March 23, 2019
Tegenaw Goshu

Let me from the outset make myself clear as far as the very purpose of my comment is concerned.

First, I have no any intention of provoking unnecessary and unproductive conversation on the article (s) of the Professor that made me not to remain silent or not to go without expressing my point of view. I absolutely have no personal or any other interest except believing that it is quite right to call a spade a spade whenever and wherever it is appropriate regardless of social, economic, academic (educational), professional, political status of persons or groupings.

I sincerely understand that it would be wrong for me to undermine the very professional and academic qualification of the writer of this article (the Professor). Neither it is right for me to have a judgment on his very personal behavior nor any other personal matter.

My very purpose is to express my critical point of view on not only his very uncritical or totally passive approach toward  Prime Minister Abyi Ahmed   that sounds going  too far to the extent of worshiping or creating  the politics of personal cult . To fall in love with anyone who does relatively good things with our critical and constructive way of political thinking and behavior is truly great and appropriate! But falling in love with a politician (s) uncritically and complacently is terribly inappropriate and unproductive. It could end up with foolishly declaring oneself a victor whereas the reality on the ground self-evidently tells the resurfacing of suffering from serious setback if not terrible failure.

I strongly argue this is what we are witnessing in our country as far as the very hard reality revealing itself on the ground is concerned. It is so ridiculous for those politicians (“agents of change”) to keep going with their voracious political rhetoric whereas extremely terrible things are happening   in several parts of the country including right at the very backyard of their palaces (the head of government/the PM Office and the head of state/the President’s Office.

Second, I genuinely and firmly believe that the very political culture and thinking of our intellectuals (though not all) who are emotionally or otherwise complacent toward the politicians (leaders) is one of the most notoriously stupid reasons for the very poor if not wrong public perception about the politicians (“agents of transition to a democratic system”). Those intellectuals who had no any critical argument or way of thinking toward the incumbent leaders more specifically the Prime Minister and few members of his team at the very beginning of the desirable movement for change have their own undesirable if not miserable contribution to what went terribly wrong before the change had to take off in a meaningful manner.

So, the very purpose of my comment is not to have unnecessary arguments and counter –arguments with the Professor and his uncritical admirers.  But it is to express my strong conviction that there is a compelling reason for genuinely concerned citizens not to remain shy of challenging (criticizing) uncritical, irrational, excessively subjective, arrogantly self-assertive and absurdly complacent political attitudes/ behaviors and practices.

Having said these couple of points about the very purpose of my comment, let me proceed to the points of view I want to express:

I am one of those fellow Ethiopians who do try to go through writings  (articles) written and forwarded by any ordinary compatriot and more   particularly by well-educated (highly educated) ones on any area of subject that matters a lot to our country. I do this because I sincerely and strongly believe that this is one of the ways through which we can gain knowledge (well-substantiated and organized information) that in its turn paves the way for mutual understanding by either avoiding or lessening the misunderstandings we may suffer from.

Needless to say, it is this kind of communication (interaction) that enables us to become beneficiaries of doing something practically desirable for the common good we do aspire.    It goes without saying that we are in a very serious situation that desperately begs for this kind of communication (interaction) of a real sense of sincerity and civility more than ever. I wonder whether we are learning a bitter lesson from the very general crisis we have gone though and still are going through. I wonder whether this generation is a generation of self-aware enough about the magnitude of general crisis (political, socio-economic, moral, spiritual (the very essence of inner soul). I wonder whether this generation is truly willing and ready to find feasible and reliable means to totally liberate itself from a political system of deception and hypocrisy still being orchestrated by political elites who are trying to continue the very divisive and mutually destructive political agenda and practice of ethno-centrism that has never been the wishes of the people.

When it comes to the article I am referring to, I was one of those compatriots who used to go through the relentlessly continuous and excessively long articles (writings) of Professor Alemayehu Gebremariam for the last several years. Though not as I used to be, I still try to glance over articles (writings) of the Professor believing that to stay away from doing so is not only undesirable but also wrong. It is wrong because staying away from or trying to avoid arguments on issues (serious challenges) whenever we feel it is difficult to us to deal with disqualifies not only our basic reasoning power but also the very essence of intellect and intellectuality we may claim to have.

It is from this very perspective that I read the article written by the Professor and forwarded (published) on ECADF (03/21/19 after unusually having a considerable time interval. It is titled “Remembering the Sharpeville (South Africa) and Meles Massacres (Ethiopia) in 2019”.

Well, going all the way back to not only recorded history but also to the extent of time immemorial in search of any inhumane action committed by those who wanted to rule over the society they belonged to is one of  the disciplines ( fields) that should be dealt with by intellectuals who are believed to have power of intellect.  It is not merely a matter of digging out what happened in the past and put it in the right context of history but it is also (most importantly) a matter of learning appropriate lessons and not to repeat what terribly went wrong .  What we desperately need at this extremely critical moment of our country is a critical, balanced, rational, all-around, farsighted, justice for all political way of engagement (participation). It must be noted here that intellectuals of various areas of profession have a very especial role in this regard.

Are we witnessing this kind of comprehensive and critical approach and participation in our country? It will be wrong to answer this question in a generalized and absolute terms of yes or no. But it is self-evidently   clear that the current situation in our country is characterized by a very weak if not failed participation of educated Ethiopians in general and those who belong to the highest level of intellect and intellectuality in particular.

What makes this very essence of knowledge and skill terribly not only clumsy but also deeply disappointing is when it is intended to praise (admire) the politicians we may fall in love with as blameless (cult figures). Articles (writings) by Professor A.G/Mariam about the incumbent leaders especially Prime Minister Abyi Ahmed are typical examples.   The clumsiness and absurdity of this kind of way of political thinking and behavior becomes horribly disappointing when it comes from intellectuals who are supposed to be as rational, critical, realistic, balanced, and sustainable solution -seeking as possible.

Any literate ordinary Ethiopian with a relatively critical and rational reasoning power can easily sense how the very topic of the article is framed in a very highly skewed way of thinking or state of mind.

It is true that the very inner circle of TPLF and those EPRDF politicians and cadres who felt losing their abusive political power cannot stay away from the disruptive behavior and action during this struggle for genuine freedom and justice.  I wholly agree that we cannot and should not undermine let alone disregard their very ugly if not deadly attempts until they would realize that the room and the window they are using are closed on their backs forever by the freedom and peace-loving people of Ethiopia.  

But it is terribly wrong if not miserably complacent not to have the moral and political courage to be critical of the very weaknesses of not taking timely and appropriate actions by Prime Minister Abyi Ahmed who is the leader of both the ruling party and the head of the government.

Needless to say, it is both morally and intellectually absurd not to show a sense of regret when those politicians (leaders) who we gave our unreserved admiration terribly failed to take timely and effective preventive actions to protect innocent citizens from the horrible consequences we are witnessing day in and day out.

It absolutely does not make sense not to directly, straight-forwardly and constructively criticize the very unjustifiable weaknesses of not taking timely and necessary actions to mitigate the suffering of hundreds of thousands of innocent citizens before it became incredibly unbearable day in and day out. Is this not an open secret that revealed itself months ago and getting worse, not better?

Is the Professor not aware of this tragic situation caused by the very ill-conceived and ill-advised politics of ethno-centrism which is being entertained by political groupings, mainly by the former OPDO and the current OPD of which the Prime Minister is the member of the top leadership?

The Professor redundantly and voraciously tries to lecture us about the wonderfully crafted and articulated political rhetoric of the Prime Minister. Yes, despite the fact that the Prime Minister has a problem of some sort of inconsistency and nativity of encountering the very complex and challenging political world, his political rhetoric is wonderfully and positively inspirational.

But all this good political oratory can make sense when and where it is tested by the very reality on the ground. If this is not what we are desperately looking for and want to carry on, we honestly have to take deep breath and come up with the right way of doing politics. Needless to say, the right way of doing politics especially for our intellectuals such as Professor A.G/Mariam is to help politicians (leaders) by delivering ideas and recommendations with a real and genuine sense of critique and encouragement, not uncritical and disingenuous political behavior that goes to the extent of creating a personal cult (worshiping).

Absurdly enough, what the Professor trying to justify is that the Prime Minister as well as the ruling circle and the government he leads cannot be hold responsible and accountable because it was and is the making of Meles’s Massacres of 2019. Doesn’t this sound not only politically skewed but also practically disingenuous?  I strongly argue that it is terribly skewed and politically misleading because if we try to make those politicians blameless figures whereas it is abundantly clear that they are not and cannot be, the solution we try to recommend will end up with being wrong if not disastrous.    It is totally a political stupidity and moral degradation not to hold the incumbent politicians (leaders) responsible and accountable   for all the horrible displacements/forced evictions, bulldozing of houses and exposing innocent citizens together with their families and many more miserable way of life (if it is life at all) .

I am sorry to say but I have to say that the article does not deserve any attention let alone initiating any reasonable and useful conversation. But I strongly argue that the way he presents himself and argues on the ongoing struggle for fundamental peoples’ democratic system in Ethiopia is horribly uncritical, terribly emotional, excessively redundant and voracious. The way he tries to characterize all individuals and groupings outside the very circle of the Prime Minister  is excessively arrogant as he sounds a person who foolishly convinces himself “I know all but others do not ” .  Well, it is the right thing to criticize those few who blindly complain as if there is nothing positively encouraging in the process of   the struggle for fundamental democratic system. But insulting all those who suffer from their own weaknesses or ineffectiveness as “blockheads” because they criticize the Prime Minister and his government does not make the Professor morally and politically superior at all. I am sure that the Professor knows what Socrates has to say, “what I know is that I do not know”.

If we are truly honest with ourselves, it is because we most of us (with the exception of very and very few) are “blockheads” as far as the very question of  why we could not go beyond making highly jargonized and redundant political rhetoric and theorization is concerned. 

Is this not this kind of political culture and attitude of ours that has enabled the ethno-centric dictatorial regime to stay in power for a quarter of a century?

Is it not true that intellectuals and others with various levels of education who were and are supposed to be at the very forefront of the political struggle for genuine freedom and justice?

Yes, although the degree of being “blockheads” differs, it is very difficult to find many among us who are blameless in this political context of ours except very and very few.

So, it is now better to say let’s unblock our own blockheads and move forward accordingly. I strongly argue and believe that in this endeavor of unblocking the blockheads has to start from our intellectuals who terribly suffer from avoidance of direct involvement and participation in the struggle for the realization a fundamental peoples’ democratic system in our country. Not the other way round.

As a strong believer of calling a spade a spade is necessary, telling a person directly and straightforwardly about his or her undesirable way of thinking and behaving is the right thing to do whenever and wherever it is necessary or reasonably applicable regardless of his or her academic or any other type of status.

I found this article as the concluding part of articles of the last about ten months devoted to “blameless politicians or agents of the change.” The Professor sounds frustrated as the result of his own behavior of falling in love with politicians especially with Prime Minister Abyi Ahmend unconditionally or uncritically from the very beginning.

As a well- educated person, he was supposed to behave and act objectively and critically instead of writing piles of “great cornicles of admiration of Prime Minister Abyi Ahmed (“ውዳሴ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አብይ አህመድ“) that was politically nonsensical as a matter of fact or reality in our country. Now, he is making things worse by not trying to hold the Prime Minister and his government responsible for what horribly went wrong and still is going wrong in many parts of the country.

Yes, if he (the Professor) is truly and heroically intellectual, he was supposed to be courageous enough to tell those politicians whom he has fallen in love with directly, straightforwardly and constructively that the way they behave and act is going in the wrong direction and it should be corrected before it would be too late. He was supposed to be critical of the very ugly political behavior of hypocrisy and conspiracy that are horribly stifling the very struggle for the realization of democratic society. Adding  salt to the wound, we are witnessing a very ugly if not dangerous political conspiracy to replace the hegemony TPLF/EPRDF with that of OPD/EPRDF together with extreme elements of ethno-centric political groupings and  the so-called activists .

Does the Professor really believe that the Prime Minister and team Lemma have no knowledge about the horrible consequences of ethno-centric political agenda and practice that are being carried out by the very members of their own high ranking members of the leadership and their cadres who continued controlling both the party and government structures all the way down to the smallest local governments (kebeles)?

Coming up with this kind of article which is characterized by kind of uncontrolled emotion and even anger is totally unproductive. I found it something that clearly shows the very undesirable mixture of frustration and unsuccessful self-assertion that will never be able to make either things in general or the specific way of doing politics better.   It makes things worse as it loses both political and moral courage to have rational, critical, realistic and productive engagement with all political actors (state and non-state) and help things move forward accordingly.

Yes, it is wrong to undermine his (the Professor’s) relentless effort to prepare and forward articles of truly informative about the ethno-centric dictatorial regime controlled by TPLF for many years.  However, following the assumption of political power by Dr Abyi Ahmend, he did not take time to create uncritical or passive type of attachment that has later developed into the very clumsy political attitude of “touch not Prime Minister Abyi Ahmend” and stay focused on blaming and condemning TPLF and undermining the role of political opposition parties. Doesn’t this sound so hasty and unproductive especially when it comes from our intellectuals who claim to be highly educated and experienced? It does sound!

I hate to say but I have to say that I did not read any substantive recommendation on the question of how we can find the way out (solution) in this article of defending the Prime minister.

It is deeply disappointing to witness our intellectuals such as the writer of this article who are still trying to tell the people that the “the PM is blameless; it is others who should be blamed for what is going wrong.” Terribly self-degrading!

True, all Ethiopians from individual to a group(s) level are responsible and they deserve the blame for what they did not do to make a big and meaningful change of ideas and practices. But there is no doubt that the PM and his party and government are at the very forefront of responsibility and accountability. They deserve unreserved blame not only for not acting quickly and effective to prevent the horrible things going on in the country, but also for turning their backs on the innocent   people of Ethiopia who accepted and praised them as their earthly saviors.

Is the professor telling the people that they (the people) have wrong perception about those politicians who shamefully and stupidly started playing the politics of hypocrisy, conspiracy and deception in the name of democratic reform?

If the Professor is saying that the people are stupid enough about the horrible failure of the PM and his inner circle that has caused deeply painful happenings almost in all parts of the country, he (the Professor) must be victim of not be willing and able to see outside the very box of the politicians he uncritically or unconditionally has fallen in love with. And that is not desirable at all as far as the very essence making a concerted effort in order to make a truly democratic system a reality is concerned.

Agree or disagree, it is these kinds of our approaches and behaviors that have made politicians excessively/ voraciously and unrealistically self-asserted. Accept it or not, these kinds of political attitudes and behaviors of ours have played a very significant role in the emergence and lingering of dreadful situations in many parts of the country.

I strongly argue and believe that though we are too late to save many lives we lost as the result of the political identity of ethno-centrism instigated by evil-minded individuals and political groupings, and to prevent the forced eviction of hundreds and thousands  of innocent citizens  due to the same political madness; we have to behave differently and act quickly in order to stop all this craziness of self –destruction and move in the right direction of establishing a truly democratic system.

To this end, intellectuals and all educated members of the society desperately need to get out of both their uncritical/passive way of supporting this or that political actor. And they have to liberate themselves from their political attitude of staying as spectators of political a game being played by others.

I am reasonably optimistic that we all together can change things not only for the better but also for the best!

The post Ethiopia: It is Much More Disappointing than Encouraging appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By ELIAS MESERET
AP

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (AP) — The warning and training requirements set for the now-grounded 737 Max 8 aircraft may not have been adequate, in light of the Ethiopian plane crash that killed 157 people, the chief of Ethiopian Airlines said Saturday.

After the Lion Air crash off Indonesia in October, the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration and Boeing “came up with contents that we incorporated in our working manuals and also briefed all our pilots. But today we believe that might not have been enough,” Tewolde Gebremariam told The Associated Press in an interview in Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa.

Ethiopian Airlines insists the carrier’s pilots went through all the extra training required by Boeing and the FAA to fly the 737 Max 8 jet. The March 10 crash killed people from 35 countries.

FAA spokesman Lynn Lunsford declined to comment, citing an open investigation. Boeing on Saturday detailed planned flight-control software fixes for the plane and said it will pay to train airline pilots.

Gebremariam said earlier in the week that the training was meant to help crews shift from an older model of the 737 to the Max 8, which entered airline service in 2017. In a statement, he said pilots were also made aware of an emergency directive issued by the FAA after the Lion Air crash, which killed 189 people.

Ethiopian Airlines has said there is a “clear similarity” between the Lion Air and Ethiopian Airlines crashes, citing preliminary information from the flight data recorder.

Although the causes of the crashes haven’t been determined, investigators in the Lion Air disaster have focused on an automated system designed to use information from two sensors to help prevent a dangerous aerodynamic stall.

It is not known whether the same flight-control system played a role in the crash of the Ethiopian Airlines jet shortly after takeoff from Addis Ababa, but regulators say both planes had similar erratic flight paths, an important part of their decision to ground the roughly 370 Max planes around the world.

Both planes flew with erratic altitude changes that could indicate the pilots struggled to control the aircraft. Shortly after their takeoffs, both crews tried to return to the airports but crashed.

The New York Times reported on Wednesday that the pilots of the doomed Ethiopian plane never trained in a simulator for the Max. Gebremariam, the Ethiopian Airlines CEO, said Saturday that “it wouldn’t have made any difference” as the 737 Max simulator isn’t designed to imitate problems in the new jet’s flight-control software.

He still didn’t say whether the pilots had trained on the simulator.

Boeing’s planned software update for the Max must “address the problem 100 percent before we return the aircraft to air,” he said, noting that the airline hasn’t made a decision on whether or not to cancel orders for Max jets.

Ethiopian Airlines is widely seen as Africa’s best-managed airline.

The carrier had been using five of the Max planes and was awaiting delivery of 25 more.

The post Ethiopian Airlines chief questions Max training requirements appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam

Special Author’s Note: For the past few years, I have written  commemorative commentaries on the Sharpeville Massacre of March 21, 1960 and the Meles Massacres of 2005.  I have written these commentaries to remind those who believe in solving problems with large scale violence that violence begets violence and lasting peace can be achieved only through dialogue and mutual give and take based on goodwill and good faith.

One of the common criticisms leveled against H.E. Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed is that he “does not take action”.

When protesters are out in the street making noise, he is blamed for “not taking action”.

When empty barrel opposition leaders and activists babble inflammatory words in the media, he is blamed for “not taking action”.

When the media itself, which once sought to be the ears and eyes of the public, became a pathetic institution of vulgar tabloidism cranking out fake news, he is blamed for “not taking action”.

When former regime leaders  bluster holed up under the rock from which they crawled  27 years ago, he is blamed for “not taking action”.

When thousands of people are displaced through the paid agitation of covert TPLF operatives, he is blamed for “not taking action”.

When the rains don’t come in season, he is blamed for “not taking action”. When there is thunder and lightning when the rains come, he is blamed for “not taking action”.

Of course, none of the cowardly blockheads will step forward and tell him exactly what “action” they want him to take.

Do they want him to take the actions the late Meles Zenawi and his gang of thugs in the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) took? Do they want him to “take action” by declaring a state of emergency, constituting command posts and ordering mass arrests, mass detentions, mass persecutions and massacres?

Or do they want him to take the actions of the defunct military junta (Derg) that preceded the TPLF regime by implementing a “Red Terror” campaign against any and all opposition? The Derg obtained $13 billion in 13 years “to take action” and made Ethiopia the killing fields of Africa.

PM Abiy has said time and again, he will “not take action” that will result in the mass arrests, mass detentions, mass persecutions and massacres to stay in power. Such forms of action have been tried and failed time and again for decades.

He says those who kill, jail and steal are losers. They can never lead a country; they can only lead a procession to the graveyard.

But PM Abiy says there is one and only one action that must be taken.

That is collective action by all Ethiopians to bring about peace, reconciliation, stability and social harmony. It is the duty of community elders, professionals, public officials, opposition parties, faith and civic society leaders and all citizens to work for a peaceful and prosperous Ethiopia.

I have the greatest admiration for PM Abiy in his renunciation of indiscriminate, wholesale and wanton violence in the name of “taking action” to remain in power.

Power does not come out of the barrel of the gun. Power comes from reaching the hearts and minds of Ethiopians with a message of  brotherhood and sisterhood and showing them that path to peace, reconciliation and prosperity.

The hypocrisy of PM Abiy’s forked tongue serpentine critics is that they will be the shrillest voices in condemning him as a dictator were he to follow their mindless exhortations and “take action”.

As I remember the Sharpeville and the Meles Massacres, I also remember the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.:

Hate begets hate; violence begets violence; toughness begets a greater toughness. We must meet the forces of hate with the power of love. The ultimate weakness of violence is that it is a descending spiral begetting the very thing it seeks to destroy, instead of diminishing evil, it multiplies it.

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Today is Thursday March 21, 2019.

It is a date that shall live in infamy in African history.

On Monday March 21, 1960, the minority white apartheid regime committed a shocking massacre in the township of Sharpeville in South Africa. It was an act of atrocity intended to show the majority black South Africans that whites will resort to extreme lengths to cling to power indefinitely.

In June and November 2005, the now-defunct black ethnic apartheid regime of the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) led by the late Meles Zenawi committed an unspeakable and fully documented (by his own Inquiry Commission) massacre in Ethiopia. It was an act of atrocity intended to show the majority of Ethiopians that the TPLF will resort to extreme measures to cling to power for one hundred years.

Why do I remember the Sharpeville and Meles Massacres?

I have often been criticized for my “obsession” with the Meles Massacres of 2005.

Of course, the only reason I got involved in Ethiopian human rights advocacy in 2006 was because of the Meles Massacres.

But those who would rather forget the Meles Massacres express puzzlement over my “obsession” and offer dissuasive advice: “Why do you always talk about the Meles Massacres? Meles is dead. It all happened a long time ago. Nothing can be done. Whatever you do will not bring back the dead. Forget it. Let it go.”

I have also been told not to resurrect the memory of the Sharpeville Massacre that happened nearly six decades ago. “There are not even that many South Africans who remember Sharpeville today. It is a bad memory South Africans would rather  forget. Why open old wounds? Why make false analogies between South Africa and Ethiopia? ”

I have often asked myself, “Do African societies traumatized by brutality and atrocity prefer to practice collective self-induced amnesia? Are Africans suffering from “Afromneisa”? Are Ethiopians afflicted by “Ethiomnesia”?

The Sharpeville and Meles Massacres were driven by the same impulse. Domination, subjugation and exploitation of a majority group by a small group of power hungry and bloodthirsty thugs intent on holding on power by any means necessary.

Though white apartheid has been officially dead in South Africa for a quarter of  a century, the evils left behind by the apartheid regime still live today and continue to wreck the lives of millions of black South Africans.

Though the ethnic apartheid regime of the TPLF has been dead almost a year and its leaders remain in self-incarceration, they still spend tens of millions of dollars to  wreak havoc in Ethiopia creating strife, conflict, displacement of populations and instability in the country.

There is no difference between the racial apartheid system of white South Africans and the black ethnic apartheid system run by the TPLF in Ethiopia.

There is no difference at all between the South African apartheid [apartheid means apart-ness or separate development] “bantustans” (homelands) and the TPLF ‘s “kilils” [kilils also means apart-ness by creating exclusive areas that keep others out] (homelands).

There is no difference between prime minister Hendrik Verwoerd’s apartheid/“separate development,” and “prime minister” Meles Zenawi’s policy of “ethnic federalism” which sought to dismember and divide and rule Ethiopia by creating disconnected islands of ethnic enclaves.

Apartheid, racial or ethnic, has no color, no ethnicity, no religion, no language and no nationality. It is a scourge on humanity.

Mass detentions, mass incarcerations and massacres are the hallmark of apartheid-style regimes.

Why do I remember the Sharpeville and Meles Massacres?

For the same reason Elie Weisel remembered Ethiopia during his Nobel Lecture:

We must remember the suffering of my people, as we must remember that of the Ethiopians, the Cambodians, the boat people, the Palestinians, the Miskito Indians (Nicaragua and Honduras), the Argentinian ‘Desaparecidos’ (‘disappeared ones’) – their list seems endless.

March 21, 1960- Sharpeville Massacre, South Africa

On March 21, 1960, exactly 59 years ago today, a crowd estimated at five thousand (according to apartheid police 20 thousand, inflated to justify their extreme response) gathered in front of a police station in the South African township of Sharpeville in Transvaal (presently Gauteng, one of the nine provinces of South Africa).

Apartheid Prime Minister Hendrik F. Verwoerd

Many of the protesters had gone to the station in response to calls by organizers to defy the pass book (internal “passport” for black South Africans intended to limit their movement) laws and submit to voluntary arrest.

Less than two dozen police officers were present at the station when the first group of protesters arrived.  The crowd swelled in a short time. Reinforcements with armored cars and machine guns were brought in from surrounding areas. As more protesters arrived, fighter jets were called in to fly low and buzz the crowd in an attempt to scatter it.

Protesters began throwing rocks and tried to break the police barricades. None of the protesters was armed as a judicial inquiry later confirmed.

The police responded with tear gas and batons. Apartheid police tried to arrest the leaders of the protest and scuffles broke out. A few protesters charged the gates to the station and rushed a police commander. Police opened fire on the crowd with submachine guns and assault rifles.

According to official figures, police fired 705 bullets killing 69 protesters, including 8 women and 10 children. The number of wounded and otherwise injured exceeded 180, including 31 women and 19 children.

The vast majority of the victims were shot in the back as they fled the scene, accordingto the senior district surgeon of Johannesburg who testified before a judicial inquiry.

The eyewitness accounts of the massacre cast significant doubt on the police version of events. One eyewitness reported:

There was no warning volley. When the shooting started it did not stop until there was no living thing in the huge compound in front of the police station. The police have claimed they were in desperate danger because the crowd was stoning them. Yet only three policemen were reported to have been hit by stones – and more than 200 Africans were shot down. The police also have said that the crowd was armed with ‘ferocious weapons’, which littered the compound after they fled. I saw no weapons… I saw only shoes, hats and a few bicycles left among the bodies.

Lt. Col.  Pienaar, the commanding officer of the police reinforcements at Sharpeville, did not mince words when he spoke to The Guardian. “It all started when hordes of natives surrounded the police station. My car was struck with a stone. If they do these things they must learn their lesson the hard way.”

Pienaar added, “The native mentality does not allow them to gather for a peaceful demonstration. For them to gather means violence.” He denied giving any order to fire on the crowd.

An apartheid “judicial inquiry” failed to determine responsibility for the massacre.

Within weeks, the supposed organizers of the protest were tried and sentenced up to 3 years and the apartheid government declared a state of emergency.

By May 1960, some 30,000 alleged participants and supporters of the protest were held in detention.

The Sharpeville Massacre became a milestone in South African history.

The slow unraveling and dismantling of the apartheid regime began in Sharpeville. The massacre galvanized international public opinion. Opposition to apartheid regime spread throughout the world driven by coalitions of civil society and grassroots organizations.

Sharpeville stirred the imagination of black South African youth. The U.N. Security Council passed  Resolution 134 which led to increasing international isolation of the apartheid regime.

Coalitions of civil society and grassroots organizations mounted mass mobilizations efforts resulting in South Africa’s exclusion from the British Commonwealth in 1961.

The apartheid regime responded by becoming even more repressive and consolidated its support among whites.

Anti-apartheid organizations within South Africa also consolidated their roles.  The African National Congress began taking a leading role in the anti-apartheid movement and established its military wing. The long march to freedom in South Africa was underway.

International efforts to isolate and sanction the apartheid regime also took a new urgency. Foreign investors became jittery about investing in South Africa under white minority rule.  Following the Sharpeville Massacre, foreign investors took their money out of South Africa and ran. The South African economy teetered on the verge of collapse. In the coming years, increasing economic sanctions were imposed on South Africa.

The Meles Massacres of 2005

On June 8, 2005 in Addis Ababa and November 1-10 and 14-16 in Addis Ababa and “some parts of the country”, T-TPLF ethnic apartheid forces indiscriminately fired into unarmed protesting crowds and killed 193 protesters and wounded 763. This was the official finding of the Inquiry Commission personally appointed by the late T-TPLF leader Meles Zenawi.

The Inquiry Commission was not allowed to report hundreds of other related deaths and injuries that occurred on other dates between May 16 and December 2005. (Click HERE to read the authorizing Proclamation.)

TPLF Ethnic Apartheid Prime Minister Meles Zenawi

Meles Zenawi’s response to the massacres was remarkably similar to Lt. Col. Pienaar.

Meles explained, “I am saying there was no peaceful demonstration as such. It was an uprising, and we put down an uprising. Regrettably, it involved loss of life. But it was not a peaceful demonstration at all.”

Following the May 2005 election, 30,000 persons were jailed by the T-TPLF.

The crimes against humanity committed by the apartheid South Africa regime have been recorded on film. (Click HERE to see one emotionally moving video footage.)

We have a few photographs(warning, extremely graphic; viewer discretion strongly advised; scroll document to end of list of names to see victims photos).

Why remember the Sharpeville and Meles Massacres? 

When we remember the 1960 Sharpeville and 2005 Meles Massacres, we are also remembering the hundreds of “Sharpeville” massacres that are taking place in Africa today, that have happened yesterday, last year, ten years ago and 100 years ago.

The fact of the matter is that “Sharpevilles” occur in Africa every day.

Extrajudicial killings by the security, military and police forces of thug regimes in the Sudan,  Liberia, Sierra Leone, the Central African Republic, Mali, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and elsewhere in Africa have been so rampant over the past two decades, few are shocked by reports of fresh massacres.

In August 2012, black South African police officers fired on protesting miners in Marakina in north west South Africa killing 44 and leaving at least 78 injured.  (Watch actual footage [extremely graphic] of the incredible and heart wrenching massacre as unarmed protesters are cut down by machine gun fire.) But none of the outrage shown during the Sharpeville Massacre was shown in Marakina. Everyone turned a blind eye to a criminal atrocity committed under a black regime. Few questions asked and no accountability. That is the tragic double-standard!

If the Marakina Massacres can happen in South Africa in 2012, the land where the Sharpeville Massacres took place nearly six decades ago, should we be surprised when similar massacres happen in Ethiopia or anywhere else in Africa in 2019?

Evil without borders

I believe all massacres in Africa are well-calculated crimes by thugs in power and sometimes by thugs out of power trying to thug their way into power.

Massacres in Africa are weapons of mass destruction.

The minority South African regime then and the T-TPLF regime in Ethiopia until recently used  massacres and extreme violence as a tactic to prove to the population that they will kill and destroy anything in their path to cling to power.

The Sharpeville Massacre was the white minority government’s way of “teaching the kaffirs [ethnic slur used by white South Africans] a lesson they will never forget”.

Their message was simple: “Resistance to white minority rule is futile.”

The Meles Massacre and the massacres that continued to be committed until the T-TPLF was no more also aimed to teach the majority population exactly the same message:  “Resistance to T-TPLF rule is futile.”

PM Abiy is right: No mass arrests, no mass detentions, no mass persecution and no massacres to cling to power

There is no doubt there is a resurgence of white nationalism and black ethnonationalism in the world today.

The internet and social media are making it easier for white nationalists to preach their gospel of hate in the West.

The internet and social media are making also making it easier for functionally illiterate African ethno-nationalists who consider themselves political pundits by cranking out endless streams of hateful drivel and gibberish to create alarm and anxiety in the public mind.

The internet and social media have made it possible for those kicked out of power and cut off from the trough of corruption and theft to try and return to power by pumping out  fake news, disinformation and misinformation social media.

The knee jerk reaction is to respond to such groups with massive suppressive action.  But so long as the dogs of war, strife and conflict keep on barking, no harm no foul for barking dogs don’t bite. As they say, “The dogs will bark, the camels will walk.” After all, barking may be considered a form of speech as annoying and aggravating as it may be.

But when the barking dogs begin to bite, then they must be treated like vicious dogs.

That is the message I gather from PM Abiy’s repeated declarations. Let barking dogs bark. The camels will keep on walking. It is a price one has to pay living in a burgeoning democracy.

The alternative is to repeat the mistakes of the past and leash in jail or put to sleep the barking dogs.    That is not necessary and will serve no purpose.

That is why Ethiopians must learn from history. No individual or group can cling to power through mass arrests, mass detentions, mass persecutions and massacres.

The most important responsibility of the current and coming generations of Ethiopians and Africans is to make sure that no leader or regime can cling to power by using  mass arrests, mass detentions, mass persecution and massacres.

PM Abiy is teaching not only Ethiopians but all Africans that we must learn to resolve our differences at the discussion and negotiating table and live like brothers and sisters or perish like a ship of fools.

Nothing can be resolved at the barrel of the gun or by populating the prisons with political prisoners.

Young people in Ethiopia and all over Africa must cultivate a new political culture  that condemns the ignoble maxim, “Might makes right”.

They must strive to build nations where right and the rule of just and fair laws make might.

To develop a culture of “right makes might”, Ethiopians and their brothers and sisters throughout the continent must remember and work to eliminate the evil practice of mass arrests, mass detentions, mass persecution and massacres.

To let a culture of massacre “Afromenesia” and “Ethiomensia”  flourish would be the greatest crime committed against the younger generation of Africans and the generations to come.

The naysayers will continue to bark and make noise from the safety of Facebook and social media.

They can do that because they don’t have skin in the game.

But the ignorant hordes that babble on social media deserve to be ignored. As they say, “An empty vessel makes the loudest sound, so they that have the least wit are the greatest babblers.”

But with PM Abiy Ahmed, it is a new day in Ethiopia. It is a new day in Africa.

No mass arrests, no mass detentions, no mass persecution and no massacres in Ethiopia. In South Africa. In Africa.

Remember Sharpeville! Remember the Meles Massacres!

The post Remembering the Sharpeville (South Africa) and Meles Massacres (Ethiopia) in 2019 appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Tecola W Hagos, 25 March 2019

PART I. ABIY AHMED

1. In General

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed keeps messing up my logic-oriented brain with his beautifully crafted speeches and messages. His recent address/message of 18 March 2019, with his epochal symbolism of a needle threading through marking a new path that also pulls along a motley of unsavory characters of all sorts, is a metaphorical statement that is highly evocative and unforgettable. For that message alone, Abiy Ahmed deserves a second look, a reassessment of his circumstance of how he lives and survives surrounded and suffocated by individuals the likes of Lemma Megersa and the threat of Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo (hereafter ‘Qeerroo’).

The mild-mannered Lemma Megersa turned out to be a vicious political viper who allowed hooligan Qeerroos and terrorist Oromo Special Forces to butcher and displace hundreds of thousands of Ethiopian citizens mainly Amharas, Gedos, Somalies, Southern Peoples, Tigrais et cetera. The recent demolitions of homes of thousands of Ethiopian Citizens at Legatafo and the threat and markings in Sululta against mostly non-Oromos who have lived in the so-called Oromo Kilil all their lives or for years are the violent violations of the 1995 Constitution. The Qeerroos along with Oromo Special Forces have carried out some of the most barbaric murders and torture under the criminal genocidal goading of Jawar Mohammed, Dawood Ibsa, Bekele Gerba, Lemma Megersa et cetera who should be tried under the 1948 Genocide Convention and the Penal Code of Ethiopia Article 281 Genocide, Crimes against Humanity provisions.

In thousands of cases of the murdered and displaced Ethiopians from Oromo Kilil, we can find ancestors of hundreds of thousands such Ethiopians who lived in that Kilil even before Lemma Megersa’s ancestors showed up following the footsteps of Gragn, the brutal Ottoman sponsored marauder, in the 16^th Century who devastated Ethiopia. The Kilil system is a legacy of Meles Zenawi, the vicious, divisive, narrow minded, and I-know-it-all political-sinkhole who was the spearhead for the Kilil system that is destroying Ethiopia right this moment. There is no one in Ethiopia’s long history that I despise the most other than Mengistu Hailemariam, Meles Zenawi, Sebhat Nega, and Jawar Mohammad, even Gragn is a distant fifth. For all I know, they may be psychopaths. How I wish their mothers had strangled them with their umbilical cords at the time of their births.

But that is not all in the address of Abiy Ahmed, nor this is the end of time for Ethiopia, for the rest of Abiy’s address is fully focused on the preservation of a free, prosperous and powerful Ethiopia. One may say that the address is an ultimate call for Ethiopians for unity and solidarity with him to counter the forces of ethnicism of destruction. Must we take a second look of Abiy Ahmed? Yes, we must. Thus, I requested Ethiopian Observer to post Abiy Ahmed’s full address last Tuesday the 19^th 0f March 2019, which they did promptly. However, I am disappointed with most Ethiopians who owned Websites for not focusing their media outlets on that phenomenal address.

2. The Unfathomable Address

In order for anyone of us to fully grasp the scope and depth of this particular address of Abiy Ahmed

delivered on 18 March 2019, one must read that short address in its original Amharic form. I must note here that the symbolism of the “needle” as used by Abiy Ahmed is in regard to third party participants, but should be read to include Abiy Ahmed himself too. I have included this short address of Abiy Ahmed herewith:

መርፌ ዓይናማ ናት [ያውም] ባለ-ስለት              

ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ክቡር ዐቢይ አሕመድ፣ ስለማኅበራዊ ሚዲያ አጠቃቀም ያስተላለፉት ሙሉ መልዕክት

መርፌ ዓይናማ ናት ባለ ስለት [ግን]  ችግሩ የፊቷን እንጂ የሚከተላትን አታይም፡፡ እናም ጨርቅ ላይ እሷ አለፍኩ ብላ የክርና የገመድ መዓት ታስገባበታለች፡፡ የእኛ ሀገር አንዳንድ የማኅበራዊ ሚዲያ ጦማሪዎችም ልክ እንደ መርፌዋ ናቸው፡፡ እነርሱ ሀገር በሚወጋ መርፌያቸው እየወጉን ሲጓዙ እንደ ክር አያሌዎች መድረሻቸውን ሳይጠይቁ ይከተሏቸዋል፡፡ ድረ ገጻቸውን የሚያነብላቸው ተከታታይና ደጋፊ ማብዛታቸውን እንጂ ሀገርና ሕዝብ ላይ እየተከሉ ያሉትን አደጋ፣ እየረጩት ያለውን መርዝ ሊያዩት አልቻሉም፡፡

ባለፉት ጥቂት ወራት ሀገራችን ያስመዘገበቻቸውን የድል ስኬቶች በመዘርዘርና ከእርሱም ትይዩ የገባችበትን የፖለቲካ ቀውስ ለእናንተ በማስታወስ ጊዜአችሁን ማባከን ኣይገባም፡፡ አሁን ያለው ትልቁ ቁም ነገር ከዚህ ከገባንበት አሳሳቢ ቀውስ ራሳችንንም፣ ሀገራችንንም እንዴት እናውጣት የሚለው ነው፡፡   ሁለት የገመድ ጽንፎችን ይዘው የቆሙ ኃያላን በሚያደርጉት ጉተታ ኢትዮጵያና ኢትዮጵያውያን አደገኛ ውጥረት ውስጥ የከተቱበት ወቅት ላይ እንገኛለን፡፡ ልበ ሥውር ሆኖ ግራና ቀኝን በጥሞና ማስተዋል በተሳነው ጽንፈኛ ቡድን የሀገራችን አየር ምድሯ ሰላምና ተስፋን ከመተንፈስ ይልቅ የስጋትና የውድመት ደመናን አርግዞ የመከራ ዶፉን ሊጥል ከአናታችን በላይ መጣሁ መጣሁ ይላል፡፡  መካረር እዚህም እዚያም በርትቷል፡፡ ተፈጥሮ ነውና የተወጠረና የተካረረ ጉዳይ ቆይቶ መበጠሱ አይቀርም፡፡     የማን ቤት ጠፍቶ ፣የማን ሊበጅ ፣ ያውሬ መፈንጫ ይሆናል እንጂ፣ የሚለው የሽፍቶች ፈሊጥ እንጂ የሰላማዊ ዜጎች መመሪያ አይደለም፡፡

በእውነት ኢትዮጵያዊነት የሚፈተንበት ወቅት እየመጣ ነው፡፡ ማንም ጣፋጭ ዘርና ፍሬ ነኝ ብሎ ሊኮራና ሊመጻደቅ የሚችለው የግንዱ ሥር እስካለ ብቻ ነው፡፡ የግንዱን ሥር ቆርጦና ነቅሎ በቅርንጫፉና በዘሩ መኩራት የሞኝ ጨዋታ ይሆናል፡፡

በውስጣችን አንጠፍጥፈን ያላወጣነው ዐቅም፣ ያልተጠቀምንበት ችሎታ ካለ፣ እርሱን ኢትዮጵያን ለማዳንና ለመገንባት እንጂ በማኅበራዊ ሚዲያ ዐውደ ውጊያ ሀገር ለማተራመስ ልናውለው አይገባንም ነበር፡፡ ሥልጣኔ ሕዝብን በዕውቀት መክበብ እንጂ በሐሰት መረጃ ማጨናነቅ አይደለም፡፡ ሊሆንም አይችልም፡፡  ኢትዮጵያና ኢትዮጵያውያን ኃላፊነታቸው ኢትዮጵያንና ኢትዮጵያውያንን መታደግ ነው፡፡ በጣም ጥቂት ለሆኑና ጊዚያዊ ጥቅም ለሚያስገኙ የፖለቲካ ቡድንተኞች አለበለዚያም የማኅበራዊ ሚዲያ ተከታይና ደጋፊን ማስደሰትና ማስፈንደቅ አይደለም፡፡ ኢትዮጵያዊነት ለኢትዮጵያ መሥራት፣ ኢትዮጵያን ማስደሰት እንጂ ኢትዮጵያን በሐሰት መረጃዎች ማሸበር አይደለም፡፡ ሊሆንም አይገባም፡፡   በዘመናት ውስጥ የሀገራችንን ህልውና የሚፈታተኑ አያሌ ፈተናዎች ገጥመውን ያውቃሉ፡፡ ነገራችን ቀጥኖ የሚበጠስ የሚመስልበትም ጊዜ ታልፏል፡፡ ኢትዮጵያ ግን ምንም ብትቀጥን ጠጅ ናት በእንግዳ ደራሽ በውኃ ፈሳሽ የምትፈርስ አይደለችም፡፡

በማኅበራዊ ሚዲያ በጣም የበዙ የሐሰት መረጃዎች ይተላለፋሉ፡፡ ሐሰት ጮኾ ስለተነገረ፣ ጎልቶ ስለተጻፈ፣ በብዙ ሰዎች ስለ ተደገፈ ወይም በታዋቂ ሰዎች ስለተወራ እውነት አይሆንም፡፡ ኢትዮጵያ ግን የዘላለም እውነት ነች፡፡ በሐሰት ዜናም ሆነ በአሉባልታ የማትፈርስ ጽኑዕ መሠረት ያላት እውነት ናት፡፡ ታሪክ ወለል አድርጎ እንደሚያረጋግጥልን ሐሳውያን እንጂ ኢትዮጵያና ኢትዮጵያውያን ከንቱ ሆነው አያውቁም፡፡   ኢትዮጵያ የጋራ ቤታችን እንጂ ለአንዱ እሥር ቤት ለሌላው ቤት አይደለችም፡፡ እገሌ የዚህ ወይም የዚያ ማኅበረሰብ አባል ስለሆነ በተለየ መልክ ተጠቃሚ ወይም ተጎጂ መሆን አለበት ብሎ የሚያስብ ካለ እርሱ የምናሳክመው እንጂ የምንከተለው አይደለም፡፡ የትም እንወለድ፣ የየትኛውም ብሔር አባል እንሁን፣ ኢትዮጵያ ሁላችንንም በእኩልነት ማገልገል አለባት፡፡ ይህ፣ አቋማችን ነበር፤ አሁንም በጽኑ እናምንበታለን፡፡  ኢትዮጵያ በልጆቿ ጥረት ታፍራ፣ ተከብራና በልጽጋ ለዘላለም ትኑር!” ፈጣሪ ኢትዮጵያንና ሕዝቦቿን ይባርክ! መጋቢት 10፣ 2011 ዓ.ም

I have read and reread this address from the Prime Minister countless times. I probably can recite it from memory. It is one of the most emotive but at the same time one of the wisest beautifully crafted political statement in sublime Amharic I have ever read in my life. From the acerbic opening sentence to the conclusionary compassionate and endearing blessing of Ethiopia and Ethiopians, Abiy Ahmed seems to have written this address with the essence of his very soul untainted with ethnicism or narrow self-interest. The greatness of a noble statement is that it ennobles all those that read it, for like a Tsunami it lifts up everybody.

The Gettysburg Address of Abraham Lincoln had similar effect on me when I read it for the first-time scores of years ago. The occasion for Abiy’s message may be considered to be drastically different from the occasion that Lincoln was facing in his Gettysburg Address. The Gettysburg speech was delivered by a victor not boasting of his decisive victory but inviting the losers to come around as members of a family, whereas in case of Abiy Ahmed his address is of anguish because his government (country) is in danger of great turmoil and evisceration.  Here is my case in point. One can relate to this address by Abiy at three distinct levels:

a} on morality and ethics – the moral challenge dealt with in the message is the universal human condition and the universal principle to deal with such challenge. This speech could have been addressed to all kinds of communities in Africa, Asia, Australia, Europe, North and South America, and in each instance would have been understood in similar way correctly.

1. b) on social and political responsibility – the degree of responsibility expected in our political and social engagements must transcend the confines of tribal and/or ethnic limitations. Tribalism and /or ethnicism must not have any role in determining the rights of Ethiopian citizens. There are no privileged individuals in the political and economic engagements of Ethiopian citizens.
2. c) on redemption and calls for solidarity – one must acknowledge serious errors of past government officials and the unfolding errors of many of the present leaders of political organizations. We have crossed our political Rubicon, there is no turning back, the chips are down, the political cards are already dealt. We need be serious.
3. d) My first duty is to express my deeply felt remorse for insulting or demining countless political leaders often in caustic language that went beyond the descriptive language of their activities and characteristics. My recent targets were PM Abiy Ahmed, Ato Gedu Andarkachew, and Ato Demeke Mekonnen. It was not necessary at all to lower the political discourse to a degrading personal feud. I realize that we all love and care for our country in our own special ways. I apologize to the three leaders as well as to all those I offended. PM Abiy Ahmed is a special case that I do not mind defending at this point in the life of our Ethiopia, for I see no one else in EPRDF that commands as much acceptance with transcendental principles. Just knowing that a person waves such beautiful tapestry of Ethiopia in his addresses, fanciful or not, is enough for me. I urge him to coordinate his policies and operational actions with Eskinder Nega and Andualem Arage, two unique Ethiopians with depth of truthfulness.

I do not believe that an individual who could pen down such profound thoughts as presented in the address of Abiy Ahmed could be shallow. Recently, Dawit Woldegiorgis, a veteran political commentator, stated a form of devaluation of Abiy Ahmed that I disagree with. For Dawit, it seems that Abiy Ahmed is “either fake, incompetent or simply an extended arm of other interests”. I had similar views for some time, but things in Ethiopia are not that simplistic now, but corrosively complex and must be reevaluated fresh moment to moment.  I wish Dawit would share his wisdom on how to solve the political dilemma we are immersed in at this very moment.  I believe now that we should closely reexamine the dynamics of the relationship of Abiy Ahmed with the zealot Oromo supremacists such as Lemma Megersa, Bekele Gerba, Jawar Ahmed, Dawood Ibsa and several others who are suffocating the Prime Minister and his Government. As a matter of fact, Abiy Ahmed might be in a life/death struggle against the forces of destruction right this moment in our history. What concerns me most and frightens me to my core is the possibility that if Abiy Ahmed is gone what might happen in our fractured country. It could be far worse than what is going on now. We should not deny the possibility that we might lose our country despite the fact that we hold that Ethiopia is God’s ward for most of us, indestructible.

PART II: SOLUTIONS

1. Lower the voting Age to 16 years old

Ethiopia has become a nation of young citizens. I suggest that lowering the voting age is very appropriate in order to get the young generation of Ethiopians in to responsible participation in the political life of the nation.  Recognition in itself is a deterrent against hooliganism and perversion. When the political voting age is lowered it will create millions of new political voices that will lead to organic structures of political unites impacting the level of involvement of the political life of the nation.  However, the age of consent and for treatment under the Penal Code must remain to be 18 years old.

2. Create a Constitution Drafting Commission

The most important factor that shaped the current political situation, in the instrumentalist sense, is the 1995 Constitution. It created the Kilil system, wherein formally it totally disowned citizens of their Sovereign rights, and subordinated individuals to primitive ethnic system. What is totally juvenile about such system is the fact that over 65% of the population of Ethiopia is a mixed population of more than two or three ethnic groups. Even Meles Zenawi, the spearhead of the Kilil system, comes from Tigrai, Gojjam Amhara, Kunama, Serai parentage and ancestry. In order to heel such self-inflicted wounds, the current Ethiopian Government must establish a new constitution drafting commission, post haste.

3. Use the Courts to enforce Constitutional Rights of Citizens

I urge the Bar associations in Ethiopia and individual lawyers in all parts of Ethiopia to use the Courts to enforce and safeguard Constitutional Rights of Citizens against ethnic cleansing and demolitions of their homes and property. I am surprised that Ethiopian lawyers have not taken a clear stand against the ethnic cleansing and demolitions et cetera. I do believe the active participation of members of the legal profession taking up both individual cases and also class actions against the Kilil officials including officials of municipalities will push back the ongoing ethnic division and ethnic cleansing insanity.

4. Arrest Jawar Mohammad, Bekele Gerba, and Dawood Ibsa

The most destructive individuals in the current Ethiopia political situation are clearly identifiable. The individuals I have identified here are simply put the tip of an iceberg of destructive anti-Ethiopian individuals with selfish self-interests. I must stress the fact that It is wrong to condemn tens of millions of Oromos based on the caustic goading speeches of the likes of Jawar Mohammad and the ethnic cleansing ideology of Bekele Gerba and others. In the defense of the survival of Ethiopia, citizens should be able to kiss the foreheads of those destructive anti-Ethiopians.

5. Appoint Interim Mayor of Addis Ababa and organize elections

I have to be very careful in suggesting the election of new Mayor for Addis Ababa that could be considered by subversive political agitators as a move against Oromos in general. The problem is the appointment of Takele Uma, an Oromo supremacist but a conflicted person, in a city where over seventy percent of the residents are non-Oromos.

6. Arm all citizens with defensive weapon, but first minorities

I believe the best defense against ethnic abuse, dictatorial administration, exploitation of minority groups et cetera is to arm citizens with defensive weapons and organize communities for self-defense. The criticism against arming the public is the fact that society will simply succeed in intensifying the degree of violence leading to civil war rather than decreasing violence and eliminating the possibility of civil war. I disagree with that criticism. I have argued at length supporting arming the public for its own defense over thirty years in books and commentaries, including writing a memo to EPRDF in 1991.

7. Supporting Abiy Ahmed to protect Ethiopia is a moral imperative

The current confined political space of vicious ethnic cleansing and destructions of homes of Citizens because of their ethnicity on one hand and the relentless hands of Ethiopia’s historic enemies in the region ever trying to destabilize Ethiopia on the other hand are the two extreme challenges facing us all. But short-sighted local politicians, who are hanging on to the Kilil system designed some twenty-five years ago for the purpose of creating fracture and conflicts, are perpetuating and intensifying the fracturing of Ethiopia across fake ethnic lines.  Foremost, the People of Gondar, Wollo, Shoa, Tigrai are as Ethiopian as any other Ethiopian People. I urge people of these regions to consolidate their social and economic lives and stop attacking each other in public statements in social media. I find myself in a tight situation supporting Abiy Ahmed after having been robust critic of him in several articles.

CONCLUSION

Ultimately, after all things are said and done, I am a believer that human beings are more inclined to do good than do harm. I watched in the news media and on social postings the genuine goodness of Ethiopian villagers from around Legatafo who brought food and comfort to the displaced non-Oromos. It was a disappointment to the ethnic cleaners that so many Oromos were actually helping their fellow citizens in distress. The same type of humane response of villagers I witnessed at the crash site and some even coming from quite a distance paying respect according to their Oromo tradition on the 12^th day after death. Those villagers were simple folks dressed in their modest outfits and in their humble ways profoundly expressing their feeling of sorrow for strangers they never met in their lives.

Numerous Ethiopians visited the crash site, which was a heart-warming act of kindness. What I witnessed at such moments at a place where so many lives were lost, with almost nothing left of their bodies, were individual acts of generosity and genuine concern for fellow human beings irrespective of social or national identity that infused back to me my faith in my fellow man, which is a monument in itself for all who died. On those days what I witnessed were simple and genuine people towering far above all in moral imperative eclipsing the bickering and manipulations to save this or that corporate entity from responsibility for the crash in the business world. God wept along with us.

However, we must not forgive or forget an irresponsible vicious woman called Selam Gebrekidan who wrote a piece working for The New York Times that lacked proper research background and concern for truth, wherein she passed some form of a verdict blaming the deceased pilot of the doomed 737 Max of the Ethiopian Airlines.  Although the training on a particular simulator could not have done anything to avert the serious software problem because the simulator was not programed to counter such problem, the woman plowed through such nuances to make such bold assertion that does not tell the truth that numerous pilots did not train on the latest Simulator for the 737 Max and instead were trained on what is recommended by both Boeing and FAA on the difference upgrades. Tewolde Gebre Mariam, the superbly efficient CEO of Ethiopian, stated with understandable indignity, “Pilots transitioning to the Boeing 737 Max 8 aircraft from older 737 models were required only to undertake a short computer-based training program prescribed by Boeing and approved by the FAA.” The woman is probably of Eritrean origin harboring sinister motives to hurt the world-renowned Ethiopian industry leader.

Our God must be tearful seeing his favorite children shredding each other up/down over such inconsequential material possession that is not even theirs. Kilil/Land must not be a cause for fracturing Ethiopia. Ethnicity as a basis for political, economic, or social rights is unworkable and a truly primitive idea.  It is truly difficult to go by ethnic identity to determine rights of any kind. Such ethnic based enforcement of rights violates international law principles and norms, moral imperatives, and the domestic and constitutional law regimes of Ethiopia. I ask you a rhetorical question you ethnicists, where would you place an individual whose immediate family members have direct ancestry in Wollo (Ambasel, Yeju); Shoa (Menz, Bure and Yifat, Efrata); Tigrai (Axum, Adowa); Begemder (Gondar, Debre Tabor).

The Oromo supremacist movement [of OLF, of Jawar Mohammad, of Lemma Megersa, of Bekele Gerba et cetera] is insanity. It must be stopped, and all Ethiopian citizens must participate in the social and political affairs of Ethiopia in equality and freedom. Law and order must be maintained by all. The Federal Government must enforce law and order in all parts of Ethiopia. Ethiopia will perceiver as the ‘Shinning City on the Hill’.

Tecola W Hagos, 25 March 2019

The post ABIY AHMED, THE NEEDLE: Some Solutions to the current challenges facing Ethiopians appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

It is the first for Ethiopia and was released publicly at Michigan State University this past weekend. The Citizens Charter Group, a rights-based civic group of distinguished academics and former civil servants, urges the ruling party and the opposition parties to offer their own blueprints to extricate the country from the ongoing low-intensity civil war.——--Read More———

Download (PDF, 11.93MB)

The post Win-Win Road-map For A Post EPRDF Transition (The Citizens Charter Group) appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

PART 1

Over the past several weeks, as I and some of my colleagues on the Ethiopian Diaspora Trust Fund (EDTF) Advisory Council (AC) visited various cities organizing EDTF chapters, we have been asked questions which require further clarification.

The questions run the gamut. Some are concerned EDTF donations could go into the government treasury and be used for purposes outside the scope of the declared mission of EDTF. Others have sought clarification about how donations will be used to support projects, how projects will be selected and when project implementation will begin. Still others have raised questions about accountability and transparency in the administration of the donated money.

This the first in an ongoing series in which EDTF shall address questions and issues important to our donors and potential donors. Consistent with our irrevocable commitment to accountability and transparency, we shall always strive and provide factual responses to help our donors and others get a comprehensive understanding of EDTF mission and objectives, organization, and operations and processes.

What is the relationship between EDTF and the Government of Ethiopia?

In July 2018, H.E. Prime Minster Dr. Abiy Ahmed issued a call to the global Ethiopian Diaspora to take USD$1 from their daily coffee budget and donate it to the EDTF. The aim of the call was to create a focal point of collaboration in the global Ethiopian Diaspora and harness the vast resources of Diaspora Ethiopians for a common purpose. In August, he appointed an Advisory Council (AC) to coordinate a public awareness and fund raising campaign. PM Abiy has publicly stated on a number of occasions that the Ethiopian Government will have no role in the financial or administrative aspects of EDTF and that EDTF will operate as an independent entity. Since October 2018, he has made various comments encouraging Diasporans to donate while re-emphasizing the total independence of the EDTF from the Government.

The EDTF Advisory Council is appointed by the Prime Minister. (See discussion below.) Under the Terms of Reference (TOR) [the governing bylaws of EDTF], the Prime Minister has reserved authority to appoint AC members (with the five Diaspora Representatives to be recommended by the Advisory Council) and the Chair and Deputy Chair of the Board of Directors.

It must be made crystal clear that neither the Ethiopian Government in general nor the Office of the Prime Minister in particular have any role in EDTF administrative decision making, management or operations. EDTF is a completely independent non-governmental non-profit entity operating under its own Terms of Reference, independent Board of Directors, independent Secretariat (administration) and independent Advisory Council. (See facts below for each independent body.)

Is EDTF “political” with a partisan agenda?

EDTF is based on three key guiding principles of EDTF: inclusivity, accountability and transparency.

The EDTF supports the goal of achieving a durable solution to Ethiopia’ socio-political and economic challenges that meets the legitimate aspirations of all of Ethiopians, irrespective of ethnicity, language, religion, and gender. EDTF supports all efforts aimed at promoting dignity, freedom, equality, justice and economic opportunity and development and national unity based on peaceful cooperation among Ethiopia’s diverse communities. See our policy on inclusivity and branding.

EDTF embraces Ethiopia’s diversity in all of its forms. Anyone willing to donate USD$1 per day or make additional contributions according to their ability can join the global EDTF family. All aspects of EDTF operations and activities are open to public scrutiny, including the United States Internal Revenue Service (IRS) that is expected to provide it with 501(c)(3) non-profit tax status.

EDTF is open to all regardless of their political views or opinions.

How is EDTF organized?

EDTF has three components.

The EDTF Advisory Council (AC) in the Diaspora has two primary responsibilities:

• Creating public awareness of EDTF among the global Ethiopian Diaspora communities, and

2)   Mobilizing these communities to donate to the Fund.

To date, the AC has sought to accomplish these two objectives by:

• Creating a website (ethiopiatrustfund.org) which enables donors to make donations through Credit Cards, PayPal, GoFundMe and direct wire transfer to the EDTF Citibank

account (all displayed on the EDTF website) as well as a trust account at the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia (CBE);

• Establishing EDTF chapters globally to continue the effort at the local community level, and
• Engaging donors and potential donors on social and conventional media. The specific responsibilities, functions and activities of the AC are set forth in detail in the Terms of Reference. Click HERE.

The AC is supported by teams of volunteers organized in several areas:

• Donor Support,
• Website Management;
• Communications (Social Media and Public Relation); o Chapter Support;

o  Graphic & Design and

o  Volunteer Team Management (See below.)

The EDTF Board of Directors in Ethiopia is the apex governing body of the Fund with ultimate responsibility and decision-making authority on project approval, strategic direction, fund policy, management, accountability and transparency. Specifically, the Board, among other things sets the direction and goals of EDTF, approves and monitors the strategic plan for EDTF, approves organizational policies, establishes code of ethics, monitors financial and operational performance, evaluates the Executive Director and staff based on achievement of Fund objectives, represent EDTF to the broader Ethiopian community, and insures accountability, efficiency and transparency in all aspects of EDTF operations. The Board shall follow international and industry-wide best practices for non-profit Boards. It is anticipated that the Board will begin operations very soon. The role of the Board is set forth in detail in the Terms of Reference. Click HERE.

The EDTF Secretariat is funded through the generous and substantial two-years grant support of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). The Secretariat is responsible for the daily administration and management of EDTF, implementation of policies of the Board, development of criteria and standards for project selection and funding, reviewing and vetting

projects and EDTF Implementing Organizations that will be submitted to the Board for approval, monitor and report on the implementation of approved projects, public engagement and media relations on behalf of EDTF and identifying potential funding sources, among others. The Secretariat initially consists of the Executive Director, Planning and Program Specialist and Communication Specialist. The Secretariat will begin operations on 1 April 2019. The role of the Secretariat is set forth in detail in the Terms of Reference. Click HERE.

What is EDTF anyway?

EDTF a unique effort and chapter in global immigrant history. While diasporans from different countries have banded to help their native countries, no national diaspora group has ever attempted to involve and engage all of its compatriots by contributing a dollar a day for critically needed projects in their countries of origin. This is why EDTF is aptly referred to as an “Ethiopians helping Ethiopians” global initiative.

There is confusion among some people about the nature and aims of EDTF.

There are those who think EDTF is merely a supplemental budget for the Ethiopian Government to do development work. Others think EDTF is just another type of foreign non-governmental organization like World Vision or Doctors Without Borders. Still others think EDTF aims to replace support by institutions such as USAID and funds provided by multilateral organizations such as the United Nations. There are even some who think EDTF is a humanitarian emergency fund that could be used to assist victims of famine, natural disasters, armed conflicts and population displacements.

EDTF is none of the above.

Indeed, EDTF funds are designed to serve needs areas that are not covered or supported by any of the above. Simply stated, if an existing need is being met by government budget, foreign aid, international development aid or loans, or NGOs, EDTF will not be involved.

The Fund operates in the United States of America as a non-profit using the name Friends of Ethiopian Diaspora Trust Fund, Inc, incorporated in Delaware State.

As a trust fund, EDTF’s primary objective is to finance people-focused social and economic development projects to benefit disadvantaged groups and communities. Donations are collected for specific purposes specifies in the EDTF TOR only and cannot be diverted to other activities or objectives.

In other words, the donations are held in trust by the AC to meet critical needs of communities in such areas as health, education, water and sanitation facilities, habilitation and rehabilitation of persons with disability, agricultural development, technology, small scale entrepreneurship and other income and employment generating projects. The EDTF will give priority attention to projects focusing on youth, women, small holder farmers, small enterprises and entrepreneurs, who can be agents of inclusive social and economic development. Projects are selected based on their potential to make the highest positive impact on groups and communities in Ethiopia. EDTF follows best practices of trust funds for accountability, governance and transparency.

The objectives and scope of EDTF activities are set forth in detail in the Terms of Reference.

Click HEE.

How much money has been collected to date?

As of March 22, 2019 (EDTF officially began collecting donations on October 22, 2018), we have a total deposit US $3.659 million with $3.411 million in CITI Bank and $0.248 million in Commercial Bank of Ethiopia. The total number of donors is 20,761 from 75 countries. These figures are updated on a weekly basis on the home page of the EDTF website.

How are donations made?

Donations can be made online easily by using credit cards at https://www.ethiopiatrustfund.org/

You can also send funds via bank transfer using the following information:

Bank Name: CITIBANK, N.A.

SWIFT Code: CITI US 33

Account Title: Friends of EDTF Inc.

Routing Number: 254070116

Account Number: 9250704811

Address: 1218 Connecticut Ave, NW, Washington DC. 20036

Donation mistakes and errors can be easily corrected by contacting us, without the need for contacting your credit card company or Bank, at: donations@ethiopiatrustfund.org or by calling 1-888-829-0027. See our policy on subscriptions, refunds, cancellations and erroneous payments.

The EDTF website is secure and protected and does not hold any financial data of donors and contributors. We will only keep membership information, which includes your name and email.

How are donated funds used?

One hundred percent of all donations will be used to finance projects. No money from donations will be used for administrative, management or related purposes, which is very unusual for operation of any non-profit organization.

EDTF has an operational fund for its activities supported by the generous voluntary contributions of its Advisory Council members. Individual contributions to the operational fund will be most welcome as there are a variety of expenses related to the day today management of EDTF operations including web services, and professional service in fund raising, volunteer management and other activities.

Who can support EDTF?

EDTF is first and foremost a collective global Diaspora Ethiopian enterprise. It is a unique experiment in getting diasporans to contribute USD$1 for critically needed projects in Ethiopia.

EDTF is not exclusive in seeking support. We accept donations from the following sources:

• All Ethiopians in the Diaspora to the extent they wish to make a donation of any amount;
• Diaspora Ethiopians residing in Ethiopia and all Ethiopian nationals willing to donate;
• Non-Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia who wish to offer support;
• Private companies;
• International and local non-governmental organizations;
• Charitable foundations; and
• Ethiopia’s Development Partners. For detailed list of contributors to EDTF, see the

Terms of Reference. Click HERE.

Does EDTF have a governance document, bylaws?

EDTF has its own “Constitution”, called the “Terms of Reference” (TOR). The Ethiopian Diaspora Trust Fund (EDTF) Terms of Reference (TOR) provides the rationale, guiding principles and operating procedures, including the EDTF’s governance, project approval, implementation, reporting monitoring and evaluation. EDTF cannot operate outside its TOR. A series of Policies based on the principles contained in the TOR, that are approved by the Advisory Council, further guide and direct the management of EDTF donated resources.

When will EDTF begin project implementation?

EDTF is not a humanitarian call that raises money for an emergency response to natural disasters or other short-term needs. As a global long-term effort, EDTF must ensure its activities and practices have sound legal footing, its projects meet socio-economic viability and its operations are conducted in a professional and ethical manner.

EDTF does not want to make the same mistakes of the past where funds were contributed by Ethiopians and Ethiopian Diaspora without any reporting of how and where the funds were used and in the case of US Ethiopian Diaspora contributions was raised in violation of U.S. law and the people of Ethiopia were forced to pay USD$6.5 million in fines to the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission.

Since August 2018 when the AC was named, we have incorporated EDTF as a non-profit organization, met requirements established by U.S. Homeland Security, completed the exhaustive bank requirements dealing with Know Your Customer (KYC) and Anti-Money Laundering (AML) transparency, arranged with a variety of payment processors in the USA and Europe, built a transparent website, made the required preparation for the launch of the EDTF Secretariat and Board, assembled a team of top notch volunteers, opened some 30 chapters and travelled to various cities to engage Ethiopian communities.

Before projects are selected and funded, the Secretariat and Board of Directors must be made operational. It is the responsibility of the Secretariat and the Board to establish transparent processes for project selection and implementation. We expect the Secretariat and Board to begin operation soon.

How are EDTF projects assessed and selected?

Project proposals submitted for EDTF support are subject to a reviewing and screening process, which will prioritize proposals that fit, among others, the following criteria:

• Project is consistent with the overall purpose of the Trust Fund;
• Project proposal has a significant impact and tangible outcome;
• 3- Project proposal is technically sound in conception and presentation;
• Budget of the project proposal is financially solid and reasonable;
• Project proposal has strong and valid indicators that could be used for monitoring and reporting; and
• Project proposal has strong prospects of sustainability beyond the project duration.

The Secretariat will conduct a review of the project proposals submitted according to the requirement set out in the TOR, provide comments, quality vetting and views on how the proposed project would fit in the overall context of the EDTF objectives.

Who decides what projects will be funded?

Final decisions on funding are taken by the EDTF Board.

What are the structures of accountability for EDTF?

EDTF is committed to maximum accountability and transparency. All donations made are reported on our website. All official EDTF chapters are listed on our website. All aspects of EDTF operations will also be available to the public. These include, among others, all financial expenditures, project selection criteria, projects selected and operational policies and procedures. Financial and operational audits will be made by independent auditors. We will issue periodic and annual audits. There will also be quarterly reports that will be shared with the public on our website.

The Secretariat and Board in consultation with the AC shall have the primary responsibility for the monitoring and evaluation of funded projects in accordance with best practices based on the stated objectives, activities, outputs, outcomes and results indicators.

The Secretariat shall submit progress reports annually as well as a final narrative report on the project including a financial statement on the utilization of funds. The report will be signed by the Executive Director and Board Chair.

How can you become an EDTF volunteer?

EDTF is a 100 percent volunteer effort including members of the Advisory Council and the Board of Directors.

Volunteers are needed in many areas including: coordination of country or state donors, promoting the Ethiopian Diaspora Trust Fund and website, recruiting other volunteers and handling, social media monitoring, event planning, PR marketing and communications, web development and management, text translation and other activities.

To become a volunteer, complete the volunteer form HERE.

How can you establish an EDTF Chapter in your community?

We believe the success of EDTF depends on our ability to engage diaspora communities at the local level. EDTF Chapters serve as points of contact at the community level. Multiple Chapters can co-exist in a given community.

The Chapters have two principal functions:

• Create public awareness and provide information on EDTF, and
• Community mobilization to generate donations.

The chapters operate in a decentralized environment but work closely with the Advisory Council in all of their activities.

Chapters can be formed by completing the application form HERE.

Will the EDTF website be available in other languages besides English?

The Advisory Council presently does not have the capacity or the funds to translate the website content into additional languages. We welcome volunteers with translation skills to help us in this effort. Currently, the webpages are available only in English.

Challenges and opportunities

In starting a project such as EDTF, there are always likely to be challenges. We have had our share of those since our official appointment in August 2018. But we have overcome many of our initial challenges in establishing the fund from scratch. But there are many that lie ahead. Educating and informing the global Ethiopian diaspora on the mission and purposes of EDTF remains a challenge. We need to engage diasporans who are unable to use online services to make donations. We are hopeful our Chapter will play a key role in serving that segment of the diaspora community. Sustained fundraising is another challenge. Some misinformed potential donors are reluctant to make donations. Others seek to withdraw support because of their perceptions of political events in Ethiopia.

The fact of the matter is that EDTF is a long-term project. There will be bumps in the road but ultimately, we believe EDTF will be successful and we will make history.

Alemayehu G. Mariam, Ph.D., J.D. ESQ

Professor Emeritus and

Chairman, Ethiopia Diaspora Trust Fund

TO BE CONTINUED…

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ESAT News In Depth The Challenges Of Extremism In Ethiopia March 25 , 2019

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By Haile-Gebriel Endeshaw

There are some books that need to be read repeatedly. Francis Bacon said this in his own way. There are “some books to be tasted, others to be swallowed, and some few to be chewed and digested”. Yes, there are some books that should be read with diligence and attention.

Confession of an Economic Hit Man is one of the books that won great acclaim by many readers. Those of us who are interested to know about the economic sabotage being done on developing countries in the name of aid will have to take time to read this wonderful book. John Perkins who served as an Economic Hit Man (EHM) authored the book. Perkins said that it was very difficult for him to publish this book. First, he could not get daring publishers. A man at a publishing house, owned by a powerful international corporation, read the draft and said, “a riveting story that needs to be told”. But fearing for bad reactions from his big bosses, he advised Perkins to fictionalize it. But Perkins did not accept the advice… At last a courageous publisher, which is not owned by an international corporation, agreed to publish the book. According to a reader, “Perkins reveals shocking details of how United States Government and corporate America work hand in hand in maintaining a dominating role in international affairs by using greed and corruption to inhibit foreign governments from economic development”.

Who are economic hit men (EHMs)? Perkins tells us that EHMs are highly paid professionals who cheat countries around the globe out of trillions of dollars. They funnel money from World Bank, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), and other foreign “aid” organizations into the coffers of huge corporations and the pockets of a few wealthy families who control the planet’s natural resources.

If a certain country is believed to possess a natural resource… like mineral oil, cobalt, diamond or uranium…, U.S. will take a closer look at that country. Let’s say that the given mineral rich country desires to expand its infrastructure. If the government of that country needs support or aid for the executions of these projects of infrastructure, U.S. will take no time before it sends off its economic experts that do researches. These experts are called Economic Hit Men (EHMs). The major tasks of the EHMs are to collect pieces of information to be submitted to World Bank (WB) or any other loan providing international organizations. The information should be convincing so that these organizations can approve the loans. Perkins was told by his immediate boss about his responsibilities. You “are paid to cheat countries around the globe out of billions of dollars. A large part of your job is to encourage world leaders to become part of a vast network that promotes U.S. commercial interests. In the end, those leaders become ensnared in a web of debt that ensures their loyalty. We can draw on them whenever we desire – to satisfy our political, economic, or military needs. In return, these leaders bolster their political positions by bringing industrial parks, power plants, and airports to their people. Meanwhile, the owners of U.S. engineering and construction companies become very wealthy”.

Perkins recounts in his book the following: “Like our counterparts in the Mafia, EHMs provide favors. These take the form of loans to develop infrastructure – electric generating plants, high ways, ports, air ports, or industrial parks”. The loan given by WB “never leaves the United States; it is simply transferred from banking offices in Washington to engineering offices in New York, Houston, or San Francisco”.

The thing is that the poor country is purposely made to take a large amount of money which cannot be paid back by its own economic capacity. This is said to burden the country with debts it can never pay. When leaders of that country realize that they cannot pay back the loan, they will be forced to do whatever they are asked by America. “When this happens, then like the Mafia we demand our pound of flesh. This often includes one or more of the following: control over United Nations votes, the installations of military bases, or access to precious resources such as oil…” In this way “the global empire demands its pounds of flesh in the form of oil concessions.”

This is the reality we poor nations across the world have been confronted with. If EHMs are not successful in convincing or on the other way around compelling the leaders of that poor country to concede to the condition, the next step will be taken. The ‘jackals’ will emerge to do their assignments. These jackals are expected to do whatever is needed to overthrow or assassinate the leader of that country. If the assassination is aborted, a coup d’état will be orchestrated. At long last if the jackals failed to do their assignments, young Americans will infiltrate under the cover of peacekeepers to sweep the ‘dictators’ off their seats. Let’s see this in the following way…

What happened in Ecuador and Panama is a good example. America approached Ecuador and Panama by proposing loans for projects of infrastructure. The real objective was that the global empire needed canal ownership and oil exploitation from these countries. The two leaders of those countries, however, adamantly refused the extortion of their resources by the world super power. Yes, president Jaime Roldos of Ecuador and Omar Torrijos of Panama did not bow down for the demand of America. This means Perkins who was assigned as EHM in these countries failed to ‘convince’ them both. Now the lane seemed to have been left wide open for the jackals who were lurking around. The jackals marched along with words of refusal of the two leaders echoing in their ears… “Roldos warned all foreign interests, including but not limited to oil companies, that unless they implemented plans that would help Ecuador’s people, they would be forced to leave his country. He delivered a major speech at the Atahualpa Olympic Stadium in Quito and then headed off to a small community in southern Ecuador. He died there in a fiery airplane crash on May 24, 1981.”

This was a lesson given to the other strong leader of Panama, General Omar Torrijos, who insistently demanded America to relinquish the Panama Canal to its rightful owners. “Omar Torrijos… confessed to having nightmares about his own assassination; he saw himself dropping from the sky in a gigantic fireball. It was prophetic… Two months after Roldos’s death, Omar Torrijos’s nightmare came true; he died in a plane crash. There was a bomb in the small plane in which he was flying… It was July 31, 1981.”

The surprising thing is that “[f]or every $100 of crude oil taken from Ecuadorian rain forest, the [American] oil companies receive $75. Of the remaining $25, three-quarter must go to paying off the foreign dept. Most of the reminder covers military and other government expenses – which leaves about $2.50 for health, education, and programs aimed at helping the poor. Thus, out of every $100 worth oil torn from the Amazon, less than $3 goes to the people who need the money most, those whose lives have been so adversely impacted by the dams, the drilling, and the pipelines, and who are dying from lack of edible food and potable water.”

After Torrijos assassination, his successor, Manuel Noriega had strong attachment with U.S. But when he failed to renew license of the famous School of the Americas (of warfare training) located in the Canal Zone of Panama, Noriega was arrested following the bombardment of his country by the American army. Poor Noriega was flown to Miami and sentenced to 40 years of imprisonment. The entire world was stunned by this breach of international law to invade an independent country, mow down its defenseless people at the hands of the most powerful military force on the planet. Expressing the atrocious acts, Perkins says, “The U.S. army had prohibited the press, the Red Cross and other outside observers from entering the heavily bombarded areas [of Panama] for three days, while soldiers incinerated and buried the causalities.” The U.S. attack against Panama was reported to be “the largest air-borne assault on a city since World War II”.

We can read in this book how oil embargo crippled the American economy in the early 1970s and how U.S. took measures to kneel down Saudi Arabia, the major actor in this embargo… how Iraq was considered important to USA…why it was invaded… how Venezuela was saved by Sadam … how USA orchestrated coup against the democratically elected premier of Iran… Magnificent book to be read!

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The Transportation Department says it’s setting up an expert panel to review how the FAA approves new planes including the Boeing 737 Max, the jet involved in 2 deadly crashes.

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Zekarias Ezra

Dr Abiy is approaching the 1-year anniversary of his installation or appointment as the prime Minister of Ethiopia. It is correct to use the term ‘appointed’ because he was not elected by the people.

The duty of any government in principle is to serve its people – the true and rightful owners of political power. Yet, this is not true in the world’s least-free places, and obviously Ethiopia is a de facto member of such group.

Over the past 1 year,  plenty of good and plenty of bad things happen under Dr Abiy’s premiership.

The  good things

• Release of political prisoners
• Return of exiled political parties, their leaders and other activists
• Banning of TPLF group from the Federal political scene
• Opening of press and media

The Bad Things

Sadly, the bad things are so many and complex, I limit myself to enumerating the major ones:

• Over 1 million people from Gedeo were displaced from their land on account of ethnic conflict and left to die of starvation
• Over 3 million people were displaced on account of ethnic conflict
• Tens of thousands of our fellow men and women including children lost their lives due to ethnic conflicts
• Homes were demolished in broad day light without compensation creating homeless citizens
• Unruly group of young people started a campaign, ‘Addis Ababa is ours’ including the condominium for which citizens have paid with their hard-earned birr
• Protests of unruly youth with ቆመጥ፣ ሜንጫና ገጀራ while the administration says nothing
• Banks were robbed in broad day light and robbers roaming the capital freely

As the Prime Minister of the country, Dr Abiy is responsible for everything that happen under his watch – the good and the bad.  Credit is due to him for the good and full responsibility is on his shoulder for the bad.

The main thesis of this piece is based on the recent remarks made by the Prime Minister directly attacking the renown journalist and human rights activist Eskinder Nega and the ‘Baleadera Group’.

The relevant part of the remark reads “…ምርጫ ሳታሽንፍ፤ ባለ አደራ ምናምን ጨዋታ ውስጥ የምትገባ ከሆነ፤ ግልጽ፤ የሆነ፤ ጦርነት፤ አንገባላን፤፤” This is unbecoming of a Prime Minister.

When and where did Eskinder say he would like to be the Prime Minsiter or the Mayor of Addis Ababa by force? Where and when did he even say he is a politician vowing to ‘overthrow’ the Abiy Woyane government? Dr. Abiy knows Eskinder did not say such things but that did not deter him to threaten the residents of Addis Ababa with a warning that ‘you are encircled by unruly youth’.

Luckily, like few Ethiopians who doubted anything good can come out of EPRDF, I have not been duped by the brilliant catch phrase ‘Medemer and Ethiopiawinet Addiction’. So, his remark simply confirmed to me what I have suspected since his ascendency to power.  In a word, Dr Abiy is but a hard core EPRDFlite (Woyane) and a closet ‘dictator’.

I am fully aware and prepared that such labels would invite the wrath of his staunch advocates and supporters and frankly paid surrogates. And, this is typical of dictatorships. They are masters of explaining away the obvious human rights violations, instability and killings. Like any dictatorships, Dr Abiy has dictatorial mouthpieces tasked with explaining the regime to the outside world. These surrogates are business people with cozy relationship with the regime, officials hired for such a role, and these days social media ‘activists’ on the government payroll.

Lies and More Lies

Just take time and listen to or watch the documentaries coming out to show us how lucky Ethiopia is to have Dr Abiy as Prime Minister. Or read the writings or postings of the hired guns.  You begin to see consistencies in the way they rationalize the actions and omissions of the administration.

One of the most common bromides goes something like this: “You have to understand Ethiopian culture is different. Ethiopians have no experience of democracy. Reform takes times.” “የለውጡ ፅንፈኞች በሚረጩት የውሸት ዘመቻ ሳንደናገጥ በጥርጣሬ ከማየት ይልቅ ለውጡ እንዳይቀለበስ ከጎናቸው ከመሰለፉ የተሻለ ሌላ መፍትሄ የለም።  Or as the Prime Minister himself said “ኢትዮጵያ ዩጎዝላቪያ አይደለችም፣ በፍጹም አትፈርስም”

Despite the grave and precarious situation, this is still the song the regime and its cronies are singing in Ethiopia and across the virtual world.  In short, ‘don’t protest, don’t report, don’t object, Dr Abiy is your Messiah’. This is not new though. You will find the same kind of song played out in all countries suffering under authoritarian rule whether China, or Uganda or Rwanda.

Dictators thrive in telling lies and doublespeak, and above all in silencing truth. Despite a declining economy, ever growing instability, still ongoing human rights violations, and a weak national government, every time the Prime Minister open his mouth, we witness the blather of nothing except only flowery prose.

This is possible because of his ability to have words mean nothing. “When we live Ethiopian , and when we die Ethiopian’’ or Ato Lemma’s famous slogan ‘’Ethiopiawinet is addiction’’ etcetera. He just keeps talking and taking with a purpose – to create an impression that he knows what he’s taking about and, in the process, to drown the public in meaningless stuff. Just tell me what benefits the displaced Gedeo or the Legatfo residents would derive from “When we live Ethiopian , and when we die Ethiopian”? Nothing at all.

We must understand for such rulers “lying is the message”. That is, when they lie with the ease of breathing it’s to assert power over truth. “አንድ፤ ነገር፤ ሆነ፤ አሉ፤ ለገጣፎ::”.

Didn’t the Prime Minister know what has happened even after the fact? If so, why did he dismiss the gravity of the event in such a callous manner?  

Orchestrated Disinformation

Those  persons or political organizations with authoritarian leanings they not only have no trouble lying about everything, but they even go one step further and employ a sophisticated disinformation highway to amplify the lies. They employ ‘botnets’, State news agencies, paid flacks like the ‘digital woyane’ and political sycophants and opportunists.

As patriots like Eskinder and others spend their time refuting the lies, those on the disinformation payola keep up the “theatre craft” and the tornado that creates the fog like the “Mekele group” has caused this or that or “we discovered gas” etc.  While many who loved their country cry foul, unqualified, but extremely loyal henchman are being installed into power at the highest levels. Make no mistake about it what is really taking place is the consolidation of power.

The rulers fear the truth.  Prime Minister’s Abiy remark is a clear testament of this timeless truth.

There is no moral equivalency between what Eskinder and his group were trying to do in Addis and the unruly youth with a machete. There is no moral equivalency between what Eskinder and his group were trying to do in Addis and what has happened in Wollega with the abduction, killings and bank robberies. Yet,  Dr. Abiy’s audacity to rebuke and threaten Eskinder and the Addis Ababa residents is nothing short of a fury of a naked dictator in full display. It is in fact a shame! And, for peace loving citizens, intellectuals, elders and religious leaders not to call a spade a spade and condemn this  remark by the Prime Minister is a travesty.

Truth always prevails eventually, but havoc is wreaked in the meantime. That is how we must see the current events in Ethiopia. To my fellow country men and women, I say – do not despair. The misery that is now upon us is but temporary. Love always wins and the hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. There is a righteous Judge, the Almighty God, who will dispense judgment sooner than we think.

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DAVID SCHAPER/NPR

Boeing says it has a software fix ready for its 737 Max airplanes that will be unveiled to airline officials, pilots and aviation authorities from around the world Wednesday, as the aircraft manufacturer works to rebuild trust among its customers and the flying public following two fatal crashes of the planes in recent months.

Meanwhile, those crashes and the relationship between Boeing and the federal agency charged with regulating it will be discussed at a U.S. Senate aviation subcommittee hearing on Wednesday. Scheduled to testify are the heads of the Federal Aviation Administration and the National Transportation Safety Board, along with the Transportation Department’s inspector general, who is investigating how the FAA went about certifying the 737 Max as airworthy, and whether regulators relied too heavily on Boeing’s own safety assessments in their review.

Those developments come as transportation authorities in Ethiopia prepare to release preliminary findings on the cause of the crash of an Ethiopian Airlines Boeing 737 Max 8 plane earlier this month that killed all 157 people on board.

A spokesman for Ethiopia’s transport ministry told The Associated Press “a date has not been set but (the preliminary report) will be released later this week.” The spokesman says the U.S. National Transportation Safety Board, France’s aviation investigative authority BEA and Ethiopia’s Transport Ministry have been conducting the investigation jointly.

The investigators have said there were striking similarities between the March 10 crash outside of Ethiopia’s capital city Addis Ababa and the crash of a Lion Air Boeing 737 Max 8 into the Java Sea in Indonesia last October. Both planes crashed shortly after takeoff and both followed similar, erratic flight tracks in the air that indicate the pilots may have been struggling to try keep the planes from going into nosedives.

In the Lion Air jet crash Oct. 29, which killed all 189 people on board, Indonesian investigators say an automated flight control system, acting on erroneous data from a faulty sensor, repeatedly forced the nose of the plane down. That system, called MCAS, for Maneuvering Characteristics Augmentation System, is designed to prevent the airplane from stalling. But the Lion Air pilots apparently did not know how to counteract the system or disengage it, and were in a futile struggle to regain control of the plane.

After the Lion Air crash, many pilots complained that had not been made aware of the MCAS system, as it did not exist on previous versions of the 737, nor had they been trained on what to do when the system engages and forces the nose of the plane downward unexpectedly.

It still is not clear if something similar happened on the Ethiopian Airlines jet but the company’s CEO says pilots had been trained on how to handle the new system after the Lion Air crash.

Boeing officials say the company has completed developing software upgrades for MCAS aimed at preventing such occurrences in the future. The system will no longer act repeatedly in forcing the nose of the plane and will act just once if detecting the plane entering an aerodynamic stall. And the MCAS system will rely on data from the two angle of attack sensors on the plane, instead of just one.

In addition, a warning light that alerts the pilot when the angle of attack sensors disagree will become standard instead of being a more expensive option for airlines to purchase, and it will be added to the entire fleet of 737 Max aircraft for free.

A Boeing official says the software upgrades have undergone extensive lab and simulator testing, with pilots in a simulator facing a series of errors and failures, including sensor errors and other erroneous inputs.

The Boeing official says the FAA participated in the evaluation, even demonstrating the software upgrades during a test flight on March 12.

It is unlikely that the FAA will act quickly in certifying the software upgrades and other fixes, especially considering the scrutiny of the certification process coming from Congress and others. And regulators in Canada, Europe, China and other countries say they will no longer rely on FAA data and will conduct their own tests of the MCAS software updates before allowing Boeing’s 737 Max planes in the air again. As a result, some experts say it could be months before the airplanes are allowed back into service.

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by Getachew Begashaw (PHD)

1. Introduction

Ethiopia, in its recent history, has gone through three government systems that included a monarchy, a military dictatorship, and a divisive ethnic Federal system without participatory democracy. In each case, the continuity of the system was challenged by popular uprisings; however, thanks in part to the absence of democratic institutions and organizations to realize the aspirations of the people, each system was replaced by another that was as repressive as or more repressive than its predecessor. Furthermore, in each case, the popular movement was hijacked by forces that initially disguise their true form in progressive slogans and reforms, and eventually unveiled their dictatorial, autocratic and anti-democratic nature, once they consolidated power.

Following the successful uprisings against the vicious TPLF/EPRDF regime, we currently have a government in Ethiopia that assumed power with a promise of unity, love, national reconciliation, and democracy.

Despite the unconditional support the government enjoyed in the first few months of its formation, it is now facing considerable challenges from various groups, including its once ardent supporters as well as TPLF sympathizers.

This paper explores what constitutes good governance and what has been missing. Furthermore, it points what the current government has to do in order to achieve a transparent process for free and fair elections, how to assure the existence of checks and balances between the three branches of government (legislative, judiciary and executive), the legal functioning of vibrant civil society to monitor the rule of law, and the use of the appropriate institutions of the state and public forums to unite and harmonize the people.

In addition, the paper attempts to take a critical look at the present system of government in Ethiopia, and addresses steps that need to be taken to stabilize the current uncertain political environment and to transition from an ethnic oligarchy to a secular government derived from a multiparty system and formed through free and fair elections.

2. Good Governance

Although some historians state that the concept of good governance is as old as government itself, it emerged as a widely used development agenda by World Bank about thirty years ago. Currently, the term is broadly employed in many areas of human interactions and endeavors, including politics, economics, international relations, and business.

Broadly speaking, good governance is the process of decision-making and the process by which the decisions are implemented. However, many writers have highlighted different aspects of the concept.

For example, Fukuyama notes that there are two dimensions to be taken in to account to use the term good-governance and thereby to qualify governance as good or bad. They are:
(1) the capacity of the state and the bureaucracy’s autonomy, and
(2) the deliverables and outcomes that are obtained in the society.

On the other hand, Rotberg stresses the activities of a government, such as the provision of public goods to its citizens. Specifically, good governance is associated with deliverables that are demanded by citizens, such as security, health, education, water, enforcement of contracts, protection of property rights, protection to the environment, and the citizens’ ability to vote.

Other social scientists also show that good governance could be measured by additional factors, including the degree of participation of underrepresented members of the population like the poor and the minorities, the presence of checks and balances in the government, the establishment and enforcement of norms for the protection of the citizens and their property, and the existence of independent judiciary systems.

Further, the widely cited World Governance Indicators (WGI) for good governance are:
(1) Voice and accountability, (2) Political stability and absence of violence, (3) Government effectiveness, (4) Regulatory quality, (5) Rule of law, and (6) Control of corruption.

3. Checks and Balances in Government

The idea of checks and balances in government is an issue of constitution and constitutionalism.  It is the principle of constitutional government under which separate branches are empowered to prevent actions by other branches and are also induced to share power.

Checks and balances is of fundamental importance in tripartite or divided governments, such as that of the United States, which separates powers among legislative, executive, and judicial branches.

While the principles of checks and balances are fundamentally the same, the forms they may take could be different from country to country. Just to illustrate these peculiarities we can take the cases of Great Britain, France, Germany, and the United States as examples.

In Great Britain, the parliament (the legislature) is supreme, and laws passed by it are not subject to review by the courts (the judiciary) for constitutionality.

In France, a Constitutional Council of nine members (appointed for nine years by the president, Senate, and National Assembly) reviews the constitutionality of legislation.

In the Federal Republic of Germany, the government combines features of parliamentary systems (like that of Great Britain) and of federal systems (like that of the United States) and vests the right to declare a law unconstitutional in what it u called the Federal Constitution Court

In the United States the Court is the most important part of government through its Judicial Review power and it has the right to examine the actions of the legislative and the executive and all administrative arms of the government to ensure that they are constitutional. The framers of the US saw checks and balances as essential for the security of liberty under the constitution. For instance, in his letter to Richard Henry Lee, 15 November 1775, John Adams wrote” A Legislative, an Executive and a Judicial Power, comprehend the whole of what is meant and understood by Government. It is by balancing each of these Powers against the other two, that the Effort in human Nature towards Tyranny, can alone be checked and restrained and any degree of Freedom preserved in the Constitution”.

4. Governance in Ethiopia

In one of the recent blogs I was reading, I noticed a writer by the name Dawit lamenting that “the current constitutional adjudication(?) of Ethiopia in general lacks specific mandate of the Judiciary to foster peace, security and democracy in the country” and he recommends that “the system needs a fundamental revision and structural reform”.  Furthermore, he said, “the inexistence of checks and balances in the three branches of the government will lead to a “dictatorial regime and a dysfunction of the whole system to meet the demand of the society at large”. In simple words, Dawit is saying there is no checks and balances in the Government of Ethiopia.

Ethiopia, the oldest country in Africa, had four written constitutions in its history. They are those of 1931, 1955, 1987, and 1995. A proposed revision of the 1955 constitution was issued in 1974, but was soon suspended by the Dergue without having any legal effect because of the 1974. Until the adoption of the 1931 constitution, the rules of Ethiopian government had been codified in the Kibre Negest and FethaNegest.

Kebre Negest presented the concept that the legitimacy of the Emperor of Ethiopia was based on its asserted descent from king Solomon of ancient Israel.
Feteha Negest, a legal code compiled around 1240 by the Coptic Egyptian  ‘Abul Fada’il Ibn al-‘Assal, was used in Ethiopia as early as 1450 to define the rights and responsibilities of the monarch and  subjects as defined by the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church

The 1931 Constitution, without any clear delineation of rights and responsibilities of each branch of government in its seven chapters, just stipulated how the empire was to be administered.The seven chapters were:
(1) The Ethiopian Empire and the Succession to the Throne;
(2) The Power and Prerogatives of the Emperor;
(3) The Rights Recognized by the Emperor as belonging to the Nation, and the Duties Incumbent on the Nation;
(4) The Deliberate Chambers of the Empire;
(5) The Ministers of the Empire;
(6) Jurisdiction; and
(7) The Budget of the Imperial Government (Zewdie, 2001; Marcus, 1996; Keller, 1991)

The 1955 Constitution, beside strengthening the Emperor’s position, however, expanded the purview of the bicameral Ethiopian parliament over the 1931 constitution. Although the Senate remained appointive, the Chamber of Deputies was elected. In contrast to the legislature under the 1931 Constitution, which could only discuss matters referred to it, it now had the authority to propose laws, and also can veto laws proposed by the executive. It could also summon ministers for questioning, and in extraordinary circumstances it could initiate impeachment proceedings against them.

However, John Spencer, one of the three American advisors to draw up the revised constitution of 1955 complained in his memoirs that the Crown Council, dominated by the extreme conservatives like Ras Kassa, forced the authors to stress the prerogatives of the crown, giving the emperor the right to rule by emergency decree, to appoint and dismiss ministers without input from the Ethiopian parliament, and to appoint members of the Senate, judges, and even the mayors of municipalities. While Edmund Keller notes that the constitution had contained a number of ideas from the US Constitution, such as a separation of powers between three branches of government, Bahru Zewde stresses the nature of the executive powers in the document was “a legal charter for the consolidation of absolutism.”(Keller, 1991; Spencer, 1984; Marcus, 1996; Zewdie, 2001)

The third Ethiopian constitution of 1987 drafted under the one-party dictatorship of Mengistu Hailemariam’s Workers Party of Ethiopia (WPE), “was no more than an abridged version of the 1977 Russian Constitution with the exception of the sweeping powers vested in the presidency”. It’s certain that there is no discussion here about the merits of divided government and its attending checks and balances of powers in a government established by the will and whims of the strongman of the party.

The fourth Constitution of 1995, as described by Assefa Fisseha, has the implicit notion of the separation of powers to the effect that the judiciary has a crucial role in resolving disputes impartially, ensuring the rule of law, and in setting limits to power. In this analysis of the power relations between the three branches of government in Ethiopia, Fisseha concluded that, “… in Ethiopia the legislature has sought to take away power from the courts, placing them in quasi-judicial bodies within the executive. The judiciary has also failed to check that the executive is acting within the framework of the law. The overall assessment is that the judiciary has not yet defined its role; has not properly interpreted the concept of separation of powers; and has not yet become a key organ for enforcing human rights. The judiciary has abdicated its core function of reviewing acts and decisions of the executive and administrative agencies and is in danger of paving the way for arbitrary and unchecked government”.

In general, in a one-party or a dominant-party system the distinctions between the ruling party and the branches of government are often blurred and all are effectively merged into one to a point where one could not understand the difference between the party and the government. That was the Ethiopian reality under both governments Mengistu Hailemaria and Meles Zenawi with its overflow to Hailemariam Desalegn and Abiy Ahmed.

During the Dergue era all opposition parties were banned; and there was no competition at all. During the EPRDF government, where party, ethnicity, and government were fully merged, several methods are used to suppress other parties, especially those organized on a multi-ethnic national platform.

In many cases, state power is used directly to prevent these parties from getting more votes. In addition to vote rigging, opposition leaders have been shot, jailed, disappeared. In most cases, they are prevented from using the mass media at election times while the government party candidates are so closely allied to the state that they get an overwhelming advantage.Therefore, in a situation where there is no well-functioning multi-party system, there cannot be true separation of power and checks and balances.

Good governance, as a reflection of a well-functioning multi-party democratic system, assuring separation of powers and checks and balances in government of Ethiopia, calls for participatory, transparent, accountable, and decentralized government system reinforced by rule of law. Evaluating the practice of the EPRDF government, Moges Zewiddu explains that “there can’t be any reliable evidence other than the government own report that pointed out the absence of good governance in Ethiopia. On every public report, the Ethiopian government has been admitting widespread practice of mal-governance. Corruption, bureaucracy, and weak institutional structures are identified as common causes for absence of good governance.

To the list, Zewiddu adds non-participatory decision making, dubious institutional structure, and wide margin of discretionary power, political partisanship and unaccountable system as the causes of bad governance in Ethiopia. Even Mr. Barack Obama, the US President, during his infamous visit to Ethiopia, said, “[A]bove all, weak and unreliable institutions are the threat for good governance in Africa in general and Ethiopia in particular.

Semahegn Gashu has aptly summarized it when he wrote:” [G]ood governance is established when public institutions act efficiently, providing an enabling environment for economic growth and development. Good governance requires the improvement of accountability and transparency of public sector agencies, concomitant with the effective fight against corruption. The effective performance of democratic institutions, including legislatures, and the fight against corruption, are central elements of good governance”.

5. Looking forward

To conclude my paper, it may be worthwhile to review the current Ethiopian reality vis-a-vis the World Governance Indicators (WGI) for better future.  First, with regard to “Voice and accountability”, there have been some promising measures taken by the administration of Dr. Abiy Ahmed to address the egregious shortcomings of his predecessors.

One widely acclaimed example of the steps taken to promote free and fair elections is, of course, the invitation of opposition parties to participate in the upcoming elections with Ms. Birtukuan Midekssa as the head of the Election Board.

However, there are still many troubling issues that would cast doubt on how successfully the current government can create a conducive environment for the people to exercise their democratic rights. The major problems being the existing divisive ethnic federalism along with the constitution that sanctions it as legitimate form of government for Ethiopia.

The other factors that indeed will adversely affect the implementations of the good promises of the Prime Minister, in fact, are embedded in the other indicators of good governance, namely, absence of political stability and prevalence of unchecked violence in most parts of the country, government ineffectiveness, lack of rule of law, and government’s inability to control extremist media like OMN fomenting hate and ethnic conflicts in the country.

Based on recent events in various parts of the country, the government’s record in this regard is poor at best or tragic at worst. Indeed, it is safe to say that the success of the ongoing reform or the future of the country is heavily dependent on how effectively and genuinely the government addresses these issues.

The prevalent violence, which is perpetrated by various groups with nefarious objectives, is predictably leading the nation to inevitable collapse and disintegration. As reported in major media outlets, the number of people displaced is now over 2million and those needing emergency food assistance are going over 8 million.  In places, such as LagaTafo and Geddeo, for example, human rights abuses appear to be rampant. Certain killils like Tigray are essentially out of the control of the central government, raising their own army and even serving as havens for criminals.
Thus, it is absolutely difficult to associate with the current administration any degree of good governance in the face of lawlessness, brazen human rights abuses, massive eviction of the citizens on ethnic grounds, and a feeble central government that is unable to assert its federal authority on rebel killils.

It is, therefore, critical for the current government to engage pro-reform Ethiopians in constructive dialogue, enable vibrant civic societies as watch-dogs, implement unambiguous and ethnic-blind measures to promote national reconciliation, and clamp down on extremist groups that foment inter-ethnic violence and propaganda campaigns.

The government should be able to muster all government instruments of peace and security and normalize the political environment in the country. All current problems mentioned above are outcomes of the divisive ethnic killilization of the Ethiopian government structures. Although it could be an uphill battle, Dr. Abiy Ahmed must still strive to move the country away from ethnic federalism and its accompanying constitution.

There were no forced displacement and ethnic wars between the Ethiopian people before the ethnicization of the Ethiopian government. Ethiopia, in its effort to peacefully reconstitute and normalize itself, must ban ethnic political organizations, dissolve ethnic federalism, and suspend the current constitution. Ruling by emergency decree for the time being, Dr. Abiy Ahmed should constitute a transitional government composed of multi-ethnic national political organization, civic societies, elders and religious leaders, and women.

Trusting his words and promises, and also since Ethiopia is now under dire emergency of breakup, Ethiopian scholars, elderlies and religious leaders, and women must step forward to help Dr. Abiy Ahmed, the Prime Minster of Ethiopia, who very recently declared that we don’t need ethnic political organizations any more to succeed. No other choice, nowhere to turn to.

Selected References

Abebe, Semahegn Gashu, September 16, 2012, https://www.google.com/ challenges-of-good-governance-in-ethiopia

Dawit,  Adjudication of FDER Constitution,  https://www.abyssinialaw.com/component/k2/item/1519,  June 18, 2015

Fisseha, Assefa, Separation of powers and its implications for the judiciary in Ethiopia, Journal of Eastern African Studies, Volume 5, 2011 – Issue 4.

Fukuyama, Francis (January 2013). “What Is Governance?”. Center for Global Development. Working paper 314

Founders Online, National Historical Publications and Records Commission

Grindle, Merilee (October 2004). “Good Enough Governance: Poverty Reduction and Reform in Developing Countries”. Governance: An International Journal of Policy, Administration, and Institutions. 17 (4): 525–48

Kazi Iqbal and Anwar Shah: A Critical Review of Governance Indicators, World Bank, Preliminary draft, December 10, 2008.

Keller, Edmond J., 1991, Revolutionary Ethiopia: From Empire to People’s Republic (Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Marcus, Harold G., 1996, Haile Sellassie I: The Formative Years(Lawrenceville: Red Sea Press.

Obama,Barack,https://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/barackobama/barackobamaafricancontinentreps.htm

Rotberg, Robert (July 2014). “Good Governance Means Performance and Results”. Governance: An International Journal of Policy, Administration, and Institutions. 27 (3): 511–518.

Spencer, John, 1984, Ethiopia at Bay: A personal account of the Haile Selassie years (Algonac: Reference Publications.

Zewde, Bahru, 2001, A History of Modern Ethiopia: 1855–1991, second edition (Oxford: James Currey).

Zewiddu, Moges, The Role of Democracy, Good Governance and Rule of Law to Enhance Sustainable Development: The Ethiopian Experience. Academia.
http://info.worldbank.org/governance/wgi/#ho

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BY ERIC M. JOHNSON AND David Shepardson

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By Teshome M. Borago | Zehabesha/Satenaw columnist

As the governing ideology of tribal politics and ethnic-federalism in Ethiopia continue to cause misery, displacement, death and destruction nationwide; it is becoming important to build the momentum of the alternative dogma: citizenship (Zeginet)-basedpolitics. However, the new comments by Ginbot 7 Chairman Dr. Berhanu Nega has already sparked internal dispute with our grassroots leader Eskinder Nega this week. It is vital that Ethiopian nationalists do not repeat the political and strategic mistakes of the past, similar to the one between Berhanu and Lidetu Ayalew.

After the brief honeymoon period of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed expired, Ethiopia has already broken world record in 2018, with widespread tribal conflicts leading to displacements of biblical proportions. From Gedeo, to Moyale, Burayu, Benshangul, or virtually all contested towns and ethnic boundaries have endured bloodshed after bloodshed; exposing the ideological bankruptcy of ethnic federalism and the whole EPRDF ruling party administration.

In response, Ethiopian democratic forces led by Dr. Berhanu Nega are successfully building a 21st century political brand with#Zeginet (#ዜግነት) or citizenship-based politics to reject the Stone Age tribal apartheid system. While Berhanu’s party apparatus and campaign are slowly setting up foundations nationwide; the urban Ethiopian youth has been mobilized by activist Eskinder Nega in Addis Ababa; in response to nativist policies and tribalist rhetoric from the Oromo ruling party. In his iconic “We are Oromo …but Addis Ababa belongs to all Ethiopians” speech, Eskinder Nega embarrassed and exposed the ODP ruling party’s unelected mayor Takele Uma. Thus, it is vital that Ethiopians appreciate that both Dr.Berhanu and Eskinder share the same goal, but with different tactics. Dr.Berhanu operates from a nationwide framework obligated to follow regulations of the national election commission; but Eskinder is an independent activist who has inspired a local and emotional reaction to ethnic tyranny in Addis Ababa. Yet both share the same fundamental ideology of individual liberty and democracy.

Both sides of the struggle are necessary and compliment each other. Therefore, both their supporters must not engage in smear campaign and infighting. Dr. Berhanu’s political organization is vital for us to regain electoral mandate. Meanwhile, what Eskinder Nega is doing with Baladera Committee in Addis Ababa must be copied and repeated by pro-Zeginet Ethiopian nationalists in Adama, Hawassa, Dire Dawa and all diverse urban metropolitan areas nationwide. Zeginet politics is a long-term solution to the current politics of tribal nativism, hate and division in Ethiopia. After all, Qeerroo, Fano, Ejetto etc were also inspired and evolved from local committees that addressed the Welkait and Finfinne special interest cases. So they have no more legal basis, nor legitimacy than Eskinder’s Baladera committee. PM Abiy vilifying Eskinder’s Baladera committee while always bending over backwards to appease unelected social media activists driving the Qeerroo, Fano etc agenda is hypocrisy. Abiy’s recent statement that “all Ethiopian politics is ethnic politics” proves that he does not really understand the true meaning of Ethiopiawinet. It says a lot that Abiy’s government gives a blind eye to tribal thugs carrying AK47 in Amhara region and tribal mobs waving machete against minorities in Oromia but flexes its muscles on unarmed progressive non-tribal movements in Addis Ababa.

In fact, Eskinder’s committee defending the civil rights of all Ethiopian citizens of Addis Ababa has the moral high ground compared to those backward committees seeking for the so-called “return” of Welkait to Amhara and Finfinne to Oromo.

However, the minor tactical differences between Dr. Berhanu and Eskinder should not overshadow their ultimate unity of purpose. Similar minor problems were one of the underlying causes of the rift between Dr. Berhanu and Lidetu Ayalew in the 2005 post-election period when our CUD party won the stolen election.

In 2005, Dr. Berhanu was correct to believe that peaceful struggle alone and being a rubber stamp for the TPLF-controlled parliament will never bring real change. Meanwhile, Lidetu Ayalew’s group joined the TPLF parliament to change it from the inside. Both were necessary to put pressure from multiple fronts. But, instead of appreciating both tactics of the same movement, pro-democracy Ethiopians became deeply divided and defamed each other.  What happened in 2005 can happen again if we do not appreciate the necessity of multiple fronts and strategies toward a citizenship/ Zeginet based political revolution in Ethiopia.

We can also learn from the tribalist parties like OFC & OLF  because Dr Merera Gudina essentially played similar role as Lidetu in 2005 by joining the TPLF parliament. However, while OLF disagreed with Dr. Merera, both the OLF and the Qeerroo youth movement that followed never defamed or attacked Dr. Merera Gudina.

Therefore, while Dr. Berhanu might disagree with Eskinder’s tactics today, we should not let such minor disagreements  to divide our common movement and our shared goals of saving Ethiopia from tribalism and conflict. Both Berhanu and Eskinder have the same objective of promoting peace and democracy in Ethiopia based on our Zeginet.

The only lesson we should learn from Dr. Berhanu’s new interview with OBN state-media is that the ruling party today is still using its media monopoly to divide its political opponents in Ethiopia, just like during the Meles Zenawi era. Such blatant abuse of the state media for political instigation, propaganda, and intimidation of Addis Ababa residents must be condemned by human rights organizations. This proves that the Abiy administration is not ready to carry out a free & fair 2020 election. The 2020 election should not take place until taxpayer-funded regional ethnic media monopolies like OBN are disbanded or reformed, so they became independent media.

Meanwhile, pro-democracy Ethiopians must not shoot ourselves in the foot using smear campaigns to exaggerate our minor tactical differences because the suffering Ethiopian people are waiting for Ethiopian nationalists to finally unite our country based on our humanity, not ethnicity. We must continue to fight ethnic-segregation, just like the South Africans fought against Apartheid and the Americans fought against racial segregation. We must replace the current tribal institutions with non-tribal democratic institutions that respect individual rights. We must continue to fight the tyranny of ethnic blocs in Ethiopia and fight for micro federalism that decentralizes power and respect all citizens (Zeginet) as equal human beings with freedom to live anywhere in Ethiopia.

Teshomeborago@gmail.com

https://mobile.twitter.com/mtborago?lang=en

https://m.facebook.com/Zehabesha/

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By Helen Regan, CNN

(CNN)Preliminary findings from officials investigating the Ethiopian Airlines Boeing 737 MAX 8 crash suggest that a flight-control feature automatically activated before the plane nose-dived into the ground, according to reporting from the Wall Street Journal.

Citing multiple unnamed sources, the WSJ reported that the findings are the first to come to light based on data retrieved from Flight 302’s black boxes.
Earlier this month, the Federal Aviation Administration agency grounded all Boeing 737 Max planes, saying it had identified similarities between the Ethiopian Airlines crash and the Lion Air crash in Indonesia six months earlier.
Ethiopian Minister of Transport later reiterated that point, saying preliminary data recovered from the black boxes of the crash in Ethiopia showed similarities to the Lion Air crash.
This is the flight simulator and manual used to train pilots of doomed Ethiopian Airlines flight
This is the flight simulator and manual used to train pilots of doomed Ethiopian Airlines flight
Ethiopian Airlines Flight 302 crashed the morning of March 10 after taking off from Addis Ababa on its way to Nairobi, Kenya, killing all 157 people on board.
Lion Air Flight 610 crashed into the Java Sea in Indonesia on October 29 after taking off from Jakarta. All 189 people on board died.
The reported findings come from a preliminary report that’s required by the investigating authority to be produced within 30 days of an incident. The findings are not final and subject to change as the investigation continues.
If confirmed, the preliminary findings cited in the Wall Street Journal would suggest that the automated flight software called the Maneuvering Characteristics Augmentation System (MCAS), which was installed in both planes could be to blame in the two incidents.
The MCAS is a system that automatically lowers the nose of the plane when it receives information from its external angle of attack (AOA) sensors that the aircraft is flying too slowly or steeply, and at risk of stalling.
In the Lion Air crash, the MCAS forced the plane’s nose down more than 24 times before it finally hit water, according to a preliminary investigation by Indonesia’s National Transportation Safety Committee, which also found the system was responding to a faulty sensor.
Pilot: Can pilots trust Boeing again?
Pilot: Can pilots trust Boeing again?
Investigators have also pointed to whether pilots had sufficient training with the system.
According to Ethiopian Airlines CEO Tewolde GebreMariam, pilots transitioning to the Boeing 737 Max 8 aircraft from older 737 models were required only to undertake a short computer-based training program prescribed by Boeing and approved by the FAA.
GebreMariam also said the flight simulator that pilots trained on to learn how to fly the Boeing 737 Max 8 plane did not replicate the MCAS automated feature that crash investigators are scrutinizing.
Pilots’ union spokesmen for Southwest and American said the self-administered course — which one pilot told CNN he took on his iPad — highlighted the differences between the Max 8 and older 737s, but did not explain the MCAS feature.
On Wednesday, Boeing unveiled an overhaul to the software system and the pilot training of its 737 MAX plane.
Ethiopian Airlines is a symbol of national pride. Now a disaster has put it under scrutiny
Ethiopian Airlines is a symbol of national pride. Now a disaster has put it under scrutiny
At Senate hearings in Washington on Wednesday, Trump administration officials were grilled about the decision to defer large parts of the 737’s safety certification to Boeing.
Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao said that she found it “very questionable” that safety systems were not part of the standard package offered by Boeing on its 737 Max jets.
A Boeing official said Wednesday that the company had conducted a number of its own “thorough audits” since the Lion Air crash and found “nothing that concerns us.”
“If you look at the performance of the system, it would indicate that we are continuing to learn and continuing to get better and better over time. And so right now, I would be very careful about indicting any part of that process until we know more from the specifics of these accidents,

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Israelis Moshe Biton and Ilan Matsliah, who lost their brothers in the Ethiopian Airlines crash, visit the site.

Since meeting in the aftermath of the tragedy, the two men have grown close, bonding over memories of their elder brothers.

“I was following him since I was a child,” Biton recalls of his brother Shimon.

“For me, he was an example of everything. We had competitions all the time over who is better than who.”

Shimon Daniel Reem-Biton, 61, had worked as a security consultant across Africa. He was married, with five children aged 30, 24, 12, 9 and 3 years old.

His wife, who wanted to go unnamed, spoke to CNN via phone from her home in Israel.

Tears and tributes flood the Ethiopian Airlines crash site

She is devastated, she says, but trying to put on a brave face for her children.

Reem-Biton was “my heart, my head, and my soul,” she said.

“I’m in shock. It’s very hard,” she said. “The father of my children is gone. I can’t believe he will not be with us anymore. He was a very good father. He spent every moment with them. Football. Basketball. Every moment he had that he wasn’t working he spent with them.

“I hope I will be strong to raise them alone by myself.”

Putting together a ‘grief playlist’

During a bumpy two-and-a-half-hour journey from Ethiopia’s capital to the crash site in Bishoftu, south of Addis Ababa, Biton, and Matsliah regaled each other with tales of heroism about their brothers, punctuated with occasional bursts of humor.

It was a cathartic journey during which they played songs they said reminded them of their brothers.

The songs ranged from Cat Stevens to Florence and the Machines and Hebrew folk songs.

They lost their relatives in the Ethiopia plane crash. Instead of bodies, they bring back soil

Biton plays “I Follow Rivers” by Swedish pop star Lykke Li, saying: “This song is about following, and I have followed him here.”

Lost in his private grief, he brings out a picture of a T-shirt found at the crash scene he says was his brother’s, and he is overwhelmed with the realization he will never see his brother again.

Moshe Biton and Ilan Matsliah place stones spelling out their dead brothers names in Hebrew at the site.

The pair have been overwhelmed by kindness from locals in Ethiopia.

About a week after the crash, Biton and Matsliah bought stones from a local vendor and took them to construct a sign of their brothers’ names at the site.

Spontaneously, the Ethiopian security services and villagers joined hands with Biton and Matsliah and prayed.

Seeking closure

At the crash site, crows perch on the wooden posts and barbed wire that seals off what is now a mass grave.

No human remains have been identified at the site, and it is unlikely that will change for several months.

Makeshift memorials left at scene honoring family members who died on the Ethiopia Airlines flight ET302.

Matsliah and Biton say they believe the remains are buried under the soil and have visited the site seven times.

“We worry that our brothers’ DNA won’t be among the remains that have been collected and that we will never have a grave to visit,” Matsliah said.

“I want professional teams, such as the Israeli team ZAKA, to go in and pick up the rest of the remains. ZAKA estimates it might take two weeks to gather all the remains. We are begging the Ethiopian government to allow these teams to help them with this.”

Law student, scholar and politician’s family among victims in Ethiopian Airlines crash

The Ethiopian government has previously allowed the emergency response ZAKA team to visit the site once, but only for a few hours.

Some remains were collected and handed over to Ethiopian authorities, but many believe there is still a lot of DNA evidence buried under the soil.

An inspection of the crater left behind by the Ethiopian Airlines ET302 crash

The Ethiopian Ministry of Transport, in charge of the investigation, did not respond to CNN’s request for comment.

“Our goal is to bring all the human remains and to check all the DNA,” Matsliah said.

“It’s very important because in our religion it is so important that we bring the remains to the grave to bury the person. Our mothers want to go to the grave and cry on it. It’s sensitive, but it’s a rule that we have in the Jewish religion.”

Reem-Biton’s wife says she is desperately seeking her husband’s remains so her children can visit their father. She implores the country’s Prime Minister to reopen the site.

“We need closure,” she says. “We need to bury him. I feel like I lost my life, too. I wake up, but I’m not living.

“Please, please help us. Help all the families. Let us bring him home.”

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Grieving family members — desperate to recover the remains of their loved ones who died in the Ethiopian Airlines crash earlier this month — have been pleading with government officials to reopen the crash site and allow a collection team to go in, according to a report.

“We need closure,” said the wife of one victim, identified by CNN as Shimon Daniel Reem-Biton, a 61-year-old father of five.

“We need to bury him,” she told the network, choosing to remain anonymous. “I feel like I lost my life, too. I wake up, but I’m not living.”

CNN spoke to two other relatives — Moshe Biton and Ilan Matsliah, two Israelis who lost their brothers — about not being able to mourn properly due to the Ethiopian government’s reluctance to re-open the crash site.

Officials had previously allowed an emergency response ZAKA team to go in and investigate, but they were only given access for a few hours, according to CNN.

“Our goal is to bring all the human remains and to check all the DNA,” Matsliah said. “It’s very important because in our religion it is so important that we bring the remains to the grave to bury the person. Our mothers want to go to the grave and cry on it. It’s sensitive, but it’s a rule that we have in the Jewish religion.”

The grieving family members believe their loved ones’ remains are buried underneath the crash site’s soil. None have been recovered so far.

“We worry that our brothers’ DNA won’t be among the remains that have been collected and that we will never have a grave to visit,” Matsliah said. “I want professional teams, such as the Israeli team ZAKA, to go in and pick up the rest of the remains. ZAKA estimates it might take two weeks to gather all the remains. We are begging the Ethiopian government to allow these teams to help them with this.”

Reem-Biton’s wife reiterated Matsliah’s comments, saying: “Please, please help us. Help all the families.”

“It’s very hard,” she said. “The father of my children is gone. I can’t believe he will not be with us anymore. He was a very good father. He spent every moment with them. Football. Basketball. Every moment he had that he wasn’t working he spent with them … Let us bring him home.”

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Mekuria Gize

When PM Abiy gave his press release on March 27, 2019, since his recent political fiasco as a result of his inability to tell Addis Abebans that they have the right to administer themselves, some of us wanted to give him the benefit of the doubt even though the whole facts were not stated (e.g. Gedeo issue, displacement issues and the PM’s ways of handling). With all its shortcomings, PM Abiy covered many issues and explained himself well.  PM Abiy has a very twisted understanding of respecting democracy and keeping law and order. If he makes bad people accountable for displacing others, he thinks he is on their way which is quite funny unless someone is in favour of ethnic cleansing by design. Ironically blocking peaceful assembly in the capital Addis Ababa is considered keeping law and order by PM Abiy, a very big paradox.

One of the issues PM Abiy reminded us was that every Ethiopian should support the plea of Oromo farmers in the outskirts of Addis Abeba suffering from losing their land. It is right they should be compensated. However, PM Abiy failed to tell the root cause of the farmers’ suffering. It was the political position of his party and TPLF that put farmers to lead an agonising life. His party nationalized all land and made farmers of Ethiopia as tenants of the government, no better than the practice 50 years ago under the monarchy. If PM Abiy really cares about farmers and his  aim is to compensate them let us make them owners of their land, and  let them be compensated based on the free market values. The PM also must understand that there are thousands displaced from the center of the city, perhaps much higher than the number of Oromos in the outskirts. In Addis Ababa outskirts the population density is not that high to put the number of displaced higher than the centrally displaced citizens. How about the millions of farmers displaced outside of Addis Ababa in other regions?  All these are answered by nationwide land policy. So revisit it as quickly as possible.

The PM is clearly focused in his Oromo mentality when he says Finfine, Finfine and Finfine. He is motivated in the story of Finfine being an Oromo city. But what PM Abiy forgetting is there are over 4 million people who are concerned of this story. Regarding industry pollution problems the best position is to put an environment law that is a win-win for both Addis Abeba and Oromia, and one which may be extended to other cities. So the approach for this is to study the experience of other countries. This will be the work of the next elected government. The other weaker reasoning of the PM for a special privilege to Oromia is the extent he went to explain how natural resources like construction materials and water from Oromia are delivered to Addis Abeba. Construction materials are not given to Addis Abeba freely; they are sold to Addis Abeba, like teff, corn, wheat, barley vegetables, etc. We do not give special privileges for regions sending these items to Addis Abebans. His talk about Gedeo, Addis Ababa, and Addis Abebans rights including Eskinder were controversial to say the least. If anything compensation to be made for water delivery, Addis Ababa peoples’ government has to negotiate with Oromia and let us not call that special privilege. Get the experience of other cities in the world (e.g. Washington D.C.). In California for example 121 cities are chartered (they have their own laws of governance outside of the general laws of the state).

No doubt the prime minister has an innovative mind, and he can do a lot good things. In my opinion he is the brightest leader since Haileselassie (I would not take Mengistu and Meles as a serious leaders). But one problem I see in PM Abiy is he conflicted between being an Ethiopian leader and an Oromo leader.  If he wants to be remembered as someone Ethiopian PM who introduced democracy to Ethiopia, he has to put Addis Ababa out of his Oromia mind set. Addis Abeba is not unique to administering itself. Above all Addis Ababa is within the authority of the PM and I do not see why he insists to place Addis Ababa under Oromia. Ethiopians have a bad memory of Oromo political parties. They have seen what means Oromo governance in Addis Ababa. They have seen the massacre of non-Oromos in Arbabgugu, Woter, Bedeno, Assossa, etc. They do not want to gamble in their life by accepting Oromo ownership of Addis Abeba because the end result one day is displacement and killings as we have witnessed in Gedeo recently. If PM Abiy thinks his authority comes from being an Oromo, his only bet is a maximum of 34% support; if he believes his power position comes from being an Ethiopian leader for sure he has the mandate of more than 50% of the voters. Oromia is a vast region and resourceful enough to build several big cities. So, why stuck in this mindset of taking over Addis Ababa? Addis Ababans have already taken Oromia as a security threat.         Unless Oromo elites abandon this mantra of Finfina as an Oromian city, there cannot be peace in the whole of Ethiopia. Oromo elites’ demand is like the Red Indians demanding White Americans to hand over several big cuties of America (Newyork, Washington D.C., JosAngeles, etc) because they were original owners of the land. This kind of thinking is illusion. How long is long for someone to legally claim something?

I want to give president Lemma Megerssa the benefit of the doubt about the so call demography change plans it was said he spoke about. I would say he probably misspoke to quieten his audience because ethnic fanaticism has sky rocketed and regional parties are increasingly pressured from their electorates. I want to appeal to President Mergers that he defuses the current tension between Oromia and Addis Abebans by recognising the rights of Addis Abebans.  The main reason, I think, for Lemma Megerssa to take harder line is the issue of right wing Oromo politicians’ competition. But what it takes for Lemma Megerssa to be a president of Oromia? He only needs to win a constituent in eastern Wollega or North Shewa or in the environs of Adama/Nazret. What it takes for PM Abiy to remain PM of Ethiopia? He only needs a mandate from Agaro which he can easily win. Democracy means administration by the people. Addis Abebans have the legal right to be led by someone they trust. PM Abiy have to put someone acceptable to Addis Abebans, and not Takele Uma, a controversial Oromo nationalist. When Takele Uma is accused of leading a fraud in cases of would-be voters ID cards, the normal procedure here in democratic countries is to put an independent investigative commission. What PM Abiy is doing is defending Takele. The PM is partial. He cannot be the witness and the investigator at the same time. You cannot deliver good governance by encouraging political corruption. Worst PM Abiy blocked journalist Eskinder’s press release on March 30, 2019, a clear political defeat for PM Abiy. When PM Abiy gave a response for 42 renowned Ethiopians living overseas, I took the PM at his words and said to myself, a good first start, and one in the right direction. My early hope and trust on PM Abiy returned and I thought that we are probably on a path of reconciliation with the former real PM Abiy. But the blocking of Eskinder Nega is a bad faith and something hard to sell the PM’s political capital.

PM Abiy’s clear Mistakes that need urgent attention

• Not establishing law and order. Displacement of people should be a federal crime. The federal government should not wait for an invitation by regions to intervene. It is absolutely stupidity to ignore the plight of people displaced because of ethnicity. This has to do neither with democracy nor with the rights of regions.
• Not recognising the right of Addis Abebans. There are many chartered cities in the world. The only way forward is to recognise by the PM and his party the self rule right of Addis Abebans. The constitution clearly says that. It is the Oromo elites’ mindset that has to change.
• PM Abiy thinks it is oaky for every ethnic party to split and form kilil; that he considers democracy. That is wrong. Who is to provide funds for these small kills to run their administrative duties? It is impossible to run a country like that. They can only ask representation and self local administration, not self kilil because it is not viable to do that. PM Abiy must know how a country is created and run. You do not create a country every week because the current constitution says so. The constitution is the brain child of Meles Zenawi, an enemy of Ethiopia. PM Abiy has his own brain unless he is going in the footsteps of Hailemariam.
• ODP monopolized power and pushed the ADP out. This is betrayal
• Wrong understanding of age-old suppression; things are exaggerated. I will give one example. Ethiopia is an agrarian country at that time. How much of Ethiopia was interconnected by roads? Very little to none. If so, you won’t walk 30 km and suppress other people as such. You may do it once but you won’t lead a constant life of walking and attacking others. The Amaras, constantly accused by Oromo and Tigre elites of oppressing other nationalities, have/had a sedentary life style entirely depending on agriculture. The maximum distance an Amara travels is 20 km once a week for market reasons. It is a very deceiving argument to talk about Amara suppression in view of the backward life style of Ethiopians.  There has been thousands of war between neighbouring guji Oromos and Borena Oromos. There are none of such wars in northern Shewa or Wollega between neighbouring Amaras and Oromos. And since the coming of the Derg, land issues were resolved better than now, and I do not see why Oromo parties go back in time 100 years to justify suppression without talking about wars between Oromo themselves. Their forefathers never complained of suppression; only their sons and daughters are now complaining about the life of Oromos they never experienced or saw.

—

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By Prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam

Author’s Note: In this commentary, I try to explain to my readers why on the eve of PM Abiy Ahmed’s stellar first year anniversary there is so much political white noise in Ethiopia. There is a campaign of Infowars (psychological warfare) underway on the  people of Ethiopia and the administration of PM Abiy Ahmed. It is a campaign aimed at creating fear, alarm and anxiety in the population and rob popular confidence in the leadership of PM Abiy. I shall argue that the  Infowars campaigns of fear and smear must be fought with the truth and facts. I also give reasons and explain why I am a strong supporter of PM Abiy, the young leader of Ethiopia who is described by the international community as the “African Leader to Watch in 2019”.

Clucking for rain on April 2

The first anniversary of the appointment of H.E. Dr. Abiy Ahmed to the prime ministership will take place on April 2.

The Chicken Littles in Ethiopia are in full hysteria mode.

They are running around like a chicken with the head cut off clucking, “The sky is falling! The sky is falling on Ethiopia! Let’s tell the people the sky is falling on Ethiopia.”

The Chicken Littles are waging a psychological war.

It is a war of psychological attrition in which the Chicken Littles are trying to wear down public confidence in PM Abiy and his administration by spreading with lies, fake news, disinformation, gossip and rumor.

It is a psychological war aimed at manipulating minds, crushing hearts, fraying nerves and breaking down the spirit of the people.

It is a psychological war designed to create uncertainty in the outcome of our peaceful revolution.

They are using harum-scarum tricks to create anxiety, alarm, dread and panic and convince the public the last year under the leadership of PM Abiy was straight outta hell.

Now, the Chicken Littles think they can rain on PM Abiy parade on April 2.

But the facts speak for themselves.

The past 12 months have been the best Ethiopia has had in living memory.

No political prisoners. (PM Abiy scoured the Horn of Africa and the Middle East looking for Ethiopian refugee prisoners and got thousands of them released!!)

No journalists in jail.

No restrictions on freedom of speech, religion and assembly.

No state of emergency.

No war between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Just peace, brotherhood and sisterhood.

Free and fair elections under international standards scheduled.

Peace with all of Ethiopia’s neighbors.

One-half of all ministerial posts manned by women.

All opposition parties are free to operate.

Diaspora Ethiopians once described as “extremists” and “terrorists” are embraced with open arms.

PM Abiy Ahmed nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize by world class organizations and world leaders, the only Ethiopian leader in history to be so honored.

Accolades from the international media. The Financial Times recently wrote Abiy Ahmed, “has overseen the swiftest political liberalisation in Ethiopia’s more than 2,000-year history.”

I could go on and on!

But the Chicken Littles in Ethiopia want to paint a picture of strife, conflict and war on the first anniversary of PM Abiy’s administration.

Cluck! Cluck! “The country is on the precipice of civil war. We need to arm ourselves.”

Cluck! Cluck! “They are coming to commit genocide on us.”

Cluck! Cluck! “The country is going to hell in handbasket because PM Abiy is not ‘taking action’.”

Cluck! Cluck! “Addis Ababa belongs to us and no one else.”

Cluck! Cluck! “We will create a parallel government for Addis Ababa.”

Cluck! Cluck! “We have been had. The change was a trick. One ethnic group has replaced another in power!”

Cluck! Cluck! “The sky is falling on Ethiopia! We are here to stop it!” Cluck! Cluck!

Ha! Ha! Ha!

The Chicken Littles think they can cluck rain on PM Abiy’s magnificent 1-year parade.

They think they can blacken his stellar achievements by clucking doom and gloom.

They think they can diminish his historic, triumphant and monumental anniversary in their inforwars campaign spreading fake news, disinformation and misinformation.

They think they can undermine his towering achievements by waging a campaign of fear and smear; by spreading despair and pessimism; by preaching sorrow and woe, and by singing their mournful songs of selfishness, self-pity and self-indulgence.

But that’s alright!

PM Abiy does not mind all the Chicken Littles clucking to rain on his parade.

He knows there is no rainbow without rain.

He knows at the end of the rainbow there will always be, until the end of time, green, yellow and red.

PM Abiy will never let the sun set on the green, yellow and red of the rainbow nation of Ethiopia!

Of jegnoch (heroes), chatterboxes and Chicken Littles

Speaking at an event celebrating speaking on International Women’s Day on March 8, PM Abiy flatly declared Ethiopia has no heroes:

Although Ethiopia has been called the land of jegnoch (home of heroes), today she has a massive shortage of heroes (jegnoch). In Ethiopia there are no heroes. Only mob (herd) followers… Ethiopia has people who say, “Get ready. Arm yourself. Kill. These are people who inherit and repeat past mistakes… Following the mob (herd) does not a hero make. What makes a hero is standing for the truth. They cannot be called heroes (jegnoch). Real heroes are those who stand up amidst turmoil and conflict and bear the truth… To fill this hero gap (deficit) as you celebrate March 8th, we should have heroines… This task is appropriate for women because they are pillars, towers and givers… I ask you [women] with deep humility, as you continue with your work, to focus on peace and unity, love and reconciliation…

I replied to PM Abiy’s statement in my March 14 commentary and told him straight up, “Ethiopia does not have heroes because she has crybabies and villains.”

I was merely speaking truth to the whimpering crybabies and villains “who murder as they smile and smile as they murder and whose tongues outvenom all the worms of Nile”, to borrow from the Bard of Avon.

But I forgot to tell him that Ethiopia does not have heroes because she has too many Chicken Littles who run around clucking and spreading fake news, disinformation, white lies and tall tales.

These are the same Chicken Littles who are all gung-ho to rain on his first anniversary.

But the story of Ethiopia’s Chicken Littles is nothing new.

Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam reamed the behinds of the “chatterbox” Chicken Littles of Ethiopia in his 2015 Amharic  book, “Adafne: Fear and Failure”, which I reflectively reviewed in my November 1, 2015 commentary.

In that book, the longtime Ethiopian human rights defender explained the peculiar disease that has permeated the mind and souls of Ethiopians in particular and Africans in general. He diagnosed the disease as “Adafne”, a socio-political virus likely acquired during colonialism or as an after-effect of colonialism.

He argued Adafne has infected the continent and made it barren, unable to produce great men and women of character, wisdom, integrity and virtue. “Adafne” has made the continent a basket of crabs. As one crab tries to climb out of the basket, the rest pull him down.

“Adafne” is Ethiopians’ sickness of the soul. He wrote,

Adafne has made Ethiopia the land of chatterboxes first by suppressing truth;  second by suppressing education and knowledge; third by closing down all means by which truth is propagated; fourth by hiring silver-tongued spinners of lies and fifth by closing all avenues for the publication and dissemination of ideas and knowledge.”

Adafne is what ails the souls and minds of Ethiopia’s Chicken Littles and made them empty barrels and chatterboxes.

The story of the Chicken Little

Some of my readers may not be familiar with the fable of Chicken Little.

It is an American/European folk tale with a moral lesson about a chicken who believes the world is coming to an end because an acorn dropped on his head from an oak tree. It is a common idiom used to talk about people who become hysterical, panic-stricken and neurotic having convinced themselves of an imaginary disaster imminent disaster.

The story goes that one day as Chicken Little was walking in the woods, an acorn fell from a tree and hit her little head. She was completely panic-stricken. “My, oh, my, the sky is falling. I must run and tell the lion about it.”

Along the way, Chicken Little met Henny Penny and told her the sky is falling. Henny Penny asked Chicken Little, ““How do you know it?”. Chicken Little answered, “It hit me on the head, so I know it must be so”.

As they both ran to tell the lion, they met Ducky Lucky. “The sky is falling” said Henny Penny. “We are going to the lion to tell him about it.” Ducky Lucky asked, “How do you know that?” Henny Penny replied, “It hit Chicken Little on the head.”

Ducky Lucky joined the run until they met Foxey Loxey who asked, “Where are you all going?” Ducky Lucky said, “The sky is falling and we are going to tell the lion all about it.”

Foxey Loxey asked, “Do you know where the lion lives?” None of them knew. “I do. Come with me and I can show you the way”, said Foxey Loxey and walked them right into the lion’s den. They all went in but they never, never come out again.

Such is also the story of Ethiopia’s Chicken Littles.

When one Chicken Little starts clucking about an issue, every other Chicken Little in the henhouse will erupt in a crescendo of clucking.

I wrote about it in my August 2018 commentary showing how the Chicken Littles were duping unsuspecting Ethiopians by spreading news, disinformation and conspiracy theories.

These Chicken Littles don’t bother to gather evidence, assess its relevance, critically evaluate it and come to logical conclusions.

They are driven by and are at the mercy of their raw emotion.

They substitute anger, alarm, frustration, grief, fear and anxiety for hard facts.

Of course, they are entitled to their own opinions, but not their own facts.

One hallmark of Ethiopia’s Chicken Littles is that they have no mind of their own. Just like a flock of perturbed chickens cluck to a crescendo in a henhouse with the slightest gust of wind, Ethiopia’s flock of Chicken Littles will work themselves into a frenzy on the slightest rumor on social and conventional media with deafening results.

The tragic thing is that those who watch the Chicken Littles from the sidelines jump into a frenzy believing the sky is indeed falling.

Little do these bystanders know that these Chicken Littles are clucking because they are terrified of their own shadows and spend their days fighting with imaginary monsters and running away from imaginary disasters.

Facebook, the virtual henhouse of Ethiopia’s Chicken Littles

Facebook, YouTube and other online media have become virtual henhouses for many of Ethiopia’s Chicken Littles.

Facebook has become the command center for the faceless infowarrior Chicken Littles who spread fake news and disinformation and mindlessly preach their gospel of hate.

Leading the pack of Infowarriors are the TPLF Chicken Littles.

The bosses of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF; LF stands for Lie Factory) have unleashed a mutant army of Chicken Littles on Facebook hoping they will save them from the one thing they dread most: Accountability for their crimes against humanity and corruption they committed over the past 27 years.

Over the past year, the TPLF Chicken Littles have done everything they can to bring about instability and strife in Ethiopia.

They have fomented  ethnic conflicts throughout the country.

They have been crying wolf about an imaginary genocide that is going to be committed on them to fire up their base and solidify support.

They bellyache about being singled out for ethnic persecution and what have you.

The object of the TPLF troll army on Facebook is to post inflammatory and hateful rubbish and rile up all of the other bird-brained Chicken Littles into an orgy of clucking recriminations and insults.

The TPLF Stooge Chicken Littles are the most pitiful of all.

These Chicken Littles come into two styles: unwitting TPLF dupes and paid agent provocateurs (inciting agents) from other ethnic groups who babble the hateful gospel of the TPLF.

The TPLF often recruits the dupe Chicken Littles from different ethnic groups to do their dirty work. More often, they engage in provocative activity by assuming diverse ethnic names and identities to create the misimpression that the hateful views expressed are not those of the TPLF.

The empty barrel Chicken Littles

The empty barrel Chicken Littles like to talk. They run the gossip mills and cluelessly blather and chatter about things. They feed on sensationalism and hype. They remind me of lyrics from an old James Brown song. They are “like a dull knife/Just ain’t cutting. They talk loud but say nothing”.

Were I to invoke the Bard of Avon, I would say theirs is “a tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.”

The Dinosaur Chicken Littles

These are the Chicken Littles whose time is long past and should remain in pasture.

But they want to remain relevant so they use intrigue and deception to capture the spotlight.

They point fingers at those who are trying to improve the country and criticize them unaware that three fingers are pointing at them.

Talking heads Chicken Littles

The talking head Chicken Littles like to play pundit.

They are always talking about the negative and how they have predicted bad things would happen.

They make mountains out of molehills.

They think they are savvy political analysts by babbling the same old crap day after day.

The problem of herd mentality and groupthink among Ethiopians

Why are the Chicken Littles able to cause so much alarm and anxiety among the population?

It is because herd mentality and groupthink are a common phenomenon among many Ethiopians.

I am not sure if it is a cultural thing but I see and hear so many Ethiopians blindly following the flock and reacting to situations on the basis of emotion instead of logical and rational thinking.

I am amazed how so many Ethiopians just follow the crowd and are afraid to ask probing  questions about the gossip and disinformation they are fed every day.

Groupthink is the flip side of the herd mentality problem.

Many Ethiopians hold an opinion in a group believing the group is right.

They agree on an opinion without much questioning, critical reasoning or scrutiny of the evidence.

Chicken Littles thrive where there is an intellectual deficit of critical thinking and in the absence of an intellectual culture that does not value hard evidence and skepticism.

In such an environment, Chicken Littles become supreme opinion leaders.

How to fight the clucking Chicken Littles in the infowars

There is a sure surefire way of fighting and winning the inforwars against the Chicken Littles of Ethiopia.

There is one and only one weapon the Chicken Littles fear the most: TRUTH.

Chicken Littles believe that if a lie is told a hundred times, it will become truth.

The truth is, “A lie can travel half way around the world while the truth is putting on its shoes.”

The only way to fight the Infowars of fake news, disinformation and conspiracy theories is by simply exposing lies of the Chicken Littles and telling the truth.
Let’s cut off at the Facebook and social media passes.

Let’s educate our people of good will and good faith.

Mandela said, “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.”

We must use social media to teach and to empower the people.

The Chicken Littles thrive by spreading negative messages and news. Let’s fight them by spreading positive messages of our own.

Someone once said, “In every day, there are 1,440 minutes. That means we have 1,440 daily opportunities to make a positive impact.” When we are on Facebook, Twitter and the rest for 10 minutes or one hour, let’s make a positive impact on those who read us. Let’s not waste so much negative energy feeding the trolls.

The Chicken Littles feed on our anger, sorrow, fear and anxiety.

Let’s fight them by developing emotional intelligence, that is the ability to identify and manage our own emotions and the emotions of those around us.

Let us develop heightened awareness that we are constant targets of emotional manipulation. Let’s not be gullible and suckers.

Above all else, let’s never wrestle with the Chicken Littles.

At the risk of mixing metaphors, George Bernard Shaw said, “I learned long ago, never to wrestle with a pig. You get dirty, and besides, the pig likes it.”

The same can be said mudslinging and pissing contests in chicken manure.

The Chicken Littles who love to hate PM Abiy

There are all sorts of Chicken Littles who love to hate PM Abiy. These include Chicken Littles who

hate Ethiopiawinet and the unity of the Ethiopian people.

are criminal and corrupt thugs who are scared to death they will be held accountable for their crimes and corruption.

are hungry and thirsty for power and want other people to do the heavy lifting and dying for them to get into power.

wannabe leaders who can only mislead and lead innocent citizens to the graveyard.

expected a position and a job in PM Abiy’s administration, but did not.

seek access to manipulate PM Abiy and put him in their pocket but are unable to do so.

have a debilitating inferiority complex.

feel PM Abiy has ignored them or not given them enough attention.

wanted PM Abiy to “take action” by ordering mass arrests, mass incarcerations, mass persecutions and massacres.

jealous of the meteoric rise of a young man out of nowhere and become the toast    of the town where ever he goes.

are members of the coma generation (brain dead).

festoon their names with acronyms of higher education but have not done a damn thing to help or stand up for their people.

windbags who spend their time gossiping.

don’t know what time it is. (It’s time for change.)

intimidated by PM Abiy’s prodigious intellect and forensic powers.

losers in life, in their professions and in their political ambitions.

Why I fully support PM Abiy

There are those who say that I support PM Abiy blindly.

They say I give him special treatment. I never criticize him. I only talk about the good things he has done and overlook the bad ones. Blah, blah…

I follow no one but my own conscience, the just and fair laws of the land and the moral code, “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.”

I have  been blessed to spend the last 13 years of my life fighting for human rights in Ethiopia.

It’s is true I did not fight with the weapons of war.

For 13 years, I was in the trenches day and night fighting with my pen and keyboard the Prince of Darkness himself and his Army of Darkness.

I take great pride in the fact that for 13 years, without missing a week, I have indicted, prosecuted and convicted the criminal thugs of the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front and their ethnic apartheid system in the court of world public opinion.

I do not believe there is a single Ethiopian alive who can make that statement.

Truth be told, I am the only Ethiopian whose Ethiopian identity the TPLF has ever challenged in public.

For the TPLF, there is no such person as an Ethiopian. There is an Oromo, Amhara, Tigray, Gurage… living in Ethiopia, but never an Ethiopian without an ethnic tag attached to his/her name.

But I taught the TPLF a lesson they will never forget, EVER! I am PROUD ETHIOPIAN.

So, why do I support PM Abiy?

I can give a thousand and one reasons but I will give only two.

Hear! Hear!

Abiy Ahmed liberated Ethiopia from ethnic apartheid!

Abiy Ahmed is working day and night to liberate Ethiopians from the mental slavery of  ethnic apartheid.

That is why I support PM Abiy without reservations.

I supported PM Abiy before I even knew who he was.

I gave him my full support after I heard his speech in parliament on April 2, 2018. I knew he was the man of the hour for Ethiopia.

On April 8, six days after he became prime minister, I wrote a 6,800 word open letter to PM Abiy explaining why I supported him when virtually everyone was doubting him and calling him the equivalent of a brainwashed TPLF Manchurian candidate.

In that letter, I expressed my full confidence in his goodwill and promises to do good by all Ethiopians.

I assured him that if he keeps his side of the bargain I will always be in his corner and have his back.

Over the past year, PM Abiy has not only delivered on his promises. He has exceeded my wildest expectations by leaps and bounds.

I had the wild expectation that after over four decades, during his administration some political prisoners may be released. He busted open the prison doors and let them ALL out.

I had the wild expectation there could be a slight opening of the political space and  citizens may enjoy a few individual liberties. He busted open the political space until he was criticized for opening it too much, too fast.

I had the wild expectation there Ethiopians would be accorded a modicum of due process in the judicial process that had been reduced to a monkey court system. He ended being a die-hard stickler for the rule of law.

I had the wild expectation opposition parties will be allowed some freedom to assemble, organize and engage in the democratic process.

I had the wild expectation there will be some rapprochement in the Horn of Africa. He ended the war with Eritrea, busted open the border that had been sealed for decades and made peace. He brought peace and reconciliation to the entire Horn region.

I had the wild expectation that there could be a free and fair election. Every day he offers his personal guarantee that he will “leave office in 24 hours” if he is defeated in the election in May 2020.

On a personal level, I had the wild expectation that He will make friendly overtures to Diaspora Ethiopians once vilified and  persecuted as “extremists” and “terrorists” and forbidden from returning to their homeland. PM Abiy came to America and gave all Diaspora Ethiopians a gift called the Ethiopian Diaspora Trust Fund which they can run without any government involvement or intervention.

In less than a year, PM Abiy exceeded my wildest expectations by leaps and bounds.

Why the hell should I not give PM Abiy my full and unqualified support!?

If he can deliver on every one of his numerous promises, I sure as hell can deliver on single one of mine.

Yes, I back Abiy Ahmed one thousand percent!

I support him not because he is a the perfect leader. But he has done so many things no Ethiopian leader has ever done.

But PM Abiy has yet to prove that he can walk on water!

That is why I will keep a wide open mind.

I will be glad to criticize PM Abiy if anyone 1) can prove to me by any standard of reasonableness (not whining, moaning and groaning) the things PM Abiy has done wrong in his first year in office, or 2) identify the name of one individual out of 110 million Ethiopians whose leadership skills equal or exceed PM Abiy’s.

This is a direct challenge to anyone who has the courage to take it.

The bottom line is my support of PM Abiy is principled as was my support for Meles Zenawi when he came to speak at Columbia University in September 2010.

I vigorously defended Meles Zenawi’s right to speak at Columbia University in 2010 and became a target of Diaspora vilification.

It did not matter to me what the critics had to say.

As a matter of principle, Meles had the right to speak in America, even if he had muzzled 100 million people at home.

As a matter of principle, I have publicly declared on a number of occasions that I will be the TPLF foremost supporter if they embraced Ethiopiawinet, ended their ethnic apartheid state, stopped the politics of hate and division and ceased abusing power.

I don’t support or oppose someone or something to make others happy or unhappy.

As they say, “I calls it as I sees it and let the chips fall where they may.”

I have spent the last 13 years of my life speaking my truth to power, to the powerless, the power hungry and power thirsty.

I seek nothing and will accept nothing for the work I do or have done for my motherland. It is a blessing and a special honor for me.

I support PM Abiy because he is simply the best leader we have today, and certainly in my lifetime. It is a great honor for me to defend him against the Chicken Littles, crybabies and power hungry villains.

He is a man of extraordinary intelligence, unshakeable integrity, genuine humility, limitless potentiality and disarming amity.

There is an old African saying, “The dogs will bark, but the camels will walk.”

My adaptation of that old saying is, “The Chicken Littles will cluck, but the rooster will keep on ruling the roost.”

After all, it is only natural that the little chickens cluck and the gracious rooster crows.

On a personal note, I consider all of the clucking of the Chicken Littles in Ethiopia nothing more than chicken bowel movement.

For Abiy Ahmed, the sky is not falling because for him the sky is not the limit.

Ad Victoriam!

P.S. The sky has indeed fallen. On the heads of all the clucking Chicken Littles! Pity. They are confused and have no idea what to do next.

I suggest they park their little fragile egos at the door and MEDEMER!

The post The Chicken Littles Are Clucking, “The Sky is Falling on Ethiopia!” appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Addissu Admas

I am not sure what the claim “Addis Ababa belongs to Oromia” means or implies. Does it mean that all non-Oromo Addis Abebans should now pack-up their belongings, load them up on buses, trains, mules, donkeys, and God knows what else, and vacate the city and trudge to their respective ethnic enclaves? Does it mean that beginning a certain date Addis Abebans will become resident aliens in their own native city and must apply to the Oromia Killil for permission to stay in the Capital? Does it mean that, not only Addis Ababa will, from now on, be known as Finfinne, but Oromiffa will become its only official language? Does it mean Addis Ababa will be entirely under Oromia’s jurisdiction, with all the consequences that such status dictates? And as a consequence of this will the federal government become a “host” of Oromia Killil? The questions, as one can clearly see don’t end here; there are many more that need answers.

I think that native Addis Abebans are owed an explanation by the radicals and provocateurs who appear to be solely intent at destabilizing an already destabilized nation. The simple fact of the matter is that as long as Ethiopia remains a nation composed of federal states (Killils), the current constitution has determined that Addis Ababa remain an independent Killil with no particular ethnicity to claim it as its own. From the historical perspective, the claim that the land upon which Addis Ababa was built belonged to Oromos from time immemorial is hardly a defensible one. The history of the entire region is one of a constant movement and resettlement of peoples. The question should not be one of “who owned the land first” but “how can we come together to forge a peaceful co-existence”. The primary cause of war in history has been claims over lands that could have been shared peaceably. And wars have rarely settled land issues permanently. They have in fact exacerbated existing enmities. The ugly belligerence displayed by some extremist Oromo individuals and parties can only galvanize non-Oromos to respond in kind. To hope for a solution to come out from confrontation, hostility, or outright war rather than from dialogue and negotiation is a pernicious delusion.

One thing that those extremist Oromo nationalists must understand is that cities, especially large capitals of nations, are not only multiethnic, but are in most cases cosmopolitan by necessity. Capital and large cities have never belonged de facto to any one particular “ethnicity”. By their very constitution they are meant to be spaces in which all humanity can come together, interact, intermingle, intermarry, etc… To claim them as belonging to an ethnic group is as retrograde as it is narrow-minded. The fact that a language prevails in a large or capital city is most often the result of historical happenstance than the consequence of deliberate policy. Trying to change such state of affair is a pure exercise in futility.

I am not here to belittle the injustices suffered by the Oromo people and their quest for a more equitable political arrangement. My issues are with the unreasonable demands made by the more extremist Oromo leaders and groups. I do not believe that it is unreasonable nor unjustifiable, on the other hand (and I have stated this before elsewhere) that Oromiffa become a second official language not only in Addis Ababa but in Ethiopia at large. We have many examples from around the world where such practice has done a great deal in promoting the peaceful coexistence of people of diverse ethnicities.

As any large capital city, Addis Ababa will inevitably be expanding even faster than in previous decades; and land will become an even bigger issue than it has been so far. Instead of arrogantly and dismissively dealing with the Oromo people of the hinterland, as the previous Woyane dominated administration has done, the government of Addis Ababa along with the federal government should seek to find an equitable solution to the problem. In essence, the city of Addis Ababa must consider itself quite simply as any individual purchaser of land willing to pay at market value land it wants to annex. Or better yet, to allow private and corporate parties to purchase land directly from the people in the hinterland with the proviso that it remain under the jurisdiction of Addis Ababa.

Unfortunately, these alternatives are the only ones we can envision under the current constitutional arrangements, which, not ironically, are at the source of the whole problem. Ideally, a more rational and lasting solution can only come with the complete overhaul of the current constitution. And it appears that not much has been debated on this crucial issue, i.e. the need to re-work or re-write the constitution, which in effect will determine – hopefully positively – the future of the country.

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