The TMCD would like to extend its congratulations to our senior research associate, Professor Mammo Muchie, for his recent award as a finalist for Science, Engineering and technology (SET) at the South African National Science and Technology Forum’s (NSTF) 2018/2019 NSTF-South 32 Awards ceremony held in in Johannesburg, South Africa on June 27,2019.

Prof. Muchie was awarded a certificate due his contributions “recognising and celebrating an outstanding contribution to Science, Engineering, Technology(SET) and innovation ” in South Africa

The NSTF is the non-profit stakeholder body for all SET and innovation organisations in South Africa. Find out more about the organisation and the awards here.

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REUTERS

Ethiopia’s Amhara Democratic Party (ADP) named the security adviser to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed as head of the restive Amhara region on Monday after his predecessor was killed in a violent attempt to seize power there.

Dozens were killed in fighting during the foiled coup by a rogue state militia in Amhara that claimed the life of regional president Ambachew Mekonnen and other top officials. The same night, the army’s chief of staff and a retired general accompanying him were killed in the capital Addis Ababa in a related attack, the government said.

The ADP said on its Facebook page that it had nominated Abiy’s security adviser Temesgen Tiruneh as Ambachew’s successor in Amhara. The party controls the Amhara regional government and is also one of four in Abiy’s national governing coalition.

The Amhara violence was the strongest challenge yet to the rule of Abiy, who has rolled out ambitious political and economic reforms in what was once one of Africa’s most repressive countries since coming to power in April 2018.

Abiy has freed political prisoners and journalists, offered an amnesty for some rebel groups and opened up space for a number of parties ahead of planned parliamentary elections next year in Ethiopia, Africa’s second most populous country.

But his government has also presided over a rise of ethnic violence as regional powerbrokers try to grab more power and territory and air long-held grievances against the Addis Ababa coalition. More than 2.4 million of Ethiopia’s 100 million citizens are displaced.

Temesgen’s nomination is expected to be ratified by the Amhara regional council at a later date, according to an ADP central committee member.

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In Ethiopia, a wave of assassinations has renewed fears of political turmoil. On June 22, gunmen burst into a meeting, killing the president of the Amhara region, Ambachew Mekonnen and two aides. Shortly thereafter, a bodyguard killed the army chief of staff, Gen. Seare Mekonnen, along with retired Gen. Gezai Abera.

Two days later, Ethiopian special forces killed Gen. Asaminew Tsige on the outskirts of Bahir Dar. The government alleges that Asaminew was the ringleader of this violent conspiracy and released a tape recording of Asaminew saying, “we have taken measures . . . because the regional ruling party leaders have sabotaged the people’s demands.”

The political reforms Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed initiated in 2018 created an opening for liberalization but also provided opportunities for divisive ethnic politics. The “mini-coup” attempt in June raised questions about these reforms — particularly the elections scheduled for May 2020 — and how newly reestablished institutions will manage escalating political volatility.

What guides Ethiopian politics?

The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has been in power since 1991, winning 100 percent of the seats in the 2015 election. As Terrence Lyons argues in his recent book, Ethiopian politics over the past 28 years have been shaped by the centralizing logic of a strong authoritarian party that grew out of the victorious rebel movement, on the one hand, and a constitutional system that emphasized ethnically defined regional states and political parties, on the other.

Ethiopia’s ethno-federalist system has contributed to tensions within and among the country’s regions. Though Asaminew held a high position in the EPRDF-controlled regional state, in recent weeks he had been echoing a surge in hard-line Amhara nationalism — including calls for Amharas to arm themselves.

Other regions also mobilized along ethno-nationalist lines

In Oromiya, the armed wing of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), an insurgent group seeking “self-determination” for the Oromo people since the 1970s, broke with the organization’s political wing. That makes it more difficult for the Ethiopian government to demobilize OLF combatants — and for the OLF’s political wing to negotiate credibly on political matters.

In the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR), ethnic sentiment has driven the Sidama zone’s bid to become a separate regional state. Officials in the Sidama zone are threatening to unilaterally declare statehood on July 18 — the constitutionally mandated one-year deadline for the federal government to organize a referendum on self-determination after a petition for statehood is submitted. Analysts at the International Crisis Group caution that the Sidama bid for statehood may “catalyze a violent unraveling of the Southern Nations.” Other groups, including Wolayta, Hadiya and Gurage, have also started to advocate for statehood.

[Why is Ethiopia in upheaval? This brief history explains a lot.]

When Abiy came to power in 2018, he advanced a number of political reforms. Ethiopia normalized relations with Eritrea, released political prisoners and allowed opposition leaders to return from exile. However, the next stages of reform — institutional changes that embrace a more liberal order — are slower and harder to implement.

The government has taken a number of steps in this direction. For example, Abiy has reached out to civil society in making appointments to the Federal Supreme Court, the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia and the Human Rights Commission.

But reconstructing the security and intelligence services has proved more difficult. As a result, significant insecurity has escalated in many parts of the country, leaving nearly 3 million internally displaced people. The government faces the challenge of anticipating and mitigating ethno-nationalist violence, particularly as the country prepares for elections next year.

Will Ethiopia be ready for elections in 2020?

Prime Minister Abiy’s reputation as a reformer will face a serious test in getting the country ready in time for the 2020 elections. The appointment of Birtukan Mideksa, a former opposition party leader, to head the country’s election board demonstrates Abiy’s recognition of the symbolic and political importance of the 2020 polls. The government has also appointed a new, professional electoral board, after consultations with opposition parties.

Abiy and opposition officials insist that elections will take place on time — though many analysts and Ethiopians expect some delay. The problem is that postponing beyond 2020 would run afoul of the constitution. And an election delay would risk inflaming tensions, and result in ethnic and political violence.

[Ethiopia just pardoned political prisoners. Could that signal a shift to real democracy?]

Though many observers anticipate that the 2020 polls will be the most competitive in years, the EPRDF is likely to retain its parliamentary majority. The ruling party, with some 7 million members, remains the dominant institution across the diverse states. The EPRDF controls the distribution of central resources, the endowment funds that own a significant portion of the economy and the distribution of key agricultural inputs such as fertilizer. Its power may have diminished since the 2015-2018 mass protests, but the EPRDF retains an integrated network of cadres across Ethiopia. The opposition parties remain at odds with each other on specific issues, making a broad counter-alliance to compete with the EPRDF unlikely.

Many Ethiopians both within the EPRDF and the opposition recognize the need for a national discussion on issues relating to the constitution — and in particular the nature of its federalism. Similarly, the EPRDF is considering changes to the party and has floated the idea that it may transform itself from a coalition into a party that individuals join directly rather than through membership in regional party affiliates. These questions, however, are fraught with controversy, and open debate is unlikely before the next round of elections.

Heading into 2020, the EPRDF remains the dominant party in Ethiopia. The process of liberalization has provided the space for other political groups to mobilize around polarizing narratives and divisive attacks, however. While the June 22 violence indicates the fragility of the reform process, slowing these reforms or pushing back the 2020 elections could risk increasing violence and instability.

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Terrence Lyons is associate professor at the School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution at George Mason University and the author of “The Puzzle of Ethiopian Politics” (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2019).

Hilary Matfess is a PhD student at Yale University and the author of “Women and the War on Boko Haram” (Zed Books, 2017). Follow her on Twitter @HilaryMatfess.

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By Samuel Woodhams, CNN

(CNN)Abel Wabella is no stranger to the dangers of pursuing digital activism in Ethiopia.

As well as freeing journalists, Prime Minister Abiy also released political prisoners, unblocked hundreds of websites, and appointed women to half of his cabinet posts.

The changes were part of a new agenda, which he pledged would respect freedom of expression. “In a democratic system, the government allows citizens to express their ideas freely without fear,” he said in April 2018.

Unreliable connections

During the past month, however, there have been several nationwide internet blackouts, leaving friends and families disconnected, businesses unable to operate, and journalists prevented from reporting on events.

Recent developments have left many in Ethiopia skeptical about the durability and sincerity of Abiy’s reforms. Atnaf Brhane, a fellow co-founder of Zone9, said that the internet shutdowns had created “a bad record for a ‘reformist’ leader.”

Why Ethiopians believe their new prime minister is a prophet

CNN made several attempts to reach the Ethiopian government but did not get a response.

The most recent internet blackout began on Saturday, June 22 after reports of an attempted coup in the Amhara region. After 100 hours without internet access, the network was gradually restored, although it wasn’t until July 2 that mobile data finally returned.

There was no formal explanation from the government but the state-owned provider, Ethio Telecom, the country’s lone telecoms provider, issued an apology and told CNN at the time the companywould credit customers for services that were affected during the shutdown.

The shutdown followed another blackout earlier in June. The disruptions combined have meant that Ethiopians did not have reliable connections for almost half the month.

A return to old habits

As of the time of publishing, complete access is yet to be restored as Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram, and some VPN apps remain blocked by the government.

The continued blocks represent a significant barrier to freedom of expression and the right to information. In fact, “in Ethiopia, Facebook is basically equal to the internet,” Wabella, who now runs the media outlet, Addis Zaybe, said.

He added the shutdown forced him to close his offices for over a week, preventing him from publishing any new stories or publicizing their work on social media.

Ethiopia restores internet after one week outage

It was not just digital media that were affected, however. During the shutdown, businesses were forced to close, events were canceled, and families were unable to communicate. Popular taxi service ZayRide was also affected by the shutdown, leaving their drivers with no work for a week.

Combined, the effect of internet shutdowns on the economy is staggering. According to the internet monitoring NGO, Netblocks, each day of an internet blackout costs the Ethiopian government nearly $4.5million.

Additionally, it prevented families from communicating during the attempted coup, which made it a particularly dangerous and sensitive time. As, the executive director of the Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia said: “People want to know the well-being and safety of their family… the internet shutdown is putting people in fear again.”

People in Ethiopia are calling strangers in Eritrea as phone lines are opened after 20 years

Nevertheless, many digital rights activists believe the government will continue to restrict access to the internet during politically sensitive moments as previous governments have.

“Since 2016, the government of Ethiopia has had a habit of shutting down the internet whenever there is political unrest or demonstration [and] after a few months the new administration took office they returned to their old habit,” Brhane said.

Internet kill switch

Governments around the world are increasingly reaching for the internet kill switch. In the past few months alone, there have been internet shutdowns in Myanmar and Sri Lanka. While in Africa, internet shutdowns are also being employed more frequently by governments.

In 2019 alone, Sudan, Zimbabwe, Mauritania, and the Democratic Republic of Congo have all enforced a shutdown for various reasons.

Internet shutdowns were a regular occurrence under Ethiopia’s former premier Hailemariam Desalegn and, despite Abiy’s promises to protect freedom of expression, there have already been several such disruptions during his short reign.

The first widespread disruption occurred just months after his inauguration following an outbreak of violence in the eastern cities of Jijiga, Dire Dawa and Harar.

During the blackout, citizens were heavily reliant on state media, which effectively allowed the regime to control the narrative surrounding the attempted coup.

Failed coup sees Ethiopia army chief shot dead by bodyguard

It is a move that is highly reminiscent of Desalegn’s tight control of the media in which, according to Human Rights Watch, there was a “strategy to manage and control information flows, including the media, and ensure that its policies are promoted but not critiqued.”

Additionally, during the shutdowns, there were reports of journalists charged under the same anti-terror legislation used in the Zone9 cases, once more indicating a potential return to a regime that uses controversial anti-terrorism law and internet shutdowns to stifle freedom of expression.

Activists such as Wabella now fear that recent developments will prompt a further deterioration in freedom of expression in the country. “Things are unfortunately making the future look very bleak,” he said.

As internet access slowly returns across the country, people are finally able to tell their stories of how the disruptions impacted them. “The internet is part of our lifestyle not just our jobs,” Wabella said. “It had a huge impact on the entire community.”

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By: CNN Newsource

Relatives of victims who died in Boeing 737 Max crashes told Congress on Wednesday that the company made decisions that should be considered criminal and were driven by financial greed.

The wrenching testimony comes as Boeing has struggled not only to fix its workhorse jet but is dealing with intense scrutiny and criticism over its safety and training practices.

Paul Njoroge vividly and emotional described his family’s final minutes on Ethiopian Airlines flight 302, one of two 737 Max crashes in the last year that together killed 346 people.

“My wife and mum-in-law knew they were going to die,” Njoroge said. “They had to somehow comfort the children during those final moments, knowing they were all their last.”

“It never leaves me that my family’s flesh is there in Ethiopia, mixed with the soil, the jet fuel and pieces of the aircraft,” he said.

Njoroge and Michael Stumo, whose daughter Samya Stumo was also killed in the March crash, told Congress they have not received personal apologies from Boeing officials.

CEO Dennis Muilenburg has publicly said he regrets the deaths and the company set aside $100 million of assistance for victims’ families. It announced shortly before the hearing began that victim compensation specialist Kenneth Feinberg would oversee distributing half of that directly to families.

“I think the families are in agreement that Boeing’s apologies to cameras have not been apologies to the families,” Stumo testified. “The recent offer of, you know, 100 million to something seemed like a PR stunt to us. They had never reached out to the families to discuss what the needs of the families are.”

Boeing spokesman Peter Pedraza did not dispute the lack of communication with the victims’ families. He said in a statement to CNN following the hearing that the company is “deeply sorry for the impact to the families and loved ones of those on board.”

Regulators grounded the 737 Max worldwide in March following the second crash . Boeing has said it developed a software fix to the MCAS stabilization system, which investigators have linked to both incidents , but an additional flaw has since emerged, and the company continues to work on the plane.

Njoroge accused Boeing of “utter prejudice and a disrespect,” arguing the company prevented the plane from being grounded earlier by attributing the Lion Air crash to errors by foreign pilots. Acting Federal Aviation Administration Administrator Daniel Elwell said after the second crash that he had concerns about training standards in other countries.

“That decision killed my family and 152 others in crash of Ethiopian Airlines Flight 302 four months later,” Njoroge said.

He also took the company to task for not including MCAS in the manual used by pilots.

“The flight operations manual should always disclose everything that is in an aircraft,” Njoroge said. “That’s criminal. Why would you conceal information of an important software that can take control of the plane?”

Multiple investigations, including a Justice Department investigation, are ongoing into the crashes and the FAA’s process for certifying aircraft. The crash investigations generally take at least a year to complete.

The-CNN-Wire

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To the Global Community,
Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed,
Ethiopian Embassy From Concerned Ethiopians Across the Globe

Subject: Communique Urging Prevention of Genocide and Balkanization of Ethiopia

July 19, 2019

Ethiopia is on the precipice of civil conflict, and perhaps civil war and possible genocide that are triggered and championed by ethnic elites, fundamentalists and their foreign sponsors. For more than 40 years, the primary target of ethnic-demonization, killings, ethnic-cleansing, forcible evictions, abductions and recurring displacements has been the Amhara population. Predictably, the virus of identity politics has now spread far and wide affecting others and threatening the very existence of Ethiopia…...  Read More..….

—

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Kumerra Gemechu, Dawit Endeshaw

HAWASSA/ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (Reuters) – A potentially bloody confrontation between Ethiopia’s federal government and a minority community was averted on Thursday when a political party postponed plans to set up a new region for the Sidama people in defiance of central authorities in Addis Ababa.

Emboldened by political reforms introduced by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed since he took power in 2018, Sidama activists had announced they would unilaterally declare a new regional state on Thursday.

This would have been an addition to Ethiopia’s existing nine ethnic-based regional states, which are overseen by the federal government but have autonomy over revenues and security forces.

A government crackdown on the activists could have resulted in widespread violence, undoing widely-praised political and economic freedoms Abiy has permitted in what was once one of the continent’s most repressive nations.

But if the government had acceded, it could appear weak at a time when ethnic violence is increasing, and encourage eight other ethnic groups who are making similar demands and complain their communities have long been marginalized.

Ethiopia’s 100 million citizens come from dozens of ethnic groups with competing claims to land, resources and influence.

The showdown was averted when the Sidama Liberation Movement, which represents some of the Sidama, said that it had accepted a last-minute offer from the government to hold a referendum within five months.

The Sidama had demanded a referendum a year ago on the question of a new regional state – a right enshrined by the constitution – and announced their plans to declare their region when it was not held within the stipulated timeline.

“Now the most important thing is peace for our people,” Million Tumato, president of the Sidama Liberation Movement, told Reuters. “Still the five months timeline is not specific as it doesn’t indicate when the referendum will take place.”

Almost all shops were shut and few cars were on the streets in Hawassa, 275 km (170 miles) from Addis Ababa, on Thursday morning as protesters wearing traditional red, white and yellow striped Sidama scarves and hats marched to the venue of a planned meeting of Sidama elders and youth.

PEOPLE’S PATIENCE “TESTED”

But activists said security forces prevented them, and mobile data had been blocked, possibly to impair communication.

Youth activist Tariku Lemma said security forces dispersed protesters by firing guns and teargas and two people had been wounded. But the widespread clashes that had shuttered the city and prompted some to send their families away did not materialize.

Authorities had no immediate comment on the situation in Hawassa.

“After today’s violence, the Sidama situation looks like another major challenge for a government already struggling to manage this transition and create conditions for elections next May,” William Davison, an analyst from Brussels-based International Crisis Group, said.

There is now a risk that violence escalates as youthful activists react angrily to Thursday’s events and attempt to push through self-declaration of Sidama region rather than wait for a belated referendum, he added.

Another official from the Sidama Liberation Movement said the showdown could have been avoided if the government had made its offer earlier.

“It tested the people’s patience. We could have avoided this situation had they acted one week ago,” said Dukale Lamiso, the movement’s chairman. “Nonetheless, we accept the timeline and we are ready to cooperate.”

Some activists, however, still wanted to make their declaration of a 10th Ethiopian region.

“(Sidama) has already put up its own flag and declared that it is a regional state. Therefore the voice of the people should be respected,” said Samuel Belayneh, a youth activist.

Hawassa is the capital of the multi-ethnic Southern Nations region but some Sidama – who make up the largest group in the region – want it as the capital of their own new entity.

The federal system in Africa’s second most populous country is meant to allow larger ethnic groups some autonomy. But smaller communities such as the Sidama say they have been sidelined and some are demanding their own regions.

The country has seen a rise in violence since Abiy began his reforms, including ending bans on political parties, freeing political prisoners and welcoming home rebel groups.

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By Aschalew Aberra

If Abiy Ahmed, the PM of Ethiopia, has a drop of honesty or decency he should withdraw his name from the candidacy of the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize whose winner is scheduled to be announced this coming October.

On his watch, during his one year premiership, millions were and still are internally displaced from their homes, thousands have been killed either by internal conflicts or by his security forces; hundreds are unlawfully arrested, numberless institutions and properties (including Churchs and Mosques) have either been ransacked or burned.

Even as I write this piece an atrocious massacre is going on in the south region of Ethiopia which his government was not able or willing to fully avert.

In spite of the outcry of many people his government has shown no indication of taking any legal action on those who are openly instigating violence, which results into the government being a suspect working in tandem with these extreme anti peace and anti unity elements.

Having known all this, if the Noble Peace Prize Committee awards the laureateship to the Ethiopian PM, it could be considered as adding an insult to injury to the victims of his failed leadership. It will also be construed as the sarcasm of the century which will heavily damage the credibility of the Nobel Peace Prize selection committee. How can you award a peace prize for the leader of the most peace less and the most highly divided nation in the world?

One of the pretexts used for his nomination was averting the war between Eritrea and Ethiopia. This is a total lie. Even if he should be commended for improving the relationship between the two countries, there was no potential war that was averted because both nations had exhaustively consumed their economic and military potentials for war after their two years long fight between 1998 and 2000. If anything was averted, what was averted was a-no-war-no-peace situation.

The other pretext used for his nomination was for realising political prisoners and prisoners of conscience . Recently his government has unlawfully arrested journalists and some political dissents. His generals are openly harassing journalists with impunity.

Even if one year ago the PM emerged as a voice of unity and hope to the entire nation, currently his government is conspicuously hijacked by the Oromo extremists wing and many people fear that the country is on the verge of collapse more than ever in its modern history.

His government can’t even administer a national exam without entirely shutting down the internet service, and the national soccer tournament can’t even be peacefully proceeded. Many of the soccer teams had forfeited their right to play and win the tournament. Those who opt to play are playing in closed stadiums due to fear of violence among their fans.

If the government can’t even manage very trivial and ordinary duties such as administering national exams or soccer tournaments, how can they be trusted to manage more serious governmental functions such as keeping the peace and conducting free and fair elections???

——————
Please have your say without being rude or pointless.

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The honeymoon of the government of Dr Abye is now over. The business, as usual, is now truly started; the mass arrest, the lack of due process, the terrorism law has been resurrected and used on people who have different or critical voices to the government. The right indicator is that this law is used on the members of the Balderass movement lead by the journalist and human right defender Eskendir Nega. This group has no intention or aim to hold government power.

I see a danger when a leader thinks that he knows it all, any field, from philosophy, economy, religion, education, medicine to law. When a leader summoned almost all professions from artists, politicians, to medical doctors telling them about their profession what they should and should not do must warry many professionals. Ethiopia’s problems are complex; you need all experts, elders, traders and farmers to work together to bring about lasting peace and democracy in the country.

The danger created by bringing in all independent voices to the government side, who stand against tyranny in the past is Abye’s perfect strategy to neutralise any sensible critical voices. These independent voices become part of the government, have access to government officials, have their channel to the government that they will express their critical voices discretely. As Professor Berhanu informed us, they have passed their concern through the appropriate channel to the government of Ethiopia.

It is clear where the main point of argument by those who recently joined the government including ESAT who are staunch supporters of Abye’s Government; for the greater good, for building of democracy and the continuation of Ethiopia as a country, we have to tolerate some level of human right violation by Dr Abye’s government. This makes those supporters accessories to the human right violation. The more they stay in the government, the less acceptable they become an independent defender of human right. The mass arrest, after the alleged coup, is a reminder of the TPLF era. If they are silent now, or claims that they have advised/consulted/warned the government, does not mean much for the cause for defending the human right in the country. As the human right violation continues, it contaminated these individuals, and their influence reduce to the extent they will be irrelevant to the struggle to establish a democratic nation or even to hold the country together as we know it. The good indicator of the erosion of trust and support in the past few months clearly show that ESAT becomes irrelevant in the struggle as it becomes the new Fana.

There are some politicians that their relationship with Ethiopian people can only be explained as host and a parasite relationship. Dr Abye’s treatment of this politician, letting them live on the public expense to create peace is justifiable for some. However, that politician accepted to leave on the taxpayers, mind you the money is collected from the farmers and traders, that they always claim they fought for and represent. This is an immoral act accepted and executed by the government. These immoral politicians have a justification for their immoral act, you can make a living by creating chaos.

This appeasing strategy by Abye’s government is not going to help, for how long you continue to support these politicians is to be seen. The logical argument is that these politicians will continue to create chaos to sustain their lifestyle. Their comfortable life is based on the existing of continued problems, that they will continue in this strategy to maintain their significant role in creating a chaotic condition in the country. They will use their influence to hold the government hostage.

Abye’s strategy of bringing all critical voices to his side, by offering government posts, or by creating new organisation such as the Ethiopian Diaspora Trust Fund removes all critical voices. The impact created by this strategy resulted in the split of ESAT. One thing should be clear to all; there is no change in the main structure of the political system in Ethiopia.

These dissenting voices brought to the government side, for example, the election commissioner, Birtkan Mideksa, is powerless to exercise the office’s primary function in all regions. Dr Daniel of the Ethiopian Human commission can not investigate human right violation in Tigray, Oromia or any other regions without the blessings of the regional administrators. Many of the board members of the Ethiopian Diaspora Trust Fund are human right defenders, with an impeccable record of voicing the inhuman treatment of the Ethiopian people. However, once they become the insiders, once they think they have access to power, completely stop defending the human right, at worst these makes them accessories to the human right violation.

Those who have joined Abye’s government should ask themselves two main questions. For how long they will tolerate the human right violation in the government before they start voicing. What they should have asked before they joined the government is what are the minimum organisational capabilities that they must have to be real on what they can do to bring a democratic system. The core point is that the current Ethiopian political structure will not allow the implementation of the changes required to bring about democratic change.

Ethiopia has a huge structural problem to sort itself out and build a functioning democratic government. The political system that is defined on bloodline, where ownership of the land is demarcated based on the same principle is a cause for conflict. What we are witnessing at the moment in Sidamo is a demonstration of the political system. You can be born, raised, and build your fortune there if you are not Sidama (you are mete [መጤ]), as the claim goes “Sidamo for the Sidama” is the moto, your bloodline matters.

The bloodline politics is Abye’s principal guideline, that is why he declares war on Balderas. Balderas stand against this principle that is why their representatives are in prison. The government is now following a twin-track security strategy. The bloodline politicians and their associates are going free even if they are committed severe crimes. Good examples are twenty banks robbed; many were uprooted from the place they call home or worst killed; all this initiated by these politicians ( who follow bloodline politics) and their associates; the government response is to negotiate with robbers and killers ( Shemagle melake). Whereas if your principle is against a bloodline politics, you will be in prison (Balderas is a good example). This trend will continue in the future, wait until Professor Berhanu’s new party becomes a significant player, will face a similar fate like Balderas.

Long live Ethiopia!

The writer can be reached on wdemeke@mail.com

Wegene Demeke (PhD)

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ADDIS ABABA, July 20 (Xinhua) — Ethiopian and Chinese officials on Saturday hailed joint efforts to achieve Ethiopia’s 4 billion trees planting project.

As part of these joint efforts, a tree planting program was done on Saturday in the premises of the Ethiopia-Djibouti Railway main building in the outskirts of Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa, which was attended by Chinese and Ethiopian officials.

In May, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed kicked off a mission to plant 4 billion trees across the country, in a bid to stop rising deforestation and help Ethiopia’s green economy strategy.

Tilahun Sarka, Director General of the Ethiopia-Djibouti Railway Share Company (EDRSC), said Ethiopia and China have worked together in various fields, with the cooperation on the tree planting initiative serving as the latest example of the expanding bilateral ties between the two nations.

Sarka is already the chief of the 756-km electrified rail project connecting landlocked Ethiopia to Djibouti, which officially started commercial operations in January 2018.

Contracted by two Chinese companies, the first 320-km of the rail project from Sebeta to Mieso was carried out by the China Rail Engineering Corporation (CREC), while the remaining 436-km from Mieso to Djibouti port section was built by the China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC).

“Today we’re here to share the national vision of planting 4 billion trees in Ethiopia, the vision of our Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed,” said Sarka. “EDR isn’t only Ethiopia-Djibouti Railway, but it’s also the friendship project of China, Ethiopia and Djibouti.”

“As you know this is a standard gauge electrified railway which is using renewable, environmentally friendly energy. So, we’re the best example of an environmentally friendly project,” said Sarka.

Zhang Zhenhai, General Manager of the CREC-CCECC Joint Venture, a management contractor of Ethiopia-Djibouti Railway, said his company is ready to help Ethiopia achieve its green economy strategy, including the 4 billion trees planting initiative.

“As a Chinese company in Ethiopia we thought we should contribute from our side for this nice country. We’re working together with Ethiopia-Djibouti Railway to achieve this tree planting program,” Zhang told Xinhua.

Zhang emphasized China has its own green economy strategy which encompasses tree planting initiatives and commended Ethiopia for starting its own tree planting initiative.

“China has similar kind of program, running from the country level up to the ordinary people level. China lets individual people as well as companies plant trees,” said Zhang.

Meanwhile, the 4 billion trees planting initiative has caught news headlines in Ethiopia for the general benefits it has for the country. Some are already envisioning the benefits of the initiative passing to future generations.

One such individual is Radia Souad, a Chief Human Resources Officer at Ethiopia Djibouti Railway Share Company, who brought her two daughters Hawa Abubbaker aged 10 years old and Zemzem Abubaker aged 9 years old to the tree planting program.

“I took my kids to plant trees with me because kids learn from us. They have to learn all the good things from their parents,” said Souad.

Souad’s long term vision is matched by the enthusiasm of her daughters, who can now find a safe, green and clean environment to play games.

“It’s my first time to plant a tree. Trees bring fresh air and happiness, and I want to play many kinds of games with my sisters and brothers under trees,” said a visibly excited Hawa Abubbaker.

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Saturday 20/07/2019

The Arab Weekly

CAIRO – Egyptian analysts downplayed reports about Israel installing an advanced air defence system at the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, a multibillion-dollar project that is expected to deprive Egypt of a sizeable portion of its Nile River water access.

The analysts expressed concern about Israel’s growing role in Africa, especially in the Nile Basin, saying Cairo needed to ensure that Israeli moves in the region would not come at its expense.

“Israel works hard to strengthen its ties with African states, especially with Ethiopia,” said political analyst Abdel Monem Halawa. “The sure thing is that Israel gains ground wherever Egypt pulls out, especially in this continent that has considered for decades to be a natural extension of Egypt.”

Israeli media reports claimed that three Israeli firms installed the Spyder-MR air defence system, which can simultaneously fire two different types of missiles, in May to shield the Ethiopian dam.

Addis Ababa opted for the system, officials said, after it performed well in the Indian-Pakistani clashes in Kashmir five months earlier.

Neither Israel nor Egypt has officially commented on the reports.

There is belief in Cairo that Israel would not jeopardise its improving relations with Egypt only to give its defence technology companies the benefit of earning more money.

Relations between Israel and Egypt — traditional enemies for decades — have been steadily strengthening amid shared interests and security concerns. The two countries are

concerned with the growing influence of Iran as well as the rise in Islamist militancy in Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula and in the Palestinian Gaza Strip.

Israeli media recently disclosed the extent of security cooperation between the two countries in Sinai by referring to Israeli air strikes against Iranian arms shipments to Islamic Jihad in Sinai last November and in May this year.

Egypt, which in 1979 became the first Arab country to sign a peace treaty with Israel after a series of wars, has tried to bring the Israelis and the Palestinians to the negotiation table.

“There are shared interests between the two states, which is why I believe that Israel will not sell advanced military equipment to Ethiopia,” said Samir Ghattas, director of the Middle East Studies Forum think-tank.

Egypt has been pursuing peaceful means in settling the Nile water dispute with Ethiopia, despite the sensitive nature of the issue.

Since becoming Egypt’s president in 2014, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has visited Addis Ababa several times and hosted top Ethiopian officials in Cairo to strengthen ties with the Ethiopians.

The Ethiopian dam is a life-or-death issue for the Egyptians. Designed to store 74 billion cubic metres of water, the project will make the nightmare of water scarcity a reality in Egypt. Egypt is water-poor already and the steady growth of its population is not being met with an increase in water resources.

Egypt receives around 55.5 billion cubic metres of water from the Nile every year, which is more than 20 billion cubic metres of water less than national needs, the Egyptian Ministry of Irrigation said.

“This is why the Ethiopian dam will have devastating effects on Egypt,” said Abbas al-Sharaqi, a professor of water resources at the College of African Studies in Cairo University. “It will affect everything in Egypt.”

Numerous talks between the two sides have produced little. Egypt has been trying to convince the Ethiopians to lengthen the duration for filling the dam reservoir, which would mitigate the effects of the process on Egypt.

Sisi has said several times that Egypt wanted the water of the Nile to be a source of cooperation among Nile Basin countries, not a source of friction or conflict.

His administration has initiated a series of water desalination and treatment projects that are costing Egypt billions of dollars to make up for Nile water shortages and prepare for tough days ahead if Cairo and Addis Ababa do not reach agreement on the dam or if Ethiopia does not honour its repeated pledge not to harm Egypt’s water interests.

“Relations between Israel and Ethiopia are worrying to Egypt,” Halawa said. “True, there is cooperation and coordination between Egypt and Israel but at the end Israel works to serve its own interests.”

Written ByHassan Abdel Zaher

Hassan Abdel Zaher is a Cairo-based contributor to The Arab Weekly.

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By Alemayehu G. Mariam

Commencement speeches given by political leaders often tend to be partisan, contentious and controversial. The politician will often seek to use the opportunity to defend or promote policy, respond to critics or announce an initiative.

After President Barack Obama and I parted ways back in July 2015, there were few things we agreed on.

But I certainly agree with his advice in his 2016 Howard commencement speech: “Listen, engage. If the other side has a point, learn from them. If they’re wrong, rebut them, teach them, beat them on the battlefield of ideas.”

Battle of ideas! Clash of ideas!

If these metaphors sound combative, we can call it competition in the marketplace of ideas.

That was the central message of my weekly commentary this past Monday. Let us discuss, debate and dialogue over ideas to make Ethiopia better, stronger and prosperous.

In other words, let’s share ideas that will make Ethiopia the jewel in the African crown.

After PM Abiy Ahmed delivered his speech at Addis Ababa University on July 13, I was hoping those who mindlessly and hysterically criticize him would take the opportunity to challenge him.

They could have on his proposal for a global mobilization of Diaspora Ethiopian investment. They could have challenged him on his 4 billion tree planting campaign or the civic virtues he commended to the freshly minted graduates.

While I do not expect reasoned analysis or critique from the cacophonous braying social media ignorati and lunatic fringe, I did expect a response from the Ethiopian literati and intellectual community, at least from those who could manage to register a pulse and brainwaves.  

That was not to be. I suspect they have more important things to do such as beating the dead horse of identity and ethnic politics.

While PM Abiy’s critics are ready to jump on a word or phrase spoken or allegedly spoken by him, they are manifestly unwilling, unable or incapable of responding to him on substantive ideas.

I don’t know if the problem is a deficit of intellectual candlepower. I have yet to see anyone willing to engage PM Abiy in a battle of ideas.

What a pity and shame to see “intellectuals” engaged in mudslinging and name calling but are afraid of jousting in a battlefield of ideas.

“Hope springs eternal in the human breast.”

I hope Ethiopian intellectuals worth their salt will muster the courage, saddle up and engage PM Abiy in the battlefield of ideas.

Caveat!

Moaning, groaning, whining, griping, yapping and barking about victimology has no place in the battle of ideas.

I regard the silence of the intellectuals to join the battle of ideas the equivalent of raising a white flag.

Great commencement speech by PM Abiy*

Having spent my entire professional life in the university classroom and a good part of it in the courtroom, I have heard great commencement and closing argument speeches. I have also heard bland and forgettable ones. I have watched countless commencement speeches on YouTube.

PM Abiy delivered a great commencement speech at Addis Ababa University (AAU) on July 13.

But what makes a commencement speech great?

I believe many ingredients go into the making of great commencement speech.

The message must be inspiring, uplifting, motivating, hopeful, insightful, attention-grabbing, intimate and personal, colorful with visual imagery, honor the graduates and families, defend core principles and draw approving applause.

I believe PM Abiy’s speech contains all of these elements.

PM Abiy was quick to point out to the 9,700 AAU graduates their university work was not finished but just beginning.

He told them there were other far more challenging universities awaiting them outside the AAU ivory tower.

In the “Marriage University”, they must work hard to pass the challenges of holy matrimony.

In the “Work University”, their success depends on their ability to pass the tests of working with people of diverse demographic backgrounds and experiences.

In the ultimate “University of Life” (which I have known as the school of hard knocks), they will have to master new skills and abilities to face ever changing challenges.

PM Abiy argued the whole idea of a university signifies a process of making something whole.

Drawing on the  Latin roots of the word, he said there are many things that make a person whole.

Mere book learning does not make a person whole.

The person who has achieved “wholeness” is a critical thinker, a person who keeps an open mind and is willing to reexamine his/her assumptions and change. Such a person is balanced and fair in views and perspectives.

PM Abiy drew an insightful distinction in the concept of graduation in the Western and Ethiopian contexts.

To graduate in the Western tradition means to be elevated or rise up (from the Latin gradus “step up” ) while the Amharic equivalent “memereq” means to be blessed.

Knowledge is power and if that proposition is true, what is the motivating force to gain knowledge?

PM Abiy drew on the works of Nietzsche, Bentham and Darwin, among others, to explain the fundamental drive for learning and knowledge.

Bentham believed the will to pleasure was the driving force (“hedonic” or felicific calculus) and man rationally calculates to maximize pleasure and minimize pain.

Charles Darwin argued the will to survive was central as the fittest survives by learning to adapt.

Nietzsche believed the will to power is the existential force in human action, the will to be better, stronger and dominant.  (“I will do, become…” as a principle of self-affirmation.)

But the more persuasive view, he suggested, is the conception that humans learn to live a life of meaning.

That meaning comes from forgiveness, love, service, compassion and goodness.

PM Abiy spoke about his signature 4 billion tree planting campaign.

With poetic eloquence he affirmed, “If we are Ethiopians when we are alive and become Ethiopia (soil) when we die, we should at least be buried under a shade tree.”

He talked about refurbishing hundreds of schools and hospitals and providing millions of notebooks, writing pens and hundreds of thousands of uniforms to school children.

He was reassuring. “If all of you 9,700 graduates decide with me and believe in your heart [a better  future], I can tell you with certainty Ethiopia will be one (united) and we will bask in the light. There will be no going back (to darkness). But each one of us must decide for ourselves.”

His message on Ethiopian unity was unconditional. “Many have tried to break up Ethiopia. Ethiopia has been robbed and ripped off. Ethiopia has suffered sorrow. Many have lost their lives. But there is one thing that will not happen. No one will succeed in breaking up Ethiopia.”

PM Abiy reminded the graduates, “Seventy years ago our people farmed with plough pulled by oxen. Seventy years later today people are farming the same way. What is the difference for the generation? What is the value of holding degrees in such a situation?”

PM Abiy advised the graduates to practice certain universal virtues in building the new Ethiopia. These include respect for others, excellence in work and learning, politeness, love, service, hospitality, determination, unity and lifetime education.

PM Abiy delivered an inspiring speech. For me, his message resonated Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. observation: “Life’s most persistent and urgent question is, ‘What are you doing for others?’“

What will the 2019 graduates of AAU do for the people of Ethiopia?

Perhaps the most appropriate question for me to ask is, “What has (is) my generation, particularly in the diaspora, done for Ethiopia?

Let each Diaspora Ethiopian of my generation answer that question in the privacy of his/her conscience.

But I would commend to them Horace Mann’s admonition: “Be ashamed to die until you have won some victory for humanity.” 

I say, “Be ashamed to die until you have won some victory for Ethiopia!”

Diaspora Challenge: Do you have the will to invest in your country?

In his speech, PM Abiy made a direct challenge to Diaspora Ethiopians to “invest in their country”.

“If each diaspora Ethiopian invested USD$5,000 every year, $2,500 every six months, $700 every three months, we can establish a common investment fund (not gift) and generate billions to help build Ethiopia. In a few years, we can join the ranks of African countries that have achieved economic prosperity. Instead of keeping our money in Dubai, London and China where they bring it back to invest in Ethiopia (at high cost), we can use our money and do it ourselves.”

This is the second time PM Abiy has called for help from Diaspora Ethiopians.

His first call was for a dollar a day, last year to the month, taken from our daily coffee budget.

The question for me is, “Do Diaspora Ethiopians have the will to invest in the future of Ethiopia?

In the New Ethiopia?!

I know PM Abiy has boundless faith in the Ethiopian Diaspora. He always talks about them as Ethiopia secret weapon. He is always talking about the Ethiopian diaspora doing so many great things.

I can’t say I have PM Abiy’s faith and confidence in the Ethiopian Diaspora. Just speaking my truth to the Diaspora.

I have evidence.

PM Abiy believes the estimated 1-3 million Diaspora Ethiopians can spare one dollar a day from their daily coffee budget and help their people.

I know for a fact only 20, 990 Diaspora Ethiopians globally have stepped up to deliver a dollar a day. A million thanks to each and every one of the 20,990 donors!

That does not say much about the Ethiopia Diaspora in general.

But there is a big difference between me and PM Abiy.

It is partly generational and partly a question of perspective.

He is a man of vision. He can see great potential in Diaspora Ethiopians.

He is not as jaded and cynical as I am.

I come from a generation whose members have eyes but can’t see, ears but can’t hear and mouths but can’t speak.

In other words, I am a member of a generation of Ethiopians that has never missed an opportunity to miss an opportunity to help Ethiopia.

Whether the question is the will to power, the will to survive, the will to meaning or the will to invest in Ethiopia, the common denominator is the will.

“Will” as in free will.

“Will” as in “If there is a will, there is a way.”

I appreciate PM Abiy’s abiding faith in the will to power investment of Diaspora Ethiopians. I do not doubt Diaspora Ethiopians can drive economic growth and development in Ethiopia.

PM Abiy did not issue his investment challenge out of idealism.

In his speech, he spoke about the hardship of diasporic life and the disparity in the lifestyles of Diaspora Ethiopians.

He knows, to paraphrase Dr. King, there are many Ethiopians who live on “a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity” in the Diaspora.

But the task and moral obligation of mobilizing diaspora investment properly belongs to those Diaspora Ethiopians who cruise on their yachts on the vast ocean of material prosperity.

I remember when the TPLF came to the U.S. to conduct its illegal “Renaissance Dam” bond scam.

Diaspora Ethiopians were told to invest by buying “bonds”. It was all an elaborate TPLF con game which  resulted in a levy of a $6.5 million fine on Ethiopia by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission.

For many it could be , “Caveat emptor.” (Buyer beware.) “Once burned, twice shy.”

But, where there is a will, there is a way!

Where there is the will to invest, there are many ways to invest.

PM Abiy is presenting Diaspora Ethiopians a great idea and opportunity.

He is telling Diaspora Ethiopians invest a few thousand dollars in your country and reap huge return. Make boatloads of money while creating jobs and opportunities for your people. It is in your own rational self-interest.

What PM Abiy is talking about is a practical and doable idea. Others have done it.

There is a substantial body of evidence which supports PM Abiy’s proposals and ideas.

There is clear evidence showing a link between migration and development.

Diaspora Ethiopians have substantial financial assets and wealth that can be mobilized to help their motherland.

They have savings, retirement accounts, equity and borrowing capacity which could be mobilized for such investment, well beyond the $5 thousand a year PM Abiy is asking.

Indeed, there are programs that support diaspora investors who are U.S. citizens to invest in Ethiopia.

The Calvert Foundation in Maryland has a program designed to help Indian Americans invest in private businesses and social enterprises in India. It works in a partnership between the Calvert Foundation, USAID, and several private financial institutions in India.

Why not have a similar fund for Ethiopians in the U.S.?

Diaspora Ethiopians have a single question to answer: Do they have the will to invest?

Nigerians had the will to invest and have done it.

In  2019, “Nigeria expects $3 billion in investment funding from citizens living mainly in the U.S. to support the agriculture, power, mining and transportation sectors.”

In 2015, “Nigeria’s diaspora population sent home $21 billion in remittances.”

If Diaspora Nigerians can raise $3B to invest their country, why can’t Diaspora Ethiopians raise at least $1B?

What is it that Diaspora Nigerians got that we ain’t got?

The will to invest?

To invest in Ethiopia or not to invest in Ethiopia. That is the question.

So, Shakespeare’s Hamlet laments:

The undiscovere’d country, from whose bourn
No traveller returns, puzzles the will,
And makes us rather bear those ills we have
Than fly to others that we know not of?

It puzzles the will. Is Ethiopia the undiscovered country to which no Diaspora Ethiopian is willing to return to invest?

My challenge to Diaspora Ethiopians with the means and will to invest:

Talk is cheap. Can you put your money where your mouth is and invest in Ethiopia?

For all the chattering and jabbering Ethiopian intellectuals:

Do you have a better idea to promote Diaspora Ethiopian investments in Ethiopia?

PUT UP or SHUT UP!

“Listen, engage. If the other side has a point, learn from them. If they’re wrong, rebut them, teach them, beat them on the battlefield of ideas.”

The post The Real Universities Outside the Ivory Tower: PM Abiy’s Commencement Speech at Addis Ababa University appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

by Ayele Addis Ambelu (Ayeleradio@gmail.com)

Ethiopia is currently experiencing active outbreaks of cholera and as of July 15, 2019, there have been 986 reported cases with the majority of cases occurring in Amhara, Oromia, Tigray and Afar Regions as well as in Addis Ababa City.  The Amhara region reported the first suspected case of cholera on 28^th April 2019 from Amahra, Telemt woreda. In Oromia the outbreak began with a report from Chiro woreda on May 16, 2019 with current case report 424. The latest cholera affected region is Afar, as of June 21, 2019 with current case report of 161.

Dr. Lia Tadesse State minister of Minister of Health, said during the launch of the Ethiopian multi-sectoral cholera elimination plan which runs from 2019 to 2030 that the move was a milestone in the health sector as it will provide a roadmap to end the waterborne disease.

“Based on epidemiologic data, which includes historical outbreaks of AWD as well as the current cholera outbreak, the Ethiopian Ministry of Health working in conjunction with governmental and non-governmental partners, developed a comprehensive OCV plan which employed a multi-sectoral approach prioritizing areas to be targeted for mass vaccination.  This plan includes targeting populations currently experiencing the Cholera outbreak as well as priority areas based on a cholera hotspot mapping assessment.” She said.

Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, director-general of the WHO, said the organisation was “proud to be part of this new joint initiative to stop deaths from cholera”.

“Every death from cholera is preventable with the tools available today, including use of the oral cholera vaccine and improved access to basic safe water, sanitation and hygiene as set out in the roadmap.

He stressed that this was a “disease of inequity that affects the poorest and most vulnerable. It is unacceptable that nearly two decades into the 21st century, cholera continues to destroy livelihoods and cripple economies. We must act together. And we must act now.”

Dr Dominique Legros, who heads up the WHO’s cholera programme, said that,” In many countries, cholera is considered as a major public health problem with regular epidemics occurring during the rainy seasons.”

Dr. Ebba Abate Director General of Éthiopien public Heath Institute, said  Ending Cholera Roadmap was developed to maintain the focus on the disease and address three trends that are contributing to cholera’s resurgence worldwide: climate change, population growth and urbanization. Conflict and humanitarian emergencies are also important drivers of cholera’s spread, as they contribute to displace people in informal settlements with limited access to safe water and lack of adequate sanitation conditions.

Dr. Agrey Bategereza The World Health Organization (WHO) has announced, The Roadmap’s tenets are to end cholera as a public health threat in up to 20 countries and reduce deaths by 90% by 2030. Countries with known cholera hotspots have engaged with the GTFCC as “early adopters” of the Ending Cholera Roadmap. These countries have the political leadership to address their hotspots and eliminate or control cholera using a broadly inclusive multi-sectoral approach; and their experiences will help other countries to begin eliminating cholera as well. The Global Task Force on Cholera Control (GTFCC) can support countries in the development and implementation of the national multi-sectoral cholera elimination or control plans.

The Global Task Force on Cholera Control (GTFCC) — a network of more than 50 UN and international agencies, including governments, aid agencies and donors — launched the strategy in October 2017. Cholera kills an estimated 95,000 people and affects 2.9 million more every year. The GTFCC has produced its Ending Cholera: A Global Roadmap to 2030, recognising that cholera spreads in endemic “hotspots” where predictable outbreaks of the disease occur year after year.

The roadmap document aims to “align resources, share best practice and strengthen partnerships between affected countries, donors and international agencies”, the WHO said. The health organisation said the move emphasises the need for “a coordinated approach to cholera control with country-level planning for early detection and response to outbreaks”.

At the 71st session of the World Health Assembly held from the 21st to the 26th of May 2018, the World Health Assembly passed a resolution to end cholera by 2030.

The Ethiopian government has committed to developing a National Cholera Elimination Plan (NCEP) ending cholera by 2030. In March 2019, the Federal Ministry of Health (FMoH) requested the Global Task Force for Cholera Control (GTFCC) for Cholera vaccine to vaccinate Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and high risk populations. The FMoH also committed to develop a multi Sectoral Cholera Elimination Plan in line with the frame work of the GTFCC.

Cholera infection is caused by the ingestion of food or water contaminated with bacteria called vibrio cholerae. The loss of lives due to cholera could be avoided because it is a disease that can be prevented with effective and targeted strategies, adequate implementation, effective monitoring systems, political commitment and financial support. These moving pivots cannot be done in isolation but require a multi sectoral approach.

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BBC

At least 25 people have died in clashes between Ethiopian security forces and activists in southern Ethiopia, hospital officials have told the BBC.

The officials said security forces fired bullets during the protests across the Sidama region.

Activists from the Sidama ethnic group were set to declare their own federal state on Thursday.

They accused the government of failing to hold a promised referendum on the issue.

The Sidama are Ethiopia’s fifth biggest ethnic group, making up 4% of the population and are mainly based in the Southern Nations, Nationalities and People’s (SNNP) regional state.

The four bigger communities all have their own regions within Ethiopia’s ethnically based federal system.

Reports from activists and opposition groups cite a higher death toll with fatalities as high as 60, but the local acting security head, Andinet Ashenafi, warns against what he called exaggerated numbers, reports the BBC’s Kalkidan Yibeltal from Addis Ababa.

Mr Andinet confirmed to the BBC that four people had been killed in the city of Awassa and 26 others sustained wounds.

Members of other ethnic groups were also killed after being attacked by angry mobs.

Local media reported that protesters had attacked a tourist lodge, leading to 12 tourists being escorted out by troops.

The internet has been blocked in parts of the south of the country since Thursday, including the main city of Awassa.

What started the protests?

Shortly after Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came into power last year, promising sweeping democratic reforms, Sidama activists submitted their request for a referendum on having their own officially recognised region.

As part of the constitution, the Ethiopian government must hold a referendum within a year of a request from any ethnic group which wishes to form a separate entity.

Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES

The deadline for the Sidama referendum was Thursday 18 July, but after a complex period of transition following Mr Abiy’s first year of leadership, as well as a wave of ethnic tensions and an alleged regional coup, the government did not organise the vote in time.

The Sidama announced they would declare their own federal state on the deadline for the referendum: Thursday 18 July.

Large-scale violence was avoided as Sidama opposition groups agreed with the government to delay the declaration and hold a referendum in five months.

But for some Sidama people, this compromise was not enough, resulting in the protests and violence.

Why do the Sidama ethnic group want their own region?

As the fifth largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, the Sidama want the same level of autonomy as the four larger communities.

Most Sidama people are farmers and coffee is a particularly prominent source of income.

If the Sidama get their own region, it would mean the regional government could pass policies to suit their economic and cultural needs.

The post Ethiopia referendum: Dozens killed in Sidama clashes appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By AFP

Ethiopia announced Monday that soldiers and federal police will take over security in a restive southern region following days of violence that has left at least 18 people dead.

“The regular security structure has been unable to ensure rule of law and has been stymied by various agendas,” said a statement read on regional state television late Monday.

“From today onward the southern region will be under a federal security forces-led command post.”

The unrest stems from efforts by the Sidama ethnic group, the largest in the southern region, to establish a new semi-autonomous state – a project that has put them on a collision course with the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.

Protests erupted last week as Sidama activists sought to declare their own territory separate from the diverse Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region.

Ethiopia is already partitioned into nine semi-autonomous regions. The constitution requires the government to organise a referendum for any ethnic group that wants to form a new entity within a year of them requesting it.

Sidama leaders submitted their request last July and were preparing to unilaterally declare their new state last week but instead accepted a government request to delay the move.

Clahses broke out when it became clear that a declaration was not imminent, with violence carrying through the weekend into Monday.

In its statement, the government said security had deteriorated and the southern region was plagued by “strife, destruction, displacement and robberies”.

“Armed and illegal groups have been wreaking havoc in the region and the army has been trying to restore the rule of law,” it said.

It said the federal takeover came at the request of regional officials. Details of a new central command post be made known in coming days, it added.

– Rising death toll –

Hospital officials in Hawassa, the regional capital, said last Friday that four people were killed in protests there.

Security forces swiftly quelled the unrest but violence in towns outside Hawassa spread.

A hospital official in Woreta Rassa, located about 30 kilometres (18 miles) outside Hawassa, said Monday that 12 people had died after being shot by soldiers late last week.

“Twelve people from the community were killed and 19 were injured,” said the official, who spoke to AFP on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to reveal casualty totals.

“They were fighting the military.”

In Yirgalem, around 40 kilometres south of Hawassa, two people died out of 10 who were admitted to the local hospital, said Gudura Funte, the hospital’s head.

“One patient was shot at 4:00 am today. He was admitted in the morning and then he died. The rest came on Friday, Saturday and Sunday,” Funte said.

He added that the security situation had largely stabilised by Monday afternoon.

The numbers provided Monday by hospital officials are likely incomplete, as violence was also reported in other areas.

Some Sidama activists have put the death toll as high as 60 but it has not been possible to verify their reports.

Derese Desalegn, the head of the Sidama health department, said he planned to dispatch officials to affected areas on Tuesday to begin gathering comprehensive casualty figures.

At least 150 people had been arrested in connection with the violence as of Friday, Hawassa Mayor Sukare Shuda told regional state media.

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AFP

In the heady days after longtime foes Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a peace deal a year ago, Teklit Amare’s Peace and Love Cafe near the newly-opened border overflowed with customers.

Now, he paces among empty tables, wondering aloud how to keep his business open as optimism fades, with borders again sealed and hopes of progress dashed.

The Zalambessa border crossing closed at the end of last year without explanation as leaders have remained silent. Others crossings followed suit.

“When they shut the border so soon after opening it, that was the saddest moment,” said Teklit, a former teacher who now struggles to pay his rent.

The feeling is widely shared in Zalambessa, a town where battered buildings highlight the damage wrought by the Ethiopia-Eritrea border war, which erupted in 1998 and left tens of thousands dead.

During the stalemate that followed the end of active hostilities in 2000, Zalambessa was all but abandoned, deprived of infrastructure and other investments.

“After the opening it was very obvious that everybody was happy. They want to trade, to have these connections,” said Hadush Desta, Zalambessa’s top municipal official.

“But now, because of no reason, it’s closed. People are emotional about it. They say, ‘Why is this happening to us?'”

– ‘Devil in the details’-

The border opening was just one breakthrough in the whip-fast rapprochement between Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki that began just over a year ago.

Following Abiy’s initial overtures, the two sides embarked on a rapid mending of ties that caught even close observers by surprise, re-opening embassies, resuming flights and taking meetings across the region.

But enthusiasm for the deal has given way to frustration — and not just near the border.

On other goals too — from inking new trade deals to granting Ethiopia access to Eritrea’s ports — high initial hopes have gone unmet.

The lack of communication from both governments makes it difficult to pinpoint why the peace process appears stuck.

Abiy paid a two-day visit to Asmara last week and pledged to “further enhance” the peace process, but no detail was given of their discussions.

“As they say, the devil is in the details. We are not so clear what is going on,” said Abebe Aynete, an Addis Ababa-based senior researcher with the Ethiopian Foreign Relations and Strategic Studies think tank.

Many analysts and diplomats suspect Eritrea is guilty of foot-dragging.

Opening up to Ethiopia would force Isaias to surrender a measure of control, something his critics say he is unlikely to do.

“I personally believe that as long as the current group in Asmara stays in power, I don’t think the border will open and the two countries will not proceed to normal relations,” said Mehari Tesfamichael, chairperson of the opposition Eritrean Bright Future Movement.

Isaias’ notoriously iron-fisted government has long cited the standoff with Ethiopia in justifying harsh policies like compulsory national service, which forces citizens into specific jobs at low pay and bans them from travelling abroad.

Last October, the UN refugee agency noted a seven-fold increase in refugees fleeing Eritrea after the borders opened, with around 10,000 refugees registered in one month.

The peace deal “provided some hope that restrictions on national service would be lifted, but so far there has been little change” in Eritrea, said Human Rights Watch.

– Abiy’s woes –

Ethiopia’s domestic politics could also be part of the problem.

Abiy’s ambitious reform agenda has run into roadblocks, a fact underscored by the assassination last month of five government and military officials.

The changing landscape has inflamed tensions between Abiy and the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the party that dominates the northern Tigray region and was the strongest political force in the country before Abiy came to power.

Tigray’s administration of Ethiopian border areas means the TPLF should be a major player in normalising ties with Eritrea, provided it plays along.

“Solving issues related to the border ideally needs the full cooperation of Tigray and the TPLF. That isn’t what we have right now,” said William Davison, senior analyst at the International Crisis Group think tank.

“We have significant rifts between TPLF and its ruling coalition partners and also disputes between the Tigray region and the federal government in Addis.”

– ‘A better place’ –

However observers say it’s important not to lose sight of the progress that’s been made.

“Up front we have to acknowledge that we’re in a much better place than we were before the rapprochement, when the possibility of state-on-state conflict was quite high,” said Michael Woldemariam, an expert on the Horn of Africa at Boston University.

Even at the border, the news is not all bad.

Though the Zalambessa crossing closed completely in December, soldiers on both sides have since loosened restrictions. Ethiopian traders say that on some days they cross into Eritrea unimpeded, and on others they can often get through using unofficial crossings.

Back at the Peace and Love Cafe, owner Teklit said he is not giving up just yet.

He said he is encouraged by the fact that ties between the two countries are still officially warm.

“There are rumours that the Eritrean government is fixing the road,” he said. “This gives us hope that they might one day reopen again.”

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Dozens killed, many others wounded and property destroyed in clashes in southern Hawassa city since last Thursday

The post Ethiopian party wants constitutional change amid unrest appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Aligaz Yimer (aligazyimer@gmail.com)

These days and as of many days in the near past, I most often hear people say that almost all significant high ranking positions of the so called federal government [of ‘Ethiopia’] have been held by one ethnic group, needless to say that ethnic group is Oromo. Those people earnestly say that even important diplomatic ties such as with that of the USA and others are solely controlled by extremists¹ of the Oromo tribe who are currently busy of creating a new nation in the horn of Africa. These windfall children of TPLF and co. are working day in day out with the help of Ethiopia’s historical enemies to form a country known as Oromia, an Oromia even my computer is confused of its existence and couldn’t figure out what it is meant and hence it’s underlined it with bands of red color now as I am writing this piece. Wonderful ‘Ethiopia’! Ethiopia has become toooo strange.

It is good to have a dream. But it is not advisable; rather, it is not good to suffer from a nightmare. And I guess these children of the Devil, the so called Jawarians and their representatives at Menelik’s Palace and anywhere else in the ‘federal’ structure, are engrossed in a nightmarish world that is detached from the reality. The past 16 months have clearly shown that what people openly say about the hijacked reformative change in Ethiopia is uncompromisingly true; believe me,  the fiercest truth is being unfolded in the Horn of Africa. In short, the change is a ‘failurity’, I mean a failure. I personally am extremely fed up of living in a country in which the term success is abused and failure has replaced unsuccessfulness. Failed education; failed economy; failed personality; failed religion; failed social bond; failed discipline; failed what have you. Failed ethics. Failed moral. In brief a failed state, Ethiopia. Am not frightening you. Come and visit us. We are not like the ones about whom the media is propagating in flying colors. Our nation is between life and death.

By the way, in the past 16 months, one of the most mind boggling questions was “is this man really as good as his words?” But thanks to our practical life on the ground, he has proved to be smartest in discourse delivery and ugliest in implementing his discourses. We are dumfounded now. There are some assumptions for his being silent while his ‘racist’ colleagues do whatever they wish to do. 1. Perhaps an internal coup d’état within OLF/ODP might have taken place and his golden words were supposed to vanish in the air.  2. Perhaps he was blackmailed or deceived or intimidated … because of which he was forced to keep quiet even not to oppose the killings and forceful evictions of non-Oromo citizens everywhere in the country. 3. Perhaps he was warned by the higher anti-Ethiopian entity to get orders and instructions from the invisible government led by so called qeerroos whose boss is HE Sheik Jawar Mohammad. 4. Perhaps he is trained to seize power in all means including what he does and doesn’t, too. 5. Perhaps his stay in power is more significant than the survival of the nation, as this has been the case especially during Haile Silasie’s, Mengistu’s, and Meles’ era. They share the same despotism; the same love for power; the same love for fame; these and such personalities give priority to power than anything else. That is why we are always in quagmire. When will we be out of this routine of quagmire? Only God or Allah knows.

Why is it fiercest?

TPLF tried its level best to destroy Ethiopia. Unfortunately, TPLF itself has been destroyed in a top-down fashion. First, its engineer Meles Zenawi left Ethiopia and joined the Netherworld in an unexplainable manner of death, spoilt and disfigured like a miscarried fetus. Second, as an accompany, Meles was followed by Abba Paulos, Commander-in-Chief of the religious wing of TPLF, the fake Patriarch who demeaned and disgraced EOC. From that time on, the sun of TPLF was running fast to set. On the contrary, while most of us were hoping for the rise of the sun of all Ethiopians, which I can say now our hoping was foolish, OPDO/OLF was clandestinely taking roots in the so called federal structure from top to the bottom. Third, as of last year, the ulcerous TPLFites were forced to lead ‘peogenic’ life in hiding somewhere in Tigray. Who did all those miracles? I perfectly know, do not give me names. If your answer is OPDO or ANDM or the PEOPLE, you are wrong. Maybe the dunce ODP may attribute this ‘victory’ to its qeerroo which is quite untrue.

The unavoidable objective realities mentioned here above should give a lesson to the remnants of TPLF including to their masters that the fate of anti-Ethiopian individuals or groups is not that much pleasing as they might expect it to be so. This reciprocal damage has been the tradition of Ethiopians and anti-Ethiopians for ages. Though at times this journey might bring about pyrrhic victories to either of the sides, I hope we have to learn from history and come back to our conscience as soon as possible in order to avoid dramatic self-destruction of historic proportion in a very near future.

Let me conclude. It is good that extremists of the Oromo tribe, like Tigrian extremists, are filling up all vitally important political positions and economic sectors with Oromos. It is good that Oromos, like Tigrian muttonheads, are positively accepting the appointment of theirs and the demotion and dismissal of ‘others’. It is good that history is repeating itself within a year or so since the time the nastiest historical conjuncture is said to have gone for good. It is good that the 70+ % of the people of Ethiopia are becoming aware of what happens when one ethnic governance is replaced by another [ethnic governance].  It is good that Feyyera and Chaltu wipe out Sinshaw and Shewa’erkabish from any economic and political involvement when they are in Palace as Hagos and Abrehet wiped out Guangul and Zuriashworq when the latter were at the same position last year. It is good that even the traffic police in Addis are disproportionally filled with Oromos. It is good, for the time being, that the historical responsibility of (mis)leading Ethiopia is laid upon the shoulders of extremist Oromos and therefore every key position is voraciously being grabbed by them. Nevertheless, every human being should realize that no debt is exempted. With this regard, the ignorance and arrogance of people who refuse to learn from history or even from their friends and neighbors always surprises me. Moreover, with all the astounding knowledge and art of hypnotizing people he is said to have, If little Abiy can’t learn an iota of educational element from the life of his predecessor the Big Liar Meles, what do we expect from the lay? If “the big bread becomes dough,”² what do we expect of the little bread? …

General Truth… “You reap what you sow.”

  ¹ I used this word, extremists, to refer to those people who are victims of the current tide of         ethnicity which is ionized with hatred, greed, and revenge.

 ² In Amharic there is a saying “ትልቁ ዳቦ ሊጥ ሆነ” which literally means “The big bread turned into dough.” This saying is employed to express one’s feeling when they get       disappointed by someone who fails to meet an expectation.

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By Prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam

July 25, 2019 — Ethiopian Diaspora Trust Fund (EDTF) FIRST ROUND OF CALLS FOR PROPOSALS.

We are proud to announce EDTF will issue its first round of calls for proposals on July 25, 2019.

All parties interested in submitting proposals to undertake projects are encouraged to do so by following the guidelines provided.

Complete documentation on proposal submissions and EDTF contacts are available by clicking HERE.

Thanks to…

First, I would like to thank the nearly 25 thousand donors who contributed $1 a day to help us collect over $4.6  million in less than 10 months.

Second, I would like to thank our volunteers who served as the backbone of EDTF since its beginning. Our EDTF volunteers gave their time, money and resources freely because they believe in the EDTF cause.

Third, I would like to thank the members of our global chapters now numbering 39. Our chapter members are the driving engines of our local engagement campaigns.

Fourth, I would like to thank the United Nations Development Fund (UNDP) for their generous support in establishing our EDTF Secretariat. We deeply appreciate UNDP’s confidence in our objectives and capacity to deliver on our promises.

Fifth, I would like to thank the members of the EDTF Advisory Council. It is a privilege and an honor to work with so many professionals who made significant financial and technical contributions and dedicated their Sundays to EDTF for a better part of a year.

Last but not least, I would like to thank H.E. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed for delivering Ethiopia’s Call for Help to Diaspora Ethiopians. Good leaders share a vision and inspire others to help them turn their vision into reality.

How we made history…

One of EDTF’s informal mottoes is, “Making history together.”

Is that just a tagline or a true statement?

It is a true statement supported by evidence:

No diaspora group has ever attempted to raise $1 a day from its members to support critical projects in their home countries.

On August 9, 2018, when the EDTF Advisory Council was established, we had no prepared plan, template or blueprint on how to run a global trust fund.

But we ramped up and in less than 3 months working around the clock, we launched the EDTF website and began collecting donations.

The three months were full of challenges ranging from compliance with complex statutory and regulatory requirements to ensuring a robustly functioning website.

In less than 5 months, we had laid out and implemented the supporting infrastructure for EDTF with recruitment of volunteers and establishment of global chapters.

In less than 7 months we had established a secretariat in Ethiopia to begin preparatory work for project implementation.

In less than 8 months, we had set up a stellar Board of Directors for EDTF in Ethiopia and fully registered EDTF under the societies and charities law.

In less than 10 months, we collected over $4.6 million and are now announcing our first round of request for proposals.

EDTF uses 100 percent of collected donations for project. No donation is used for  administrative or other purposes.

EDTF is supported 100 percent by volunteers who feel honored and privileged to help their people.

EDTF is 100 percent independent from any and all government involvement in its decision making or operations.

EDTF is 100 percent committed to ensure all are treated without regard to ethnicity, religion, language, region, race, gender or any other insidious classification.

EDTF conducts its business with maximum transparency and accountability. EDTF prides itself in being an open book to its donors and anyone interested. All EDTF donors are listed on our website unless they request anonymity. We make weekly reports of donations received and, once projects are implemented, we will provide up to date financial reports.

Challenges along the way.. 

Whether EDTF has lived up to its promises depends on what it does with donors’ money.

With the announcement for request for proposals, donors and others can now take a clear look at EDTF’s plans and implementation strategies.

Since the inception of EDTF, some have questioned our ability to ensure the financial and management integrity of our operations. We have addressed those issue through verbal assurances. But now, all can review our policies and rigorous procedures posted on our website and appreciate the lengths we have gone to ensure  transparent and accountable operations.

I must candidly report that some misguided people have tried to take EDTF hostage, or at least make EDTF a whipping boy for political issues in Ethiopia.

Some people have called to cancel their monthly contributions because of  something that happened in Ethiopia or because someone in Ethiopia said something they do not like.

That has been puzzling to us because EDTF is not directly or indirectly involved in any political activities.

EDTF has members and volunteers come from the full spectrum of political orientation.

We do not have a political or other litmus test. All are free to express whatever views they have and we respect differences in views of our donors and supporters.

As long as people are interested in donating $1 a day for the defined projects, we ask no questions.

The best way to deal with a negative attitude is to produce positive results.

EDTF’s golden hour…

We at EDTF have always believed “EDTF is a gift we hope to pass to future generations.”

EDTF is not a 2, 5- or 10-year project. It will go on and on.

We collected $4.6 million in our first year. There are those who say we should have collected $46 million.

Talk is cheap.

Those who refuse to give $1 a day have no moral right to criticize those who have built up a $4.6 million fund.

But some people are hard wired for negativism.

Alfred Lord Tennyson, the 19^th century British poet laureate said it best:

Once in a golden hour
I cast to earth a seed.
Up there came a flower,
The people said, a weed.

Once in a golden hour in August 2018, we cast a seed called EDTF

Up there came a flower in August 2019, but some people said it is a weed.

We are committed to following our positive vision and are now ready to back it up with positive action.

For those who think $1 is nothing and cannot make a difference, I would like for them to ponder this:

The vast majority of Ethiopians live on less than $1 a day.

Factory workers in Ethiopia make $26 a month!

A fresh university graduate in engineering makes $100 a month.

There is the power of 1. Power of $1.

Let’s us join up with EDTF in the second phase of our fundraising campaign.

In December 2018, I wrote the following:

In 5 years, the Ethiopian Diaspora Trust Fund will be the template for a diaspora trust fund all over Africa. I suspect there will be some who will laugh at me today and say I am delusional.

But the fact is Nigerians, Ugandans and others are already coming to us and asking us for our template.

There will be speed bumps on our way to cultivating our EDTF  “golden seed” into a beautiful flower of hope and optimism. But the harder the struggle, the sweeter the victory.

In life, there are those who make history and those who read history. There are also those  upon whom history is made.

Join hands with EDTF and LET’S MAKE HISTORY TOGETHER.

“Be ashamed to die until you have won some victory for humanity.” Horace Mann

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