined; “without strong watchdog institutions, impunity becomes the very foundation upon which systems of corruption are built”. After all, isn’t that the foundation TPLF led Ethiopia brought to the people that continue to cost lives, livelihoods, rights and liberties and economic opportunities in blood and treasure?

Ultimately, in the eyes of the people of Ethiopia; dismantling ethnic apartheid and ‘the foundation up on which the system of corruption is built’ will make-or-break PM Abiy’s legacy. That implies, TPLF led clans-and-cliques affiliated parasitic enterprises and oligarchs that dominate the political, social and economic landscape of Ethiopia must be dismantled with no question asked.

The recent death and distraction led by Jawar Mohammed, a self-proclaimed ethnic Oromo representative, self-proclaimed independent Media CEO for home audience and ‘peaceful’ movement activist and political analysts for international audience is the unfortunate outcome of a typical diaspora elite in an ethnic apartheid ‘political marketplace of money, war and the business of Power’  that consumed a new generation of Ethiopian elites at home and abroad as it was instigated by the usual enablers of the self-proclaimed ethnic Tigray representative turn PM of Ethiopia at home and African stateman abroad Melse Zenawi, just because willfully ignorant economist, politicians, journalists, investors… looked the other way to the rebirth of ethnic apartheid rule in Ethiopia about the  same  time it was buried for good in South Africa.

In the words of Rayan Hanley, the author of ‘Content Warfare’;

“Typical is a murder of thought. The defiler of ideas, the jailer of genius. Typical is the synapse you’ve already burned into genius brain of yours, and, typical leads right to the lizard brain.

The lizard brain wants us all to be the same. A heard of cattle. Middle management. The lizard brain tells us to avoid trouble. “Don’t rock the boat”, says the lizard brain. And we listen.

Like many willfully ignorant politicians of Ethiopia, Jawar Mohammod’s lizard brain like his late mentor Melse Zenawi believe one thing; ‘we are all herd of cattle’ in the ethnic ‘political marketplace of money, war, and business of power’ waiting for instruction from our self-appointed shepherds on behalf of their sponsors to commit corruption and crime against humanity.

Afterall, the simple rule, ‘if it is not right – don’t do it. If it is not true – don’t say it’ seems lost in the willfully ignorant minds of the elites just because their petty interest outweighs the rights and liberties and the economic opportunities of millions of their compatriots.

Whether the reality-free  economist turn IMF African Director Aemero Selase or an ethnic warlord turn politician and Media personality at home  and political analyst and human right activists and scholar abroad Jawar Mohammed or the willfully ignorant unnamed journalist of Economist Magazine that came up with half-baked report, like many of their homegrown or foreign peers in every profession, their ‘moral crowdedness and intellectual corruption’ visible for necked eye must be challenged primarily by their silent peers and professional journalists that live up to their vocation.

Prime Minster Abiy should be aware, no nation overcame violation of the people’s rights and liberties nor underdevelopment and poverty ‘without access to information’ and “without strong watchdog institutions” that would dismantle “the very foundation upon which systems of corruption are built” despite 10s of thousands of donors-sponsored ‘research’ conducted by willfully ignorant economists, politicians, journalists, investors… to nowhere. After all, the PM’s reform primary responsibility is not appeasing those that withhold information for the obvious reason but to empower the people of Ethiopia with access to information.

Opposition politicians would also be better off if they stop playing cat-and-mouse game to milk the ethnic ‘political marketplace of money, war and the business of power’ for political expediency and focus on their willfully ignorant counterparts in every public and private institutions that withhold information to do their enables bidding. Dismantling ‘the very foundation upon which systems of corruption are built’ requires and demands access to information and strong watchdog institutions. After all, their primary responsibility should be to free every institution that matters to the public from party affiliated operatives and subordinates on behalf of the people.

More importantly, the people of Ethiopia in general and the youth in particular will continue to subordinate their rights and liberty and the integrity of the nation for self-appointed ethnic clan leaders and their willfully ignorant economists, politicians, journalists, investors… if they don’t challenge the ethnic apartheid state andthe very foundation upon which the systems of corruption was built” in what the legendary American public intellectual Noam Chomsky referred as “the moral crowdedness and intellectual corruption are the natural concomitants of unchallenged privilege”.

PM Abiy made many profound statements recently challenging ‘the moral crowdedness and intellectual corruption of the political elites including, ‘no longer political power by the blood as oppose by the ballot of the people of Ethiopia’ in line with his new Prosperity Party slogan of ‘truth of knowledge’.  What he came short was, the one-and-only weapon the people should have to make their ballot count is access to information as oppose those that ruled or aspire to rule spilling their blood with ‘donated’ guns.

The very concept of Medmer demands; full disclosure of who-is-who depriving the people of Ethiopia access to information posed as government and nongovernmental official and private actor that continue to undermine the reform effort. To free the people of Ethiopia from centuries of crimes of “taxation without representation” that kept the nation a Banana Republic must be accountable and removed.

“The political Marketplace of Money, war and the business of Power” will end and replaced by the Marketplace of individual liberty, peace and the business of Democracy only when access to information is possible to force willfully ignorant economists, politicians, journalists, investors… embrace reality on behalf of the people than fairytale on behalf of their enablers.

Only that “Truth and Knowledge” practiced would free the people. Anything else is hogwash.

 

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Boeing’s Worst Year in Decades

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FILE PHOTO: An aerial photo shows Boeing 737 MAX airplanes parked on the tarmac at the Boeing Factory in Renton, Washington, U.S. March 21, 2019. REUTERS/Lindsey Wasson/File PhotoREUTERS

(REUTERS) – BOEING’S new Chief Executive Officer David Calhoun started work on Monday, inheriting a company that is reeling from the effects of two fatal crashes which led to the grounding of the 737 MAX last March.

The Chicago-based firm is struggling for traction with financial investors and has ordered a full-scale halt in production of the 737 MAX that has already cost billions of dollars.

Following are charts on a year of crisis for the company as it prepares on Tuesday to publish figures for 2019 that are expected to show a collapse of orders and deliveries and the loss of its status as the world’s biggest planemaker to Europe’s Airbus.

(Click here for an interactive graphic: https://fingfx.thomsonreuters.com/gfx/editorcharts/BOEING-STOCKS/0H001QXVNBCT/index.html)

Boeing, a top Dow performer for many years, was the fourth-worst performer in the 30-member index in 2019 after two air disasters within five months killed 346 people on the new MAX planes.

Most investors are cautious, with 13 out of 24 analysts rating it a “hold” while seven still see it a “buy” and “strong buy”.

(GRAPHIC: Boeing share performance in 2019 compared to Dow peers – https://fingfx.thomsonreuters.com/gfx/mkt/13/937/934/Boeing_Dow.png)

Boeing’s shares rose just 1% last year, trailing a 29% gain for the benchmark S&P 500 <.SPX> and 22% rise for the blue-chip Dow Jones Industrial Average <.DJI>. The company had started the year as one of the stock market’s surest bets, with a sharp rise to an all-time high of $446.01 on March 1, days before the Ethiopian Airlines crash, masking the scale of the annual decline: the stock is down 27% since.

(GRAPHIC: Boeing’s 2019 compared to the Dow and S&P 500 – https://fingfx.thomsonreuters.com/gfx/mkt/13/938/935/Boeingcomparison.png)

Analysts have estimated that the crisis is costing the company around $1 billion a month, leading to a 53% slump in profit and negative free cash flow of $2.89 billion in the third quarter.

Free cash flow points to a company’s ability to expand production, develop new products, make acquisitions, pay dividends and reduce debt.

In the fourth quarter, Boeing’s cash outflow is expected to balloon to $6 billion while profit is expected to fall by 70%. The planemaker has roughly $21 billion in long-term debt.

 

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Ethiopia PM Sidesteps Trump’s Head Scratching Nobel Prize Comments

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By Salem Solomon
VOA
President Donald Trump pauses in front of the press as he and first lady Melania Trump prepare to board Marine One on the South Lawn of the White House in Washington, Monday, Jan. 13, 2020, as they head to New Orleans, to attend the College Football Playoff National Championship between Louisiana State University and Clemson. (AP Photo/Susan Walsh)

Ethiopians and U.S. foreign policy observers are trying to unravel a comment made by President Donald Trump last week where he claimed to have “saved a country” and implied he should have been given the Nobel Peace Prize for the achievement.

Trump made the comments during a rally in Toledo, Ohio, and appeared to be referencing Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, whose Nobel Peace Prize was announced in October. “I made a deal, I saved a country, and I just heard that the head of that country is now getting the Nobel Peace Prize for saving the country. I said, ‘what? Did I have something to do with it?’”

Abiy received the prize for his efforts to end nearly 20 years of hostility between Eritrea and Ethiopia relating to disputes over their shared border.

Observers believe Trump was referring to White House efforts to mediate discussions between Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan over water usage from the Nile River. Ethiopia is building a massive hydroelectric power project known as the Grand Renaissance Dam, but countries downstream on the Blue Nile are concerned it will deplete their principal water source.

The U.S. House Foreign Affairs Committee wasted no time jumping on what they believed to be a gaffe by Trump. “Trump is confused. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to bring peace to the Horn of Africa, not stalled negotiations about a new dam on the Nile,” the committee said on its Twitter account on January 10.

The committee, which is chaired by a Democratic lawmaker, also pointed out that the negotiations have not been successful. The three countries continue to be deadlocked and have been unable to reach an agreement as they approach a January 15 deadline to resolve the issue.

“If they gave the Nobel for deals that didn’t happen, the Pres. would have a shelf full of them,” the Foreign Affairs Committee Twitter account stated.

House Foreign Affairs Committee

✔@HouseForeign

Trump is confused.
PM @AbiyAhmedAli was awarded the @NobelPrize for his efforts to bring peace to the Horn of Africa, not stalled negotiations about a new dam on the Nile.

If they gave the Nobel for deals that didn’t happen, the Pres. would have a shelf full of them. https://twitter.com/atrupar/status/1215435613203202048 

Aaron Rupar

✔@atrupar

Replying to @atrupar

“I made a deal, I saved a country, and I just heard that the head of that country is now getting the Nobel Peace Prize for saving the country. I said, ‘what, did I have something do with it?'” — Trump whines about not having a Nobel Peace Prize

Embedded video

1,116 people are talking about this

 

Trump has not elaborated on the comments since then. When asked about the meaning, the U.S. Embassy in Ethiopia referred reporters to comments made in October by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo congratulating Abiy on the award, the Washington Post reported.

For his part, Abiy did not appear bothered by the statement. “To be honest, I don’t have any clue about the criteria [of] how the Nobel committee selects an individual for the prize. So, the issue of President Trump must go to the Nobel Prize Committee,” Abiy said on January 12 during a press conference in South Africa.

Abiy added that he is more concerned with progress toward peace in the region than awards. “I am not working for the prize. I am working that peace is a very critical thing for our region and if they recognize and if President Trump complained, it must go to Oslo, not to Ethiopia,” he said.

AFP news agency

✔@AFP

VIDEO: After US President Donald Trump said that he believes he deserves the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize, Abiy Ahmed, the winner and Ethiopian Prime Minister replied: “If Donald Trump wants to complain, he should go to Oslo, not Ethiopia”

Embedded video

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Ambassador Herman Cohen, a former U.S. assistant secretary of state for African affairs, said these types of confounding, off-the-cuff remarks have become a hallmark of Trump’s presidency. “He has this tendency to make comments without first looking in the background. That’s the way he operates,” Cohen told VOA’s Amharic service.

But Cohen said the U.S. has the potential to play a leading role in relieving tensions among the Nile River countries. Representatives from Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia met at the White House on November 6. This week, the delegations are continuing to negotiate. They have meetings scheduled with Secretary of the Treasury Steven Mnuchin and President of the World Bank David Malpass.

“Egypt has been in a very tense situation with Ethiopia. And what President Trump did was he called both countries and said ‘come to the United States and we’ll mediate your dispute.’ And this caused a drop in the tension between Ethiopia and Egypt,” Cohen said. “And for that, I think President Trump deserves a lot of credit. Now, maybe he’ll get the peace prize for that next year.”

VOA Horn of Africa’s Amharic service reporter Solomon Abate contributed to this story.

 

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CONTROVERSIAL ACTIVIST TURNED POLITICIAN RAISES ‘RED FLAG’ OVER PROPOSED POLL DATE

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Global Village Africa

Jawar Mohammed, an influential political activist turned politician is among many Ethiopians reacting to the announcement of a date for elections slated for this year.

According to him, many people have long suspected that the ruling party is by the August date seeking to leverage on incumbency to “lock out” opposition parties especially from reaching rural areas.

A major concern of the August 16 date though provisional has been that Ethiopia’s rainy season falls in the month. But the National Elections Board of Ethiopia, NEBE, downplayed the concern saying it was going to liaise with federal and regional governments to deploy logistics.

In one post he described the choice of August as crazy given that it was the “rainiest month,” after stating the logistical nightmare that looms, he added: “August is a No Go for election.”

One of Jawar’s post read: “By the way many suspect planning to hold the election in August is meant to favor the ruling party that controls state’s transportation resources and hinder poorly resourced opposition from accessing rural areas.

“And ironically as early as 6 months ago, ruling party leaders were saying election will be held in August. Coincidence?”

Jawar joined the Oromo Federalist Congress, OFC, led by veteran politician Merera Gudina. The OFC has joined a bloc of other opposition parties in the Oromia Regional State. The state is Ethiopia’s largest and most populous.

It is also the home region of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. Abiy and Jawar fell out last year after the PM told parliament of media personalities who were fomenting unrest with their outlets, Jawar said the claims were an attack on him.

Jawar’s claims of a security breach last year birthed widespread protests across the region with young people denouncing Abiy and pledging support for Jawar. Jawar announced a political future and toured the diaspora before returning to OFC.

The ruling party in the country is technically the Prosperity Party, formed this year by all major and affiliate members of the defunct Ethiopia Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front, EPRDF, coalition that won the last elections in 2015.

Only the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front, TPLF, refused to join the Prosperity Party, PP, citing procedural and legal mishaps in the merger. It has since announced a formal breakaway and said it will contest with like-minded parties in 2020.

Girma Gutema℠@Abbaacabsa

National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) undertaking consultation with stakeholders today, before deciding and fixing the final schedules/time tables of the 2020 national elections. The board has planned,… https://www.facebook.com/1016040708/posts/10219258010253815/ 

Beshana T. Tolasa (Miran Bashanana)@TasoMiran

How this can be Bro August is the rain season it is difficult to distribute election material to Rural areas and hard to collect election results !! Are the NEBE staffs are non Ethiopians that does not know Ethiopia ! Shame !! @Jawar_Mohammed @PMEthiopia

See Beshana T. Tolasa (Miran Bashanana)’s other Tweets

Selahadin@Selahadin1

NEBE proposed election day to be held August 16. There will be discussion and final decision will be made by NEBE after the discussion inputs.

See Selahadin’s other Tweets

Mohamed Harare@HarareMohamed

The National Electoral Board of Ethiopia has proposed elections to be held on 16th August 2020. The board has released a draft schedule that also proposes voter registration to take place for a month between April 7th and May 7th.

See Mohamed Harare’s other Tweets

Kjetil Tronvoll@KjetilTronvoll

So @NEBEthiopia suggests 16 August as date for . Can someone explain why they want to conducted the biggest logisticsl operation in the country during the peak of the rainy season..?

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Mantegaftot Sileshi Siyoum@Manti

The National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) announced today that ’s forthcoming general elections are scheduled to be held on August 16, 2020.

Election were held previously in May, which were three months earlier than this one.

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Ethiopia – ESAT Amharic Day time News January 15, 2020

Ethiopia sets tentative August date for elections

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Ethiopian MK Defects From Blue & White To Likud

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The Yeshiva

All types of political drama are being played out in Israel on Wednesday as parties scramble to finalize their lists before the 10 p.m. deadline to register parties at the Central Elections Committee.

One political twist that played out centered on the Ethiopian vote and the drama ended in Ethiopian Blue & White MK Gadi Yevarkan being ousted from Blue and White, to the Likud’s delight.

Thousands of Ethiopian-Israeli voters are thought to have abandoned Likud in the September elections following the widespread riots after the death of Solomon Tekah, who was shot by a police officer. Although the police officer shot the bullet in self-defense at the ground and it unfortunately ricocheted and killed Tekah, the incident caused an outpouring of anger at the police and the government by the Ethiopian community. At the time, Yevarkan condemned the treatment of the Ethiopian-Israeli community by Likud and Netanyahu.

In an attempt to win back the Ethiopian vote, Netanyahu offered Yevarkan the 20th spot on the party’s list if he would join Likud, guaranteeing him a place in the Knesset. Yevarkan, who was a Likud member in the past but didn’t make it into the Knesset was tempted by the offer since he is currently in the 33rd spot on the Blue & White list, a spot that doesn’t guarantee his entrance into the Knesset.

Yevarken told Blue & White on Wednesday that if they don’t move him up to a higher spot on the list he is joining Likud. Blue & White chairman Benny Gantz responded to the threat by announcing that he is ousting Yevarken from the party. Shortly later, Likud confirmed that it is granting the 20th spot on its list to Yevarken.

A picture of Yevarken kissing his mother’s feet in a traditionally Ethiopian gesture of gratitude when he was first elected into the Knesset in April received widespread attention at the time.

“I swore allegiance to the state of Israel as a Knesset member,” Yevarkan wrote on Facebook at the time. “I was so moved today to see my mother at the Knesset. Words can’t describe her nobility.”

(YWN Israel Desk – Jerusalem)

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Ethiopia – ESAT Amharic Day time News January 16 , 2020

Ethiopian Airlines announces plans for new $5 billion airport

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Ethiopian Airlines will start constructing a new $5 billion airport later this year, as the rapidly-expanding carrier outgrows capacity at its current base in Addis Ababa.

The airport will be built in Bishoftu, a town 39 km southeast of the capital. The proposed facility will cover an area of 35 square miles and have the capacity to handle 100 million passengers a year, the state-run Ethiopian News Agency quoted CEO Tewolde Gebremariam as saying. That projected number would place the new airport among the world’s five busiest airports.

Bole International Airport in Addis Ababa, EA’s current base of operations,  has a passenger capacity of about 19 million passengers annually.

“Bole Airport is not going to accommodate us; we have a beautiful expansion project. The airport looks very beautiful and very large but with the way that we are growing, in about three or four years we are going to be full,” Tewolde said.

He did not give details of how the construction would be funded, nor who would build the new airport.

The Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation quoted Tewolde as saying construction will start in the next six months.

State-owned Ethiopian Airlines, which competes with large Middle East carriers to connect long-haul passengers, has built a patchwork of African routes from its hub in Addis Ababa to fly customers towards expanding Asian markets.

It has 116 aircraft in its fleet and its net profit rose to $260 million in its 2018/19 financial year from $207.2 million a year earlier.

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Nile River dam row: Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan make draft deal

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Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan have reached an initial deal on the filling and operation of what will be Africa’s biggest hydro-electric dam.

The three nations agreed, following a meeting in Washington DC, that the mega dam on the River Nile should be filled in stages during the rainy season.

Ethiopia, which is building the dam, wants to start generating electricity as soon as possible.

But Egypt is concerned about its water supplies if it is filled too fast.

The preliminary agreement, brokered by US treasury secretary and the World Bank president, is short on details, says the BBC’s Emmanuel Igunza.

Some delicate negotiations will be needed before the Grand Renaissance Dam agreement is finalised later this month, he says.

Is this a breakthrough?

Negotiators are presenting this as a win-win for both Egypt and Ethiopia. There have been fears the countries could be drawn into war if it is unresolved.

The Nile flows through the Egyptian city of Aswan around 920km (570 miles) south of the capital CairoImage copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image captionEgypt considers reduction of the Nile flow as an existential threat

According to the joint statement, filling the dam in stages during the July and August wet season will allow for Ethiopia’s “early generation of electricity” while “providing appropriate mitigation measures for Egypt and Sudan in case of severe droughts”.

Ethiopia, which began construction of the $4bn (£3bn) dam in 2011 on the Blue Nile, a tributary that contributes 85% of the Nile waters, has always said it wants the dam to be filled within six years.

Egypt has maintained that a longer period – of between 10 and 21 years – would be better so that the water flow is not drastically reduced.

No time period is specified in the preliminary agreement.

What happens next?

The dam is already 80% complete, and it looks like Ethiopia will start filling it according to the schedule it has always planned.

The final deal is expected to be signed on 28-29 January, when foreign and water ministers from the three countries meet again in the US capital.

It is hoped they can sell the final text to their governments to end the tensions.

But the main question is whether Egypt will be satisfied with the guarantees given by Ethiopia on the amount of water to be released during periods of drought.

The deal may also have a bearing on how the other eight countries on the Nile Basin choose to exploit the River Nile in the future.

How dependent is Egypt on the Nile?

Very. Most of Egypt is arid with almost no rainfall and relies on the Nile for 90% of its water.

Africa’s longest river flows through the city of Aswan around 920km (570 miles) south of the capital Cairo.

Ethiopia dam map
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One of the North African country’s other main concerns is that if the water flow drops, it could affect Lake Nasser, the reservoir behind Egypt’s Aswan Dam, which produces most of Egypt’s electricity.

So these negotiations over the future of the Nile River’s waters are considered a matter of survival for millions of Egyptians.

What is at stake for Ethiopia?

Ethiopia considers the dam a matter of sovereignty and has been critical of what it believes is foreign interference in the matter.

It started building its dam at the start of the Arab Spring in March 2011 without consulting Egypt.

It refused to be bound a 1929 treaty that gave Egypt and Sudan rights to almost all the Nile’s water without considering upstream countries.

The dam, with a capacity to generate a massive 6,000 MW of electricity, is at the heart of the country’s manufacturing and industrial dreams.

Ethiopia has an acute shortage of electricity, with 65% of its population not connected to the grid.

The energy generated will be enough to have its citizens connected and sell the surplus power to neighbouring countries, including Sudan, South Sudan, Kenya, Djibouti and Eritrea.

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Explore the Nile with 360 video

Join BBC reporter Alastair Leithead and his team, travelling in 2018 from the Blue Nile’s source to the sea – through Ethiopia and Sudan into Egypt.

BBC News

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Why Egypt is Winning on the Diplomatic Front

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Aklog Birara (Dr.)

Ethiopia began the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), a monumental project estimated to cost $4 billion in 2011, with fanfare and ceremony. I welcomed this initiative that was conceived by Emperor Haile Selassie but made virtually unattainable because of Egyptian rigidity and the prevailing diplomatic conditions at the time.

I continue to contend that Ethiopia serves as the origin of 90 percent of Nile waters and has a legitimate right not only to finish the GERD for electric power generation; but also, to construct other dams for irrigation. Egypt’s colonial position of “historical and natural rights” over the Abbay River and other tributaries of the Nile is no longer a winning proposition.

In my considered opinion, Egypt and its allies are trying to undermine Ethiopia’s development objectives by bolstering weaponizing ethnic and religious division. The widespread instability, arms trafficking, robbery, lawlessness and rebellion throughout Ethiopia is deliberate and well financed to dismantle Ethiopia. The ethnic-federal system and administrative structure that the TPLF with support from other ethnic parties and foreign governments imposed on the Ethiopian people has diminished Ethiopian national identity and replaced it with ethnic identity.

Ethiopia is now porous, vulnerable and weak. Its intuitions cater more to ethnic and religious elites and less to Ethiopian national goals. “Amhara, Oromo, Tigre etc. first” is a mantra that diminishes Ethiopian nationalism. This is the reason why Ethiopia in 2020 is identified as a “failing or failed state.” Remember the old adage “You reap what you sow.”  The seeds of dismantlement were sown when the current nationality and language-based constitution was formalized. Ethiopia is the only country in Africa that incorporated secession. It is the only county in Africa that legalized ethnic political formation, with the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Party (EPRDF) that has now morphed into the Prosperity Party as Ethiopia’s pioneer in the ethnicization of politics.

While the ethnic coalition may have evolved, its roots, political culture, ideology, structure and institutional making are still intact. This setting diminishes Ethiopia’s capacity and resolve to defend its national interests. Its adversaries, including Egypt take advantage of this internal weakness.     

Despite this disadvantage, I suggest strongly that the most reasonable policy option is for Egypt, Ethiopia and North Sudan to agree on an equitable and fair position that serves all countries. Ethiopia won’t remain weak and fragmented. Accordingly, allowing Ethiopia to finish the GERD is a prerequisite for future win-win options. If Egypt refuses to budge, Ethiopia should revert to other options, including constructions of numerous irrigation dams throughout the country. Irrigation dams will, in fact, have serious and adverse impacts on water volume than hydroelectric dams; and will affect Egypt.

Egypt should stop insisting that the filling of the Dam takes over many decades to ensure that Egypt is not affected. This position penalizes Ethiopia and reduces the economic benefits that accrue from Ethiopia’s investment. Ethiopia must not be penalized to mitigate Egyptian fears. The current impasse that United States, the World Bank and others are trying to mediate should not delay the timely completion of the GERD.

Egypt must honor international law and standards that every civilized nation accepts. Equally, the government of Ethiopia must be firm and unwavering. It must apply diplomatic pressure on Egypt; and must muster the will and resolve to defend Ethiopian national interests. Ethiopian opposition parties must support the project and express anger and resentment against Egypt’s proxy wars and propaganda.

Why does the impasse persist?

The primary reason is this. Egypt insists that it should not allow a decrease of an ounce of water from its “historical” allotment that it granted itself with the consent of the British and its Sudanese cohorts. Ethiopia and other Sub-Saharan African riparian states were treated as irrelevant and unworthy of participation. This perception does no longer hold water. Egypt has to accept that it is dealing with a rising Black Africa against which it won’t win in the long term. Africans deserve equitable treatment.

Ethiopia needs to stand firm.

Egypt can no longer defend its “historical and natural rights” position in any reasonable international court as long as Ethiopian officials deploy patriotic and skilled diplomats and technical experts in defense of Ethiopia’s legitimate position.

Ethiopia must show national resolve and strength.

Sadly, for Ethiopia, Egypt has other tools that it has deployed with aplomb. It is called proxy wars. It identifies ethnic and religious silos and vulnerabilities in Ethiopia; finances agents and saboteurs everywhere; creates insecurities and uncertainties; and promotes a deliberate program of Ethiopia’s Balkanization and dismemberment with the intent of continuing Egyptian hegemony over Nile waters in perpetuity. It penetrates core institutions such as security and defense. It propagates propaganda by hiring subversives etc.

Egypt would have been unable to do the above and more without internal agents and surrogates. A strong and unified Ethiopian federal government leadership would deal with these pockets of entry and vulnerabilities immediately and forcefully by going after and arresting and jailing agents such as ethnic extremists and religious fundamentalists. Colleges and universities are among the centers of Egyptian penetration. For example, Amhara college and university students outside the Amhara region are subjected to the worst form of inhumane treatment in Ethiopian history. Among the culprits are agents of external forces such as Egypt and Iran. At least 10 Amhara students have been killed or hacked. Girls are abducted and raped in day light. Abduction of girls is identical to the case of Nigerian girls abducted by Boko Haram. At least 10 young people have been murdered or hacked to death. An estimated 40 to 50 thousand Amhara students, most of them in Oromia, have been expelled. Many have been beaten and dehumanized.

Where in Africa does such inhumanity against students have taken place and have been tolerated? Why does the global media ignore such crimes against girls and boys?  Why do Ethiopian opposition parties and academics ignore to voice their anger and frustration?

Tragically, Amhara students who protested against whole sale murders and expulsions have been arrested and or dismissed from their schools in the Amhara region. For all practical purpose, there is no regional or federal leadership that stands for human rights and the rule law in Ethiopia.

Who benefits from these cruelties and inhumane treatments? Egypt, ethnic elites and fundamentalists, of course. Who does the bidding of anti-Ethiopian forces?

There is ample evidence to show that federal and regional authorities are now part and parcel of the problem with regard to the mistreatment of Amhara students. Ethiopia today is identified as a failing nation, unheard of even under the TPLF dominated regime. A failed or failing state does not protect its citizens. A stable state does.

What is the proof of Ethiopia’s failed or failing state?

  1. Extremists, including Boko-Haram, Al-Shabab and other look alkies are thriving
  2. Ethnicity and ethnic fragmentation are widespread
  3. You cannot afford to travel and expect to return home alive
  4. Personal insecurity is at an all-time high
  5. Investments are being destroyed
  6. Land and property prices are at an all time high and profiteers are every where
  7. Robberies and armament shipments arms trafficking are rampant
  8. Regional and federal police are either incapable of ensuring law and order or are complicit in the acts
  9. Inhumane and cruel treatments are normalized, for instance, 7 children who work as shepherds in the Amhara region were murdered
  10. Unknown armed groups roam in some parts of Ethiopia and demand ransoms
  11. The rule of law is remains unaddressed
  12. Criminals are not hold responsible for crimes

Ethiopia’s worsening humanitarian crisis is best illustrated by the recent UN report and call that as many as 10 million Ethiopians, most of them in Oromia and Somali regions would need emergency food aid over the coming months.

At least 3 million Ethiopian remain displaced.

Further, Ethiopia continues to suffer from an unsustainable debt level and from crushing high unemployment of youth. This fact alone contributes to Ethiopia’s vulnerabilities. This environment offers a fertile ground for extremist forces that exploit it in serving their narrow and short-term interests as described by the International Criss Group and by Foreign Policy.

It is against these serious and dangerous scenarios of existential threat for Ethiopia and the wellbeing of its 115 million people that the current government is proposing an election.

Whether we accept it or not, Ethiopian ethnic elites, home grown ethnicsts, terrorists and fundamentalists that are also re-writing Ethiopia’s history via new curriculum are doing Egypt’s bidding. They are determined to destroy Ethiopia.

This environment favors Egypt and not Ethiopia.

I shall provide a few illustrative examples by comparing Egypt’s political economy with Ethiopia’s to hammer my argument.

  1. Egypt possesses the largest consumer market in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA); while Ethiopia is endowed with Africa’s second largest population and possesses one of the world’s largest water towers.
  2. Egypt’s economy is the most diversified in Africa; while Ethiopia’s still agriculture based.
  3. Egypt’s private sector is thriving while Ethiopia’s is dominated by party and state-owned enterprises.
  4. Egypt attracted more than $2.6 billion in American Foreign Direct Investment (FDI); while Ethiopia’s is a miniscule half billion from the U.S. during the same period.
  5. By 2030, Egypt plans to provide more microfinance to women in rural areas; and intends to create an estimated 100,000 jobs in rural areas; and 25 percent of bank loans shall be channeled to small and medium enterprises while Ethiopia’s is still unknown.
  6. Egypt tries to scuttle Ethiopia’s GERD while it plans to build the largest solar park destination in Africa with intent to generate 4 million new jobs for its people.
  7. Egypt’s growth pillars include energy, science and technology, research, health services, investments in its female workforce of 35 percent in 2030 and 750,000 graduates and jobs each year while Ethiopia is unable to provide personal security for its college and other high-level graduates in place.
  8. Egypt is at least stable; Ethiopia is not.

Egypt is led by a nationalist and patriotic regime.

  1. Ethiopia’s agriculture sector dominates at 34.8 percent and industry at 21. 6 percent in 2019 and the services sector a huge 43. 6 percent of GDP.
  2. Egypt plans to attract more than 10 million visitors each year and plans to invest $675 billion in new physical infrastructure investments in the coming 20 years while Ethiopia suffers from internal insecurity and lawlessness.
  3. Ethiopia has enormous potential for tourism but is unsafe. Its physical and social infrastructure is undeveloped. Internet technology is undeveloped. Electric and water services are erratic. Personal security and safety are not assured.

Nevertheless, Ethiopia has enormous potential for cultural, historical site, physical and other forms of tourism. It can attract at least 1 million Chinese visitors each year and millions more from other parts of the globe. It must, first and foremost provide safety and security for its own citizens.

Egypt has finally restored security. It is therefore able to reattract millions of tourists each year.

Despite corruption and a repressive regime, Egypt offers more opportunities. Its economic development model is based on boosting domestic productivity, the private sector, capacity building and employment met generation for youth and females. The private sector dominates economic and social life.

In comparing Ethiopia and Egypt, what concerns me most is that Egypt’s private sector shall account for $230 billion of investments, with Egyptian private individuals owning more assets compared to Ethiopia’s private sector that will continue to suffer from miniscule private sector participation and ownership of private assets. This log-jam in policy must be broken soon.

Ethiopia’s youth is among the most disempowered in Africa and the Middle East. The private sector is among the least developed in Africa.

In summary:

  1. Ethiopia must provide safety and security for all its youth. Its government leadership at all levels, especially federal authorities including the Prime Minister must show the courage, determination and resolve to stop lawlessness, robbery, murder and burnings etc. Criminals, including those who abuse human rights must be held accountable.

 

  1. Ethiopian authorities must restore public confidence by resorting law and order; by guaranteeing the safety and security of each and every Ethiopian. They can demonstrate resolve by announcing a special proclamation that each and every student in the country has the full support and backing of the government; and that anyone who transgresses and abuses students will be brought to a court of law and will face severe punishment.

 

  1. Authorities can and should reinstate all students expelled from their campuses. Parents whose children were murdered or violated must be compensated. If authorities can’t provide security, they must allow each and every student to go back to their regional state and attend education there.

 

  1. Authorities must go after extremist, jihadist and terrorist forces and hate mongers. They must go after sources of funding of extremist and hate groups, and apply diplomatic pressures against governments including Egypt that support and fund surrogates.

 

  1. Authorizes must first and foremost give priority to protecting and preserving Ethiopia and defending the security of all of its 115 million people. This is the first priority of the federal government before any election.

 

  1. Authorities must no longer allow a porous and undefended border. Weapons traffickers and merchants of death must be punished and source of arms purchases must be stopped.

 

  1. Authorities must be persuaded to hold an all-inclusive conference and arrive at a national consensus on the future of Ethiopia before any election. Ethiopia’s centrality must be acknowledged and defended by all Ethiopians.

 

  1. Finally, the government of Ethiopia must stand firm with regard to the timely completion of the GERD.

 

 

1/17/2020

 

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Cheetah smuggling out of Ethiopia ‘fuelled by exotic pets demand’

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Cheetahs are trafficked from the Horn of Africa to the Gulf states

A growing demand for exotic pets in Saudi Arabia and the UAE is fuelling the smuggling of cheetahs in Ethiopia, a top Ethiopian wildlife official has told the BBC.

Every month, at least four cheetahs were smuggled to the Gulf nations, Daniel Pawlos said.

Smugglers sell the animals for more than $10,000 (£7,600) to wealthy families.

Only 7,100 cheetahs are left in the wild, at least 90% of them in Africa.

Cheetahs are an endangered species, according to the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (Cites).

Ethiopians were being financially lured into capturing and selling cheetah cubs, said Mr Pawlos, who is the director of Ethiopian Wildlife Development and Protection Authority.

They are paid between 10,000 to 15,000 Ethiopian birr ($310-466; £230-355) for each cub.

Smugglers then moved the animals to Hargeisa, the capital of self-declared independent Somaliland, and then trafficked to oil-rich Saudia Arabia and the UAE through Yemen, Mr Pawlos said.

He added that the cubs were sold on the black market for more than $10,000 to rich people who wanted to keep them as exotic pets and as a status symbol.

On Thursday, security forces in Saudi Arabia were reported to have arrested people accused of trying to smuggle cheetahs into the country.

They say they noticed movements in bags that a group were carrying on their backs. The bags were opened and the cheetahs discovered, Al-Madina news agency reported.

A video uploaded online by Al-Madina shows what purports to be three of the cheetahs.

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Conservationists say many cheetahs die en route to the Gulf states, and that the illegal trade is threatening to wipe out their populations in countries like Somalia and Ethiopia.

BBC News

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Egypt and Ethiopia Said to Be Close to Accord on Renaissance Dam

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Foreign Policy- FP
BY KEITH JOHNSON

A general view of the Blue Nile river as it passes through the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), near Guba in Ethiopia, on December 26, 2019. – The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, a 145-metre-high, 1.8-kilometre-long concrete colossus is set to become the largest hydropower plant in Africa.
Across Ethiopia, poor farmers and rich businessmen alike eagerly await the more than 6,000 megawatts of electricity officials say it will ultimately provide.
Yet as thousands of workers toil day and night to finish the project, Ethiopian negotiators remain locked in talks over how the dam will affect downstream neighbours, principally Egypt. (Photo by EDUARDO SOTERAS / AFP) (Photo by EDUARDO SOTERAS/AFP via Getty Images)

Three days of intensive discussions in Washington, under the auspices of the U.S. Treasury and the World Bank, may have laid the groundwork for a preliminary agreement that could defuse growing tensions between Egypt and Ethiopia over the construction of Africa’s largest dam.

The overtime talks—lasting a day longer than scheduled—did not yet reach final agreement on the trickiest questions about how Ethiopia will operate the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) or fully address Egypt’s fears about how the hydroelectric project could affect downstream flows of the Nile River, for millennia the country’s literal lifeblood. The two countries, along with Sudan, agreed to meet again at the end of January with an eye toward nailing down precisely those technical questions, which have so far defied consensus and led to bitter recriminations between Cairo and Addis Ababa.

But at least, after four inconclusive meetings in recent months, Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan seem to have reached an agreement on what’s left to solve if they are to avoid open conflict over a project that has generated ill will and threats of military intervention since Ethiopia announced the dam’s construction almost a decade ago.

“The filling of the GERD will be executed in stages and will be undertaken in an adaptive and cooperative manner that takes into consideration the hydrological conditions of the Blue Nile and the potential impact of the filling on downstream reservoirs,” the concerned parties said in a statement late Wednesday.

The preliminary agreement, even if it leaves many important details undetermined, is important because Ethiopia is just months away from beginning to fill the dam’s giant reservoir, during which it could begin to divert flows of water from Egypt downstream. The fight over the GERD has become one of the most watched water conflicts in the world and, if not solved soon, could be a harbinger of what’s to come as climate change and shifting rainfall patterns put even more strain on water-stressed countries with growing populations.

“It’s a foreshadowing of the water issues that we will be facing in the future, in which water will be a source of conflict much more than in the past,” said Paul Sullivan, a water and energy expert at the National Defense University. The three countries have spent the past eight years trying to find a solution, before finally turning toward the potential of international mediation last year if differences couldn’t be resolved.

“It won’t just be the Nile. There will be some massive water conflicts, and if we can’t solve this one, it doesn’t bode well.”

“It won’t just be the Nile. There will be some massive water conflicts, and if we can’t solve this one, it doesn’t bode well,” he said.

This showdown between Ethiopia and Egypt began in 2011, when Ethiopia took advantage of Egypt’s distraction with the Arab Spring to begin construction on the long-planned GERD, a massive hydroelectric project on the Blue Nile just across the border from Sudan. A dream since the 1960s, the dam is meant to provide huge amounts of clean electricity for the power-starved nation, energy that could both fuel economic development and bring in cash through international electricity sales. Across several Ethiopian administrations, the dam has become a must-have project politically—especially since Ethiopians themselves underwrote its $4.6 billion cost with a popular bond issue—and that’s doubly the case this year, with parliamentary elections tentatively set for late summer or fall.

But for Egypt, the dam at the headwaters of the Nile represents a potentially existential threat. Some 90 percent of Egypt’s water comes from the Nile, and about 57 percent of that Nile water comes from the Blue Nile flows that Ethiopia is seeking to dam. And it will be a huge one: The reservoir behind the GERD, once filled, will hold about 74 billion cubic meters of water—well over a year’s worth of river flow through that location.

In recent years, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi had threatened to use military force to stop the dam’s construction, and it remains a heated subject in both the Egyptian and Ethiopian press. Sudan, caught in the literal middle between the other two countries, initially opposed the dam but came to support it since it promises irrigation and electricity benefits and a way to regulate irregular flows of water that often lead to devastating floods.

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Can Ethiopia hold a credible 2020 election?

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PM Abiy Ahmed, upon coming to power in April 2018, promised to hold democratic, credible polls with a clear timeline

Addıs Getachew Tadesse   |

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia

The much anticipated announcement of voting day for the 2020 elections in Ethiopia came just on Wednesday – it is tentatively proposed for Aug. 16.

The stakes are high, and controversy has already begun over the timetable, which the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) has rolled out as part of an electoral calendar for 2020.

Security and seasonal considerations came up as major concerns expressed by leaders of political parties vying for seats in the coming elections.

“Ethiopia as a nation is not ready to hold general parliamentary elections,” said outspoken opposition politician Lidetu Ayalew of the Ethiopian Democratic Party.

He was referring to ongoing ethnic-based clashes over the past couple of years across the country that in recent months had made their way into universities where tens of students were killed in gang-like clashes between students grouped along ethnic lines.

There has also been unprecedented hostage taking of students, including female students from a university in the country’s southwest last week. The news, which was played down in national media, sent shockwaves across the nation. Little has emerged on the fate of the girls, who are rumored to also be victims of rape.

Further, a splinter faction of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) called Shane was reported to have been waging war in a southwestern area of Kelem Wollega in the Oromia region, and according to witnesses, a clash between OLF-Shane and government troops last week bordered on a serious battle for ground, not just a shootout of sorts.

“The current security situation in Ethiopia does not allow for the conduct of a credible election,” Lidetu said after attending the unveiling event of the electoral calendar by NEBE.

The ruling party – a former ruling coalition of four parties that recently morphed into a unified entity called the Prosperity Party (PP) – negated that idea of a security shortfall though.

According to the PP, the nation is prepared to embark on its sixth edition of parliamentary elections that come every five years and the government will work to ensure law and order across the nation.

“The government has the preparedness and the capacity to ensure security across the land,” it said.

OLF leader Dawud Ibsa was of a different opinion.

The OLF is a hitherto outlawed party that had waged an armed struggle against the now-defunct administration that ruled Ethiopia with an iron grip since 1991.

Soft-spoken but sharp with an ice-cold seriousness of purpose, Dawud — who returned to Ethiopia to embark on peaceful participation in the political life of the country after the coming to power of Africa’s youngest leader, Abiy Ahmed, in 2018 — presents seasonal reasons for objecting to the new electoral timetable just put out by the election board.

“August is a rainy season when rivers will bulge, making it difficult for people of the countryside to move about,” he said.

The election should be held in or before June — prior to the onset of the main rainy season, that is.

The Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice Party (EZEMA), whose policies are diametrically opposite to those of the OLF, has joined the latter in expressing the same concern.

“The fact of the proposed election date being in August would create logistical problems,” said EZEMA’s Public Relations Head Natnael Feleke.

While the argument goes on, looking at it from the point of view of NEBE, the electoral timetable appears to be a willy-nilly necessity.

The Ethiopian Constitution stipulates that the next parliament should commence work in the first week of October.

“The election calendar we are rolling out was prepared in consideration of constitutional provisions,” said Birtukan Mideksa, head of NEBE.

The former opposition politician, who endured years of imprisonment in the pre-2018 era, Birtukan as head of NEBE seems to enjoy bi-partisan support.

Parties to look out for

The upcoming election promises to be a hotly contested one. That is if the government keeps its promise of making the process democratic.

Parties to look out for will be the Prosperity Party, a former four-party ruling coalition that just morphed into one unified entity by bringing many regionally active parties to the fold. Its predecessor was the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which ruled the country for nearly 28 years with an iron fist, and in a system head-over-heels corrupt.

The EPRDF was formed by guerrilla fighters who controlled the country after defeating the Derg regime of Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991.

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) led the coalition as a mover and shaker. Now it has distanced itself from the PP, and the status under which TPLF will vie in the upcoming election is yet to be made clear.

The party that promises to put up a fierce challenge to the PP is the OLF, a party with a huge mass base across Oromia, the most populous region in the country. It supports ethnic federalism.

EZEMA is also a party to reckon with in the upcoming election. It is led by the very well-known Berhanu Nega, whose coalition swept up Addis Ababa and other constituencies in the 2005 election – an election that remained in the minds of Ethiopia to be the most democratic, considering the process, but one that saw bloody post-election days.

The nation, bracing for a democratic election, should have in mind those days of violence.

Many politicians believe that the coming election offers Ethiopia one last chance to come out as a democratic country or fall back into tyrannical rule like past regimes or into disorder and mayhem.

The stakes, many agree, are high this time around.

The post Can Ethiopia hold a credible 2020 election? appeared first on Ethiopian Registrar: Ethiopian News/Breaking News.

Democracy, the End Game in Ethiopia: From EleKtions to Free and Fair Elections in 2020 (Part II)

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By Alemayehu G. Mariam

… My view is that rule of law is a quintessential principle of good democratic governance. It is a vital part of statecraft (the art of leading a country). It is a fundamental element in nation-building, state-building, peace-building, democracy-building, justice-building and truth and reconciliation. I do not equate the rule of law with democracy, but I believe it makes genuine multiparty democracy possible through institutional arrangements for conducting clean, free and fair elections. – Alemayehu G. Mariam, “The Rule of Law in Ethiopia’s Democratic Transition”, Commentary, April 2, 2012.

The penalty for refusing to participate in politics is that you end up ruled by worse men than yourself.”

When you point a finger at somebody else, there are three fingers pointing back at you.

Author’s Note: The regular quinquennial (every 5 years) Ethiopian parliamentary elections generally held in May have been postponed to August 2020. The National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) explained it needed the extra time to complete the necessary groundwork to properly set up the election. That is prudent action by the NEBE given the complexity and enormity of the task in organizing and executing a free and fair election as shall be demonstrated in the discussion below.

In Part I of this commentary, I reflected on past elections in Ethiopia, my role as an election commentator-cum-critic and advocate and examined the legal and scholarly standards for a free and fair election.

In Part II, I shall examine the recently enacted Proclamation No. 1162/2019 (The Ethiopian Electoral, Political Parties Registration and Election’s Code of Conduct Proclamation [“Proclamation”]) and make the seminal argument that guaranteeing a free and fair election in 2020 is not just the responsibility of the government but most importantly those outside of government. In other words, the best way to have a free and fair election is for all stakeholders to come together in the spirit of Medemer in the run up to the election and work together in good will and good faith for a common cause.

I have prepared the two-part series on the 2020 election in Ethiopia after talking to many learned colleagues and others about their thoughts on what constitutes a “free and fair election”. I regret to say so many of my learned colleagues were simply unaware and uninformed about the international legal standards, the academic literature or best practices in the conduct of free and fair elections and the Ethiopian election law.

On a personal point, when I came to America 50 years ago to study political science as an undergraduate student, I cut my teeth on Almond and Verba’s “Civic Culture” , the groundbreaking  study of democratic systems in the U.S.,  Germany, Mexico, Italy, and the U.K. They argued  a “civic culture is based on communication and persuasion, a culture of consensus and diversity and a culture that allows and moderates change.”

Underlying a civic culture that sustains and nurtures democracy must be a strong foundation of the rule of law. As I argued in my April 2012 commentary, a civic culture of rule of law makes genuine multiparty democracy possible through legislative and institutional arrangements for conducting clean, free and fair elections.

Fifty years later, I have transitioned from a foreign undergraduate student of political science to a professor emeritus of political science and a constitutional lawyer. Yet, I am grappling with the very question of “civic culture” of my undergraduate days in retirement as I contemplate and carry water for those young leaders toiling every day to transition Ethiopia from dictatorship to democracy.

The irony of the circle of life. I am back to square one.

Proclamation No. 1162/2019 (“The Ethiopian Electoral, Political Parties Registration and Election’s Code of Conduct Proclamation”)

Proclamation No. 1162/2019 [hereinafter “Proclamation] has been criticized by some opposition elements on various grounds: 1) The Proclamation makes it more difficult for the opposition to challenge the ruling coalition. 2) The registration requirement for national parties to prove at least 10 thousand founding members and 4 thousand for local parties is unfair and burdensome. 3) The provision that civil servants must temporarily vacate their jobs if they decide to run for office is unnecessary and unwarranted. 4) The Proclamation was drafted in a “non-inclusive” manner and without consideration of input from the opposition. 5) Last minute changes were made to the Proclamation without knowledge or consultation of the opposition.

Be that as it may, I have a completely different take on the Proclamation from the perspective of international standards and the scholarly literature on the prerequisites of free and fair elections. (See Part I of this commentary.)

Proclamation No. 1162/2019 is a piece of legislation that has been drafted in meticulous detail with adherence to international standards. In my analysis below, I will only highlight some of the parts I found most impressive. The reader, and anyone who disagrees with my analysis and perspective, is free to review the whole proclamation at the link above and offer an alternative perspective. Indeed, in the interest of public civic education I challenge all stakeholders to undertake theri own comprehensive analysis of the Proclamation.

Overall, the language of the Proclamation meets all of the fundamental requirements for legislation drafted to ensure free and fair election under international standards and is consistent with best practices. The Proclamation unambiguously affirms the fundamental principles of free and fair elections under international standards, defines the various elements and requirements of the electoral process in meticulous detail, grants complete power to the NEBE in managing supervising, monitoring and instituting electoral processes, provides for maximum accountability and transparency of the NEBE and takes extraordinary measures to prevent voter fraud and irregularities.

The Proclamation is organized in nine parts consisting of 164 articles.

It covers a wide range of election related issues including election administration, organization of constituencies and polling stations, voter registration, campaigns, management of the voting process, vote counting and announcement, formation and certification political parties, certification of election observers, voter education, election code of conduct observance and grievances and dispute resolution procedures, among others.

The Proclamation in my view is the equivalent of an owner’s manual on how to run a fair and free election. The owners are the citizen voters, the political parties, civic society institutions and all others interested in transitioning Ethiopia from dictatorship to democracy.

At the outset, the Proclamation affirms principles basic to free and fair election: universal suffrage, secret ballot and no discrimination.

The Proclamation (Article 2, inter alia) provides clear and unambiguous definitions on a variety of issues in conducting the electoral process. The definitions are detailed and easy to understand and follow.

The Proclamation insulates the NEBE from political interference. The NEBE has only limited relationship with the House of People’s Representatives and no relationship to the executive branch except in nominating Board members. Regarding the House, in addition to confirmation of Board members, the NEBE only has a reporting relationship including providing audit reports, an annual report and consultations in seeking approval for funding for eligible parties.

The Proclamation vests full powers in the NEBE in all aspects of the electoral process. The NEBE is either directly or indirectly involved or oversees and monitors the establishment of constituencies, polling stations, voter registration and education, verification of eligibility of voters and candidates, observance of the election code of conduct, processing of grievances and other related issues.

The responsibilities placed on the NEBE are enormous and complex. Because of that, I believe the postponement of the election from May to August is justified.

There are many challenges facing the NEBE in its efforts to ensure a free and fair election in 2020.

Organizational set up: There are a variety of mechanisms that need to be established or revitalized. For instance, the NEBE is required to establish branch offices at regional and sub-regional levels and even zonal and constituency levels to provide civic and voter education, preparation of permanent voters’ rolls and so on.

Monitoring mechanisms: The NEBE is required to monitor the election process, monitor and take action on alleged complaints and grievances, independently gather election related information and and even verify the income source, expenditure list and assets of political parties.

Verification process:  The NEBE is responsible for ensuring voters and candidates meet detailed eligibility criteria. It has to create mechanisms to ensure proper operation of  polling stations and maintain the integrity of the voting process.

Administrative process: The NEBE is responsible for establishing registration timetables and procedures, issuance of certificates, establishment of constituencies, protection of the secret ballot and issuance of directives in a number of areas.

Ensuring integrity of election: The NEBE is responsible for safeguarding against voter  fraud, ballot box security and vote counting, providing support for disabled, illiterate voters and voting day management.

Code of conduct enforcement: The NEBE is responsible for observance of the election code of conduct by various stakeholders. As of this writing, the NEBE has announced certain members of a political party are engaging in conduct violative of the election code of conduct by campaigning in violation of the Proclamation. The NEBE also monitors equal access to media, government official neutrality and cooperation and use of campaign literature and conduct of debates.

Election security: The NEBE is responsible for ensuring polling station security, preparation to avoid violence, security of election officials and candidates and over security during the election process.

Regulation of political parties: The NEBE is responsible for the process involving the formation of national and regional parties, verification of founding member requirements, monitoring of candidate recruitment, review of party by-laws, financial statements and approval of merger, formation and coalition of parties.

Management of election observers: Article 114 imposes specific responsibilities on the NEBE with respect to election observers.

Voter civic education: Articles 124 and 125 impose enormous responsibilities on the NEBE in the administration of voter education.

Media: The NEBE has various media-related responsibilities including accreditation, monitoring and oversight.

Grievances and disputes: The NEBE has a central role in establishing grievance and complaint procedures and establishing dispute resolution mechanisms.

A Medemer approach to guaranteeing a free and fair election in Ethiopia in 2020

The only way a free and fair election can be guaranteed in Ethiopia in 2020 is if the BIG players in Ethiopia’s end game of democracy come together in the spirit of Medemer and play their part in good faith. Whether the Ethiopian 2020 election will be free and fair depends on at least three things: 1) how the players in the end game of democracy perform their respective duties, obligations and roles, 2) how the National Elections Board implements the 2019 Election Proclamation and 3) the level of pre-election civic engagement.

I hope to share practical ideas about ensuring a free and fair election in 2020 in forthcoming commentaries. Here I offer a synoptic delineation of what I believe to be the critical roles and contributions of the various stakeholders.

Unlike many, I do not believe at all the fate of the 2020 election is in the hands of the government alone. It is true in the past, the “government” has conducted kangaroo elections winning parliamentary seats by 99.6 (2010) and 100 (2015) percent. Given the historic changes of the past 20 months, the level of international interest, the engagement of opposition parties and general public excitement, such daylight robbery of elections is unlikely to happen in 2020.

I believe a free and fair election in 2020 is guaranteed so long as the stakeholder live up to their civic and legal obligations. The key players in the end game, among others, include citizens, government, civil society, opposition groups and parties, faith institutions, the intellectual community, the media, youth, women, the private sector and the international community.

Citizens

If the idea of democracy is about a “government of the people, by the people and for the people,” it is clear the role of citizens in elections is of paramount importance. The core idea of democracy is that the citizens are the ultimate holders of power and have the absolute right to choose their system of government through free and fair elections. This is a fundamental proposition affirmed in Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of human Rights and numerous other conventions.

To ensure a free and fair election in 2020, Ethiopian citizens have civic obligations. They must understand in a democracy it is their civic duty to vote for their choice of leaders and government. Of course, they have the right not to vote or participate, but they cannot complain later. Voting without a basic understanding of  the powers and duties of their government and constitution diminishes their sovereign power. They have an obligation to know their rights and obligations as citizens. They should also know who they are voting for and why. They must be informed about the critical issues in the election and how they like to see them addressed.

Citizen engagement takes many forms. Citizens can energize the election by joining parties, running for office, participating in civic education, providing support to their preferred parties, mobilizing voters, attending meetings to gain information, discuss issues and even campaigning for their candidates.

Government leaders and officials

The role of government and the incumbent administration in safeguarding the electoral process cannot be overstated. It is the national and local governments’ principal responsibility to ensure the integrity of the electoral process and promote and protect broad access to the vote and ensure that every voter’s right to cast a ballot is protected. It is the government has the sole power to protect the electoral process from interference and violence. The government must be ready to deploy the necessary human and material resources to protect the election process from internal and external interference. They must put in place policies and procedures to act swiftly when there is evidence of illegality in the entire elections process.

The National Election Board of Ethiopia is established as an independent and autonomous body with vast responsibilities and powers to ensure a free and fair election. The Board’s principal duty is to ensure impartial administration of the election proclamation and perform its duties with high levels of accountability and transparency. As discussed above, the NEBE has enormous duties and responsibilities.

Scholars, academics and intellectuals

Ethiopian intellectuals have long faced a dilemma. I have been looking for them for a long time as I inquired in my June 2010 commentary, “Where Have the Ethiopian Intellectuals Gone?” More broadly, the role of African intellectuals in the continent leaves much to be desired. Some may consider George Ayittey’s judgment rather harsh: “So hordes of politicians, lecturers, professionals, lawyers, and doctors sold themselves off into prostitution and voluntary bondage to serve the dictates of military vagabonds with half their intelligence.”

I believe a higher calling awaits Ethiopia’s intellectuals in the 2020 election. I agree with the  late Prof. Edward Said who wrote the role of the intellectual is “not always a matter of being a critic of government policy, but rather of thinking of the intellectual vocation as maintaining a state of constant alertness, of a perpetual willingness not to let half-truths or received ideas steer one along…”

I also agree with the late Czech president, human rights advocate and playwright Vaclav Havel said, “The intellectual should constantly disturb, should bear witness to the misery of the world…  should be the chief doubter of systems, of power and its incantations, should be a witness to their mendacity.”

Ethiopian intellectuals can play a critical role in ensuring a free and fair election in 2020 by engaging in scholarship and debate on democracy, educating the public and raising the level of discourse in society.

My view is that the paramount role for Ethiopian intellectuals is to become a voice for the voiceless, the marginalized, the weak, the uneducated and the impoverished. Others may disagree.

I consider myself an “organic activist public intellectual” because I am involved in a small way in helping to build up democracy and the rule of law in Ethiopia. What I am doing in this two-part commentary and the over one thousand commentaries I have written over the past 14 years attests to that fact.

Other intellectuals can articulate their own roles but there are core values that we must all share despite our opinions and partisanship in the 2020 elections.

Ethiopian intellectuals can contribute to the conduct of a free and fair election by teaching  the public on democratic practices that work and do not. They can share useful ideas and solutions to Ethiopia’s diverse problems. They can shape social change and public opinion through their scholarship, speeches, writing and public appearances. They can develop policies and strategies for the society at large or for partisan causes. They can come together can apply pressure and influence on the government. They can help their preferred parties and candidates by drafting policy proposals, collecting data and providing analysis to help them win elections.

Political opposition groups and parties

The days of the winner-takes-all are gone. In 2015, the TPLF claimed to have won 100 percent of the seats in the parliament and 99.6 percent in 2010.

Over the past decades, opposition political parties and groups have been victimized, suppressed, persecuted and prosecuted. Following the 2005 election, dozens of opposition party leaders were imprisoned and 35 given life sentences.

Opposition parties in Ethiopia have been weakened not only by the incumbent regimes but also by their own lack of internal democracy, ideological conflicts, factional internal struggles over position and succession and the curse of cultish leadership that has been a bane on opposition politics.

Opposition parties could play a critical role in shaping policy agendas, conducting civic education, fighting corruption and generally holding the government accountable and transparent. They can organize campaigns, recruit candidates and mobilize citizens to engage in elections and the political process.

Unfortunately, Ethiopian opposition parties in the past have been adept at criticizing the government than offering alternatives. In the 2020 election, they can be successful if they are able to offer clear alternatives to the ruling party’s policies, ideas and programs. They are unlikely to win the hearts and minds of the citizens by moaning and groaning and playing victimology.

Of course, opposition parties do not have the same resources as the ruling party. That is why it is necessary for the Board to ensure a level playing field for them in terms of access and fair treatment and provide resources for them as set forth in Article 100.

Civil society

Civil society institutions (CSO) in Ethiopia were virtually criminalized by the TPLF regime. The 2009 Proclamation, described as the “most restrictive of its kind in Sub-Saharan Africa” “decimated independent civil society in Ethiopia by placing draconian restrictions on the ability of civil society organizations to raise funds, choose their areas of engagement and form coalitions and partnerships.” All that has changed with a new proclamation.

Civil society institutions could play a variety of roles in the 2020 election including “watchdog” ensuring  compliance of various provisions of the electoral laws by the Board, candidates and political parties. They could monitor and blow the whistle when things are occurring in violation of law. They can mobilize broad, diverse, and large-scale participation in their electoral activities. They can educate citizens, promote dialogue and bring broad-based consensus on basic national issues, create the right environment for debate, dialogue and compromise. They can  promote pluralism and tolerance. Articles 115, 124 and 125 of the Proclamation provide specific roles for civic society in the election process.

Media

The importance and role of the media in general in the 2020 election is going to be critical. Their role covers the whole gamut beginning with the pre-election period and continuing through the campaign period voting day and the counting of the results.

The media could play a number of critical roles in the 2020 election: 1) as watchdogs, 2) public educators (e.g. political agendas of all participating parties and candidates equally) and 3) facilitators of public debates (hold open forums for debates), among other things.

In the past, the problem has been the incumbent party has abused state-owned media for partisan purposes by making them mouthpieces for the ruling party.  Privately-owned media have been sensitive to the political climate and not to offend the ruling party which licenses them.

The media can play a significant role by serving as the public voice, analyst and interpreter of the entire electoral process. The media can sponsor dialogues and debates that include the diversity of voices in Ethiopian society and engage experts, candidates and officials in public forums.

Articles 44 and 126 of the Proclamation provide a regulatory scheme for the operation of media in the electoral process.

Social media has raised the issue of hate speech and the likely effect of social media on the 2020 election. I have addressed that issue at length in my recent two-part commentaries.

International community

The international community in the past has tried to play a constructive and positive role in Ethiopian elections. Previous regimes in Ethiopia have looked at the role of the international community more as an interference than help. That is no longer true today as many international agencies and bodies are providing electoral assistance.

In its January 2019 summary report, USAID outlined its assistance to Ethiopia in four areas of good governance: 1) enhancing the status of human rights protection and systems, 2) local capacity development, 3) sustained dialogue and 4) strengthening institutions for peace and development.

I am aware USAID in other countries has promoted good governance and democratic reforms through programming in election administration, political party support, parliamentary strengthening, technical support for electoral boards and commissions, funding for voter education and registration activities, with particular emphasis on targeting women, youth, and people with disabilities, national voter information, education and mobilization campaigns.

If such programming is not taking place in Ethiopia, it should be considered as it has been very useful in other countries.

The UN Development Programme also runs an ”election support project” in Ethiopia to enhance the conduct of transparent, efficient and inclusive elections to develop capacities to conduct public outreach and external communication activities.

The European Union has programs to support the “establishment of governments through free and fair elections” in Ethiopia. Administered through the European Center for Electoral Support, it “works with all electoral stakeholders, including electoral management bodies, civil society organizations involved in voter education and election observation, political parties, parliaments, media, security forces, religious groups and legal institutions confronted with electoral disputes resolution.

I believe it is useful to seek election assistance from countries that have had successful projects in other countries.

Youth participation

It is estimated that young people constitute 70 percent of the Ethiopia’s 100 million people. I am not aware of any voter studies on Ethiopia’s young people but I am informed that they are generally disengaged from the political processes, despite the previous regime’s effort to buy their support. I am also informed that there is cynicism and distrust of institutions among the young people and they are affected by a feeling of economic exclusion and marginalization.

It appears at least among the active youth community social media plays an important role. My view is that social media platforms are used in negative and destructive ways, especially to spread fear, alarm, fake news disinformation and spreading rumors that could cause violence. I have addressed that issue in my November 2019 commentary.

Young people are particularly vulnerable to electoral-related violence, harassment and  intimidation during registration and polling and other pressures and  interference in their exercise of their right to vote.

All stakeholders should make extraordinary efforts to mobilize and engage the youth population in the electoral process. Youth training in grassroots mobilizing and organizing could prove very effective in ensuring a free and fair election in 2020.

However, before young people could be properly involved or represented in political institutions and elections, they must know their rights and be given the necessary knowledge and capacity to participate in a meaningful way at all levels.

Youth inclusion in the electoral process is going to be one of the challenging aspects of the 2020 election but with unified commitment by all stakeholders, the outcome should be positive.

Women’s empowerment

It is self-evident women are treated differently in society and political process not only in Ethiopia but worldwide. Ethiopia “suffers from some of lowest gender equality performance indicators in sub-Saharan Africa and women and girls are strongly disadvantaged compared to boys and men in several areas, including literacy, health, livelihoods and basic human rights.”

In the past two years, under the leadership of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia has been a stellar example for the world.

The simple fact is Ethiopia is poor because its women are poor. Period!

There can be no free and free election when women are not actively engaged in the electoral process not just as voters but also as candidates, politicians, civil society activists and other capacities.

Women’s participation in political processes in Ethiopia lags considerably mostly because of structural gender inequality issues and discrimination.

I have seen it hundreds of times over the past 14 years at diaspora meetings. I cannot say that I have attended a meeting, conference or forum where women constituted more than 10 ten percent of the attendees tops.

In July 2010, in my commentary, “Speaking Truth on Behalf of Ethiopian Women”, I complained about the mistreatment of women in Ethiopia and called for a special movement championing Ethiopian women’s human rights, “hu(wo)men’s rights”.

It is highly encouraging that the proportion of seats held by women in Ethiopia’s parliament today is 38.76 percent.

If there is going to be a free and fair election in 2020, mechanisms must be found to significantly enhance the participation of women in the elections not only as candidates and party leaders but also as voter educators, campaigners, debate participants, election observers, journalists, moderators and other activities.

Private Sector

I believe the private sector (collectively small and big businesses) have “corporate social responsibility (that is, social accountability) in ensuring the 2020 election will be free and fair.

In past elections, small and big business owners have been squeezed by the ruling party for contributions and campaign support. The EPRDF coalition acted independently when it came to getting campaign contributions often extorting donations over and over. Some business owners have been coopted and others forced to engage in corrupt practices in their relations with the parties.

I believe the private sector could engage in its own activism and philanthropy in supporting a free and fair election in 2020.

The private sector could help finance the efforts of civic societies to “get out the vote”,  help get more voters to the polls, encourage their employees to register to vote, among other things.

Faith institutions and community leaders

I believe in separation of state and religion. Article 11 of the Ethiopian Constitution provides, “The State shall not interfere in religious affairs; neither shall religion interfere in the affairs of the State.”

Having said that, I believe faith institutions can play a very positive and mediatory role in the 2020 election.

Ethiopia is taking baby steps in its transition to democracy. There are deep ethnic and communal rifts. There are tensions which could erupt in violence in the run up to the election and during the voting process. I have little doubt that elements of the previous regime are plotting to wreak havoc as the election date draws near. Disrupting and derailing the 2020 election is the TPLF’s “Hail Mary pass”, to use an American sports vernacular. Disrupting the 2020 election is the TPLF’s last ditch effort to return to power. They will fail!

Regardless, I believe faith leaders and community elders could play a major role and exert great influence on the 2020 elections in a variety of ways. I see a critical role for faith leaders in peace messaging, civic education and moderating debates. I see a role for faith leaders even in election monitoring, observance of election code of conduct and launching intra- and inter-faith dialogue and initiatives to ensure a free, fair and peaceful 2020 election.

Diaspora Ethiopians

There was a time when I believed diaspora Ethiopians could make a huge difference in Ethiopia. In July 2006, I wrote a commentary entitled “Awakening Giant” and ask a single question: Can Ethiopians and Ethiopian Americans living in America make a difference in their home land?”

But in the past 20 months, diaspora Ethiopians have shown they never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity.

Having seen an Ethiopian diaspora in an emotional roller coaster over the past 20 months, I have become more cynical about the importance of an Ethiopian diaspora driven by emotions and has cast reason and facts to the wind.

I am saddened by the fact that diaspora Ethiopians are missing out on Ethiopia’s democratic renaissance.

Unlike some African countries that give their diaspora citizens the right to vote in national elections (Mali, Senegal, Benin, Algeria, Namibia and Mozambique), the previous regime viewed the vast majority of the Ethiopian diaspora as its enemies.

That completely changed when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took office in April 2018. PM Abiy in his inaugural speech welcomed all diasporans with open arms and without any preconditions. He said, “Come home. We welcome you.”

Even I who never imagined a return home returned after 48 years living in America!

We have a huge stake in the outcome of the 2020 elections but have made ourselves irrelevant.

I have learned diaspora Ethiopians are not held in high regard among the locals. They view us with a certain detachment and contempt. They accuse of complicity with the previous repressive regime and using our money to dispossess the poor people of their land and increasing the cost of living. It is said we have returned to  flaunt our money for a few weeks and go back to wherever we came from.

Truth be told, our contribution to Ethiopia’s development collectively is miniscule. Truth be told, less than 26 thousand diasporans contributed to the Ethiopian Diaspora Trust Fund.

Except for seeking diaspora donations, I do not see any of the political parties coming to educate, mobilize and engage the diaspora in an organic way.

Except for a few opinion leaders, educators and journalist-wannabes who spout hate, disinformation and lies, the vast majority of diasporans are silent who are only riled up like chickens in a coop at the sight of an imaginary fox.

We are not part of the national debate in Ethiopia. We are merely bystanders and onlookers. We have no one to blame but ourselves.

But there is a basic principle we can follow: If we cannot help in a positive way, if we cannot lead or follow, the only option left is to get the  hell out of the way!

Will the 2020 election be perfect and flawless?

In talking to some of my colleagues, I get the impression they expect a “perfect election” in 2020. There is no such thing as a “perfect election”. Only those who “won” 100 percent of the seats in 2015 can talk about a “perfect election.”

In any election, there will be issues and problems. Even today, the U.S. is reeling from the 2016 foreign election meddling. There is litigation on disenfranchisement of the poor and minority communities, arbitrary application of voter ID rules, the role of big money in elections, redistricting and other issues. Who can forget the Florida election vote recount in the Bush v. Gore presidential contest of 2000 that took weeks to settle. The Florida vote was ultimately settled in Bush’s favor by a margin of 537 votes following a controversial decision by the U.S. Supreme Court.

If America with its two-century tradition of democratic elections continues to suffer from electoral issues, Ethiopia in its very first experiment in free and fair election cannot be expected to have a “perfect election”. But we can certainly expect and should work together in the spirit of Medemer and in good faith and good will to make sure the 2020 election adheres to fundamental principles of free and fair elections and best practices.

“Where are our Men [and women] of abilities? Why do they not come forth to save their Country?” ―George Washington

So, I say to all Ethiopians: VOTE 2020!

The post Democracy, the End Game in Ethiopia: From EleKtions to Free and Fair Elections in 2020 (Part II) appeared first on Ethiopian Registrar: Ethiopian News/Breaking News.

Decades After Landmark Ruling, Israel’s Chief Rabbinate Recognizes Ethiopian Jewish Community

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Aaron Rabinowitz

 Jan 20, 2020

Members of Ethiopia’s Jewish community at the synagogue in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, November 19, 2018. AP Photo/Mulugeta Ayene

In the early 1970s, then-Chief Rabbi Ovadia Yosef recognized Ethiopian Jews, yet many still encountered difficulty being recognized by the rabbinical system.

The Chief Rabbinate Council has firmly recognized the Judaism of the Ethiopian Beta Israel community, adopting the ruling of the late Rabbi Ovadia Yosef that members of the community are Jews according to Jewish law.

In the early 1970s, Yosef, who was chief rabbi at the time, ruled that members of the community are Jews, but that they should nonetheless undergo a conversion ceremony (giyur lechumra) out of concern that they may have intermingled over the years with non-Jews.

For years the Israeli government resisted bringing Ethiopian Jews to Israel, but eventually helped tens of thousands to immigrate in a series of operations that spanned over a decade.

Some 8,000 members of the Falashmura community, who are descendants of Ethiopian Jews who converted to Christianity, often under duress, centuries ago, and identify as Jews, await the Israeli government’s approval to make Aliyah. The rabbinate’s decision does not apply to this community, even though some of its members have relatives in Israel who had been recognized as Jewish.

The absorption into Israeli society was not smooth and they were often discriminated against, including by the rabbinate. Local rabbinates, in particular, often forced Ethiopian Jews to meet all kinds of conditions before being allowed to register for marriage.

The council’s decision was made during a special session held two months ago at Yosef’s home in Jerusalem’s Har Nof neighborhood. Haaretz has learned that one of the people responsible for pushing through the decision was Rabbi Yehuda Dery, the chief rabbi of Be’er Sheva and the brother of Shas party chairman, Interior Minister Arye Dery.

“My teachers and mentors, this is one of those historic decisions that will be remembered for generation among the people of Israel in general and the Ethiopian community in particular,” Yehuda Dery said at the meeting. “I would like to say that Maran [Rabbi Ovadia Yosef], in his decision to bring the Ethiopian community to the Land of Israel and recognize them as Jews in every way, made a decision that saved an entire community.”

Rabbi Dery noted that there are local rabbinates that still make it difficult for members of the Ethiopian community to register for marriage.

“I want to say that, of course at the instruction, leadership and adjudication of Maran, that in the year 5774 [2014] the Chief Rabbinate Council convened and approved as written the ruling of Maran that the Beta Israel community are Jews in every way, subject of course to the conditions for marriage registration set down by Rabbi [Yosef] Hadane [the former chief rabbi of the Ethiopian community] at the time,” Dery said.

“Unfortunately, even that decision from 5774 encountered difficulties among some rabbinates. I suggest that on the anniversary of the death of Maran, in his home, to once again ratify the decision from 5774; that the community of Ethiopian Jews, according to the ruling of Maran and other Torah sages, are kosher Jews in every way and they should undergo the same clarifications [of marriage eligibility] that are customary in all Jewish communities.”

The hope is that this reaffirmation of their status by the Chief Rabbinate Council marks the end of the struggle for their Judaism to be recognized throughout the rabbinical system.

The post Decades After Landmark Ruling, Israel’s Chief Rabbinate Recognizes Ethiopian Jewish Community appeared first on Ethiopian Registrar: Ethiopian News/Breaking News.

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