Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed will be hosting a fundraising dinner to help secure $1bn (£750m) for infrastructure projects in the capital.

Officials said tickets will be charged at more than $175,000 per person, but further details are unclear.

The dinner hopes to boost foreign investment into one of Africa’s fastest growing economies.

Since coming to power last year, Mr Abiy has pushed for wide-scale economic reform in Ethiopia.

A video released by the prime minister’s has set out plans for the redevelopment of Addis Ababa, including an expansion of green spaces and retail areas.

Prime Minister Abiy sold his watch for $175,000 during a recent event for infrastructure development in Ambo, 100km (60 miles) west of Addis Ababa. About $14m was raised in total.

Who is Abiy Ahmed?

Mr Abiy came to power after three years of protest led by ethnic Oromos, who were demanding an end to what they considered their political and economic marginalisation.

The prime minister, who is Oromo himself, has pushed through a series of significant reforms, making peace with neighbouring Eritrea and releasing the state’s tight grip on parts of the economy.

His economic ambitions including a multibillion-dollar privatisation of Ethiopia’s telecoms, energy, shipping and sugar industries. A domestic stock exchange is set to launch in 2020.

The reforms have attracted millions of dollars in foreign investment, especially from the Middle East.

But Mr Abiy’s crackdown on corruption has drawn criticism from members of the country’s previous regime.

In June 2018, he was targeted in bomb attack which killed two people at a rally in support of his government.

BBC News

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By Lynsey Chutel in Addis Ababa

In Addis Ababa’s affluent Bole neighbourhood, the traditional smell of roasting coffee beans wafts through a thoroughly modern coffee shop. Garden of Coffee is agnostically decorated with large comfy couches and floor-to-ceiling windows that look out onto the street, giving it the atmosphere of a coffee shop that could be anywhere in the world. Making it distinctively local is the woman spreading beans over an open roaster, in the slow circular movements of Ethiopia’s jebena buna coffee ceremony.

She sits behind a counter, not far from fresh pastries on display and a contemporary commercial espresso machine, dressed in a branded T-shirt rather than traditional dress that accompanies the formal ritual. It is this meeting of the modern and traditional that Garden of Coffee founder Bethlehem Tilahun Alemu wants to export to the world by opening Garden of Coffee outlets everywhere she can.

QUARTZ/LYNSEY CHUTEL

“Ethiopia coffee is big, but as an Ethiopian I saw lot of green coffee beans sold to international brands,” said Alemu, the founder of the internationally successful, locally made, Sole Rebels shoe brand. Garden of Coffee also sells its own brand of single-source coffee, produced in a small roastery with beans grown by a cooperatives of female farmers. Quick to understand the global consumer’s search for authenticity, Alemu’s Garden of Coffee also offers teff wraps, made from the grain that could be the world’s next big superfood. It’s exactly the story that would appeal to international customers willing to pay for ethically sourced brands.

Ethiopians often claim bragging rights for introducing the world to coffee. Local legend has it a goatherd named Kaldi first discovered the perking effect of the red bean in the ninth century in Ethiopia’s southwestern Kaffa region.

In the 2018/2019 financial year, Ethiopia produced about 426,000 metric tons, exporting nearly 4 million bags, yet Africa’s largest coffee producer has few locally produced brands. Now, with a large diaspora that has introduced Ethiopian dining to the world, and domestic growth that has reintroduced the country to the global economy, Ethiopian coffee has the opportunity to take advantage of global consumer trends. Exporting a culture may require some watering-down though.

QUARTZ/LYNSEY CHUTEL

“It’s a way of life,” she says of coffee in Ethiopia. Alemu believes commercialization of this culture would not diminish it, instead it would give Ethiopians a greater stake in a global industry they already contribute to.

Tomoca is perhaps Addis Ababa’s first experiment in commercializing this coffee culture. Zewdu Meshesha bought the roastery from an Italian family in 1953, and maintained the acronym that gave the café its name Torrefazione Moderna Café. It was the first time coffee was roasted outside of the domestic setting, and to convince customers to stop by, the Meshesha family had to give away coffee, explains Kiroubel Seyoum, the group’s chief production officer.

With urbanization, people now living in apartments had less time to roast and brew their own beans and Tomoca capitalized on this cultural shift. Tomoca’s flagship store is located in Addis Ababa’s historic Piassa neighborhood, a district that first showed signs of internationalization with Greek, Armenian, and, of course, Italian architectural touches. The original café feels mid-century European, and the beverage menu still uses Italian names. The coffee itself a departure from the oily dark roast brewed in Ethiopian homes, to a medium roast “Familia” brand that also highlights the flavor of the bean.

Today, Tomoca has six outlets around the city, with the design of each store reflective of the changing city, like the office bar or the gallery space. Tomoca has not tried to emulate the historic ritual, but rather chooses to present a distinctive flavor to the world, served in a globally recognizable style. Locals still prefer the dark roast, but have adjusted to machine-brewed medium. The slightly more acidic light roasts are not popular among Ethiopians, says Seyoum.

“We don’t like our coffee light,” says Seyoum. “We eat spicy food so we like it strong.”

REUTERS/RADU SIGHETI

The two brands are distinctive for exporting their take on Ethiopian coffee to the world, with Tomoca opening three outlets in Japan and Garden of Coffee’s plan to open 100 outlets in China by 2022. Garden of Coffee is looking to Canada next, while Tomoca is eyeing Sweden and other parts of Europe where customers already buy bags of their roasted coffee, says Seyoum. They may also consider expanding to the US too, to take advantage of the connection to a large diaspora community.

Like much of Ethiopia’s economic growth, exporting its coffee culture offers a boon for those already connected to industry, but threatens to leave behind those who built the culture. Coffee culture is still very much part of the fabric of Addis Ababa, with far more humble cafes all around.

Women set up makeshift coffee stalls outside restaurants and other small businesses, roasting small batches of beans on the spot. What used to be an easy way for women to access the informal economy could be under threat as commercialization of the sector requires more formal trade. It doesn’t help that coffee growers, fed up with the falling prices of coffee beans and changing climate, have begun growing khat instead, making it more difficult to access beans.

Ethiopian coffee outlets in Japan, China and elsewhere seem a world away, but they have the potential to influence the local industry by shifting focus and changing the domestic consumer culture. The prospect of capitalizing on its historic ritual could be a boon for the Ethiopian economy, as long as it doesn’t dilute the domestic culture.

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By Prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam

The jackal in sheep’s clothing is back!

The latest strategy by the bosses of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) hunkered and bunkered down at the Axum Hotel in Mekele is to bring together elements of the Arena Party, Amhara National Movement and Oromo Liberation Front to wage a scorched earth opposition against the nonviolent change that is taking place in Ethiopia today and take over power.

The information supporting this revelation could have been related to me by member(s) of Arena Party, Amhara National Movement and Oromo Liberation Front or all three.

But there is no question that I have received the tip from a highly reliable informant(s).

The singular aim of the TPLF bosses in bringing elements of the three entities  is to create a fake Amhara-Tigray-Oromo coalition behind which they can hide as they wage a scorched earth strategy to destroy what has been described as the  Oromo-Amhara alliance, which resulted in the TPLF’s ouster.

The timing of the formation of the fake coalition is in itself curious.

In just about four weeks, PM Abiy will be celebrating his first year in office.

What better way to steal his thunder?!!

What better way to rain on his parade by parading a fake Amhara-Tigray-Oromo coalition?!!

According to my source(s), the TPLF bosses recently concluded a secret assessment of their efforts to date to destabilize and usher in a period of chaos in Ethiopia.

The conclusions they reached are self-evident and plain for all to see.

Their attempts at taking the life of PM Abiy Ahmed have failed.

Their attempts to instigate a coup have failed.

Their attempts to create ethnic tensions which could deteriorate into ethnic and religious civil  war in various parts of the country have failed.

Their attempts to create division and strife within the EPRDF have failed.

Their attempt to scare monger the population about an imminent genocide have failed.

Their attempts to mobilize international support for themselves by claiming genocide and ethnic persecution have failed.

They have failed on all fronts. The TPLF is confused and bewildered about to do to get back in the game.

What can the TPLF bosses do in the face of the total failure of their political intrigue and machinations?

The TPLF bosses have decided to return to their tried and tested dirty old tricks of divide and rule.

For the last 27 years, the TPLF maintained its ethnic apartheid system in Ethiopia by pitting Oromo against Amhara, Tigray against Amhara, Sidama against Wolieta, Afari against Somalia and so on.

But the TPLF’s ethnic apartheid system came apart almost a year ago when H.E. Dr. Abiy Ahmed became prime minister.

Over the past year, the TPLF bosses have left no stone unturned to demonize, criticize and ostracize PM Abiy and his administration.

They have waged scurrilous attacks on the integrity and reputations of the leaders of the nonviolent Ethiopian revolution.

Above all, they have done everything in their power by using billions they have stolenthey have stolen from the Ethiopian people to

1) trivialize the achievements of the PM Abiy administration;

2) delegitimize the extraordinary and historic democratic changes in Ethiopia by waging a concerted and coordinated cyber psychological warfare on social media; and

3) direct and coordinate behind the scenes death and destruction they hoped will bring Ethiopia into civil war.

To accomplish this purpose, they have not only paid street thugs to wreak havoc on the civilian population in the countryside but also hired empty barrel intellectuals, journalists, pundits and trolls to wage psychological cyber warfare for them.

But their efforts have only produced strange fruits of death and destruction.

Their message of hate and division has fallen on deaf ears.

But they continue to preach their gospel of  ethnic supremacy to their chorus of hate mongers and thugs.

But the Financial Times, a British newspaper founded in 1888, best described the changes that have taken place in Ethiopia over the past year in its report a few days ago. Abi Ahmed

has overseen the swiftest political liberalisation in Ethiopia’s more than 2,000-year history.

The TPLF bosses today are hellbent on totally destroying the current reform and liberalization process in Ethiopia at any and all costs.

What must the TPLF bosses do to destroy Ethiopia’s nonviolent revolution?

That in a nutshell was the quintessential question the TPLF bosses faced at the end of their analysis (gimgema) recently.

The consensus they reached was unambiguous:

Destroy once and for all the so-called Oromo-Amhara alliance which ended the TPLF’s  ethnic supremacy and ethnic apartheid in Ethiopia.

TPLF boss Getachew Reda once said of Oromos and Amharas coming together, “If Amharas and Oromos are united, that means we, the TPLF, have not done our homework”.

Getachew Reda also said, “Amhara and Oromo are like “chid” (the chaff from Ethiopia’s staple food teff)  and fire (the equivalent of fire and highly combustible pampas grass).  They can never come together as one.”

I know exactly what the TPLF bosses think of Amharas. I have it documented it over the years.

The TPLF bosses believe Amharas are “retards” and “enemies”.

This is also exactly what they tell and teach their children about Amharas:

Yes, the Gojames (Amara people) are called retards.  Gonderes (another Amhara people) are enemies. They should not be given awards. They are retards. In terms of thinking, their brains, they are low, very low. They are low retards. They are in a separate category. They represent a retarded idea, a retarded way of doing things.

The TPLF bosses believe Amharas are dumb as a flock of turkeys.

The TPLF also believes Amharas must be wiped out as an ethnic group.

It is all in their Manifesto and corroborated in the testimony of their top leaders.

I also know exactly what the TPLF bosses think of Oromos.

They believe Oromos are “criminals and terrorists”.

They believe Oromos do not have the innate ability to govern or exercise political power because they too are dumb and stupid.

The ignorant TPLF thugs are clueless that Oromos are the originators of the African Gada democratic system!

The TPLF bosses believe they, and only they are the smartest, the brightest, the bravest and the chosen ones.

The rest of Ethiopians are God-forsaken fools and idiots, as their late leader used to say.

well, the TPLF bosses are now back to school, the school of intrigue, double-dealing, conspiracy and monkey business.

They are huddled to do their homework.

What is their homework today? Well, it is the homework they did not finish yesterday!

Slice, dice, mince, divide and chop Ethiopians into hate groups so that they can cannibalize each other while the TPLF bosses sit at Hotel Axum sipping French cognac.

The TPLF bosses have done their homework.

They have created a make-believe, shell opposition force composed of elements of Arena Party, Amhara National Movement and the Oromo Liberation Front to do the dirty work for them by promising to

1) defend the constitution;

2) preserve ethnic federalism;

3) reject  neoliberalism and oppose privatization of inefficient state-owned enterprises promised by PM Abiy;

4) give greater autonomy to local areas;

5) return Addis Ababa (Finfine) to Oromos;

6) rescind the Ethiopian-Eritrean peace accords by insisting on reclamation of Eritrean ports, among others.

The die has been cast according to the information I have received.

Elements of Arena, Amhara National Movement and the Oromo Liberation Front are in negotiations  as of this writing and may be ready to announce their new coalition at any time.

The shadow coalition and fake shell opposition force the TPLF has created to undermine the current peaceful change may succeed in creating the illusion of a real opposition force and sow temporary confusion in a segment of the public mind, but it will not succeed.

There are three reasons why it will not succeed.

First, the Ethiopian people will not be fooled by the TPLF wolf in sheep’s clothing trying to sell them snake oil.

The TPLF bosses have always believed the people of Ethiopia are fools and idiots, as their late leader once said.  They think they can hoodwink and bamboozle them with sweet talk and empty promises. But that too will fail.

Today, Ethiopia enjoys a free press with energetic journalists and bloggers who will shed the light of truth on the secret intrigues and machinations of the TPLF to return to power regardless of the tricks they may pull out of their rear ends.

Second, the TPLF’s ethnic apartheid system and ethnic supremacy is dead, dead, dead! It will never return to Ethiopia.

No amount of backroom dealing, payoffs of so-called opposition leaders, or armies of social media trolls and empty barrel intellectual, journalists and pundits will bring back to life the TPLF’s ethnic apartheid system.

Third, as I have warned the TPLF on numerous occasions, IT IS GAME OVER!

In October 2017, I wrote a commentary entitled, “Ethiopia: The Day After… the Firestorm”, I predicted the strategy the TPLF is using today.

I also predicted the TPLF’s endgame will be: “ ‘Apres nous, le deluge.’  After us, the flood.

Like the proverbial Ethiopian donkey which said, ‘After I am gone, I could not care less, if grass grows.”

After the TPLF is gone, they could not care less if grass grows in Ethiopia or Ethiopia is consumed in a forest fire.”

If Ethiopia cannot be a plaything and playground for the TPLF, she can go to hell in a handbasket.

But we Ethiopians care about our country.

We will make our country a paradise in Africa.

A year ago, Ethiopia rose from the hellfire of TPLF rule because God lifted her up by her outstretched hands.

I will prophesy to the TPLF bosses this simple truth. In the end, your swords will pierce your own hearts and your bows will be broken. If they doubt me, I challenge them to go back and review all of the prophesies I have made about them.

In February 2013, I prophesied the TPLF shall inherit the wind.

In February 2019, the TPLF inherited the wind.

In February 2019, the TPLF is gone with the wind!

I give one advice to my fellow Ethiopian sisters and brothers everywhere.

The price of liberty is eternal vigilance. Stay alert and awake.

The TPLF wolf in sheepskin is in your midst. Beware or the wiley wolf will get you by the jugular.

I call on all Ethiopians to stand vigilant and defend the nonviolent revolution on the ground and in cyberspace as the TPLF bosses roll out their latest and greatest show to reinvent themselves, return to power and reestablish ethnic apartheid!

What should we make of the three-ring dog and pony circus of the TPLF-created coalition composed of elements of Arena Party, Amhara National Movement and the Oromo Liberation Front?

Do what everyone does at any circus: Be entertained!

But never, never, never underestimate the wolf in sheep’s clothing.

Well, you read all about it here, first.

The post EXTRA! EXTRA! Read All About the TPLF’s Latest Strategy to Return to Power and Restore Ethnic Apartheid in Ethiopia appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

ONLINE PETITION – MARCH 1, 2019

Federal investigators have arrested Ermyas Amelga, founder of Highland Water, Access Capital, Zemen Bank, and Access Real Estate among other enterprises, in connection with an ongoing corruption probe on the Metals & Engineering Corporation (METEC). Ermyas is a former Diaspora who returned to Ethiopia 20 years ago leaving a successful career in investment banking in the US. His vision was to use his knowledge/experience to launch innovative businesses that could make an impact on the economy. Just prior to his arrest, he had announced the launch of a new venture, with global technology giant, Ali Baba, to launch a multi-million dollar cloud based data center in Ethiopia.
The charge against Ermias is that he “connived” to sell Imperial Hotel at an exorbitant price resulting in a loss of over 20 million birr to METEC as a result. Ermias was initially detained for one week at a police station, and was told that they were investigating the sale of Imperial Hotel, assuring him they had no intention of charging him with a crime. But all this was a cover up, as police and related officials were preparing multiple lawsuits dragging him into the high profile corruption case of Major Kinfe et al. Prosecutors decide to make him the 11th defendant linking him to the 10 METEC defendants being investigated for corruption in the expenditure of billions of birr of government funds.

All this transpired, because, as CEO of Access Real Estate (ARE), Ermyas sold Imperial Hotel, previously purchased from Asfaw Tefera’s family, for 60 million birr (47 million cash and 13 million to cover existing hotel debt) to METEC, in 2013, for 61.2 million birr (net of VAT). There was also a payment plan included to be implemented over an 18 month period. After including 2.5 million birr in bank interest payments, there is actually a loss of 1.3 million birr to ARE/Ermyas on the sale. Again actual sales price to METEC was 61.2 million, then 10.8 million was added for VAT, bringing the total sales price to METEC to 72 million birr.

Ermyas has said in court, that there is always this consistent omission of the sales figure breakdown by police/prosecutors to exaggerate the sales price and strengthen the case against him. In court, prosecutors kept mentioning the METEC purchase price an “exorbitant” sales price, as if the price is set arbitrarily, and not market conditions.
How is this transaction being considered as grand corruption put on the same level as that of Major General Kinfe et al, when in fact Ermyas, representing ARE, sold the hotel at a net sales price almost the same as the net purchase price?

In defending himself in his first court appearance, January 9, 2019, after being detained in jail without bail and due process, an emotional Ermyas stated, “I cannot believe attempts are being made to imprison me on such an unsubstantiated and unbelievable charge that I sold property on behalf of Access Real Estate, and sold it to METEC at an exorbitant price through corruption.” He stated, “I thought the days of people being imprisoned in Ethiopia without due process and evidence were over, but nothing has changed.”

Ermyas explained to the judges that twice in the last four month he had been called in by police at the request of a certain commander, to explain the Imperial hotel transaction in great detail and with all types of documents investigators presented. Having found no wrong doing he was dismissed. Then suddenly January 9, 2019, with no new evidence, Ermyas found himself arrested on the sale of Imperial Hotel.

Judges Statements in their Office Chambers
That same afternoon when Ermyas was expecting a response from the court that either would release him or give police the extra 10 days for more investigation, he was shocked to learn the police/attorney general office came to the judges’ chamber with multiple lawsuits linking him to the major lawsuit against Major General Kinfe, et al.
According to Addis Standard, “on the morning of January 15, 2019, during Ermyas first court appearance, police had asked the judges for extra ten days to keep Ermias under arrest and investigate him further. The judges, therefore, adjourned the case for the afternoon to give their verdict. However, before judges delivered their verdict on whether or not to give the police the extra ten days, the police, through the registrar office, said they have already filed corruption charges based on evidence they already collected.” (http://addisstandard.com/news-police-say-corruption-charges-on-erimias-amelga-already-filed-at-fed-court)

After this development, during the afternoon session, in the judge’s chambers, the judges spoke harsh words to the police investigators. They asked them “how do you bring a lawsuit now, when you were asking just this morning for ten days to gather evidence? “They stated that the lawsuit was not appropriate and that this type of activity creates mistrust between the public and police.” They warned the investigation team, “Don’t ever repeat this in court.” The judges excused Ermyas, on their part, but said that the lawsuit from the Attorney General still has to proceed, and finish its course. Regardless of the fact that the lawsuit lacked sufficient evidence, Ermyas had to go back to the police station and then two days later was transferred to the Federal prison in Kilinto.
The Response of Ermyas’s Lawyer to Charges. – (www.ethiopianreporter.com/article/14647)

(i) – The charges made against Ermyas are under criminal legislation codes 111 and 112 but they don’t provide the evidence for these charges. There is no reference to the time and place where the alleged crimes took place. There is also no explanation how the alleged crimes directly or indirectly took place took place as required by criminal code 32 (1)
(ii) – Ethiopia operates a free market economy. The charges against Ermias say he sold a hotel valued at 41 to 51 million birr for 72 million birr putting a loss of over 20 million for government owned METEC. However, the current value of Imperial Hotel is now estimated to be over 300 million birr. This charge is not valid as it is not keeping in mind current property values in Addis Ababa.
(iii) – What is the barometer that the Attorney General is using when he is charging Ermyas with selling the hotel at an exorbitant price? One can’t be charged with corruption for selling a property at a higher price than was purchased. The sale was taken in an open and transparent manner. Before the property was fully transferred to ARE, METEC stepped in and purchased it directly from the original owner representative. This means that Ermyas, representing ARE, was removed from this transaction.
(v) – Knowing that the final sale was between METEC and the original property owner, Asfaw Terefe, the Attorney General should not try and make Ermyas legally accountable for this transaction and cannot cite him as guilty for any crime under legislation they have cited.
(vi) – Since it is not a crime to sell property registered under ones name/company’s name and the Attorney General’s office has no evidence to support their charges they have made, the court should dismiss the charges they made and release Ermyas.
What is the Message for Ethiopian Diaspora Entrepreneurs Intending to Return to Ethiopia?
The experience of Ermyas, clearly shows that even now, Ethiopia is not yet ready to use her best and brightest. In a recent speech to parliament, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia stated: We want a private sector that does not just bid on government contracts. We want one that provides knowledge and value addition.” Well, no one has done this more than Ermyas. However his experience with the judicial system sends a powerful message to Ethiopian Diaspora who want to return to Ethiopia to undertake business investments. It seems the country’s judicial system is not yet ready for that. The message seems to be: Come at your own risk, as the rule of law is not yet in place to protect you!

OUR DEMAND
WE WHO SUPPORT HUMAN RIGHTS AND RESPECT FOR RULE OF LAW IN ETHIOPIA, DEMAND THE IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF ERMYS AMELGA – JUSTICE DELAYED IS JUSTICE DENIED!

For more information on this case see:-
– Ethiopian Reporter (Amharic version) – Tir 22, 2011 Edition/ January 30, 2011, https://www.ethiopianreporter.com/article/14647
– Ethiopian Reporter (Amharic Version) – Tir 8, 2011 Edition/ January 16, 2019, https://www.ethiopianreporter.com/index.php/article/14509
– Mereja.com (https://mereja.com/index/261691)- January 18, 2019
– https://ethsat.com/2019/02/esat-interview-eyerusalem-with-meskerem-abera-on-ato-ermias-amelga-feb-2019/
– https://www.addisadmassnews.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=23158

The post JUSTICE FOR ERMYAS AMELGA – WHY IS ERMYAS AMELGA IMPRISONED AND WHERE IS RULE OF LAW IN ETHIOPIA IN HIS CASE? appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

NES Commentary 45

Inspiration

“In The History of Mankind, there has never been any other black man like Menelik, who had triggered a lasting fear and doubt in the mind of Europeans” Augustus Wylde

“Menelik, the Great, inspired generations yet unborn with his daring defeat of the Italian Army at the battle of Adwa. He tried diplomacy and experienced cunning; he showed character and got in return snobbery and lies; and when he saw the signs of war, he rallied Ethiopian forces to defeat the enemy on African soil. This became one of the most important lessons in African history.”

Molefi Kete Asante, author of The History of Africa

 “In 1896 it was evident that the Europeans, even those who said they were the friends of Ethiopia, would come together and betray Menelik after the Treaty of Wuchale. Africans were encouraged by the ultimate victory of Menelik’s genius and the courage of his soldiers on the battlefield. Let our youth never forget the many heroes of our victories; let our nations raise monuments to them in every city to teach lessons of resistance, selflessness, and Pan African Unity!” Molefi Kete Asante, author of The History of Africa

“If in Brazil the newspaper ‘Oh Menelik’ after the Great Adwa Victory was created, why not we fail to erect a statue in Southern Africa where Ethiopianism has inspired the liberation imagination of all Africans with the second Ethiopia Manifesto declared after Adwa Victory in 1896 in Southern Africa.”   Molefi K Asante and Mammo Muchie

“If the American president John F Kennedy, the French president Jacques Chirac and Mummar Gaddafi all recognize Aste Menelik as the greatest African leader for ably  leading and winning the Adwa  victory to make Africa free, why are some in current Ethiopia   use ethnic virus  and fail to recognize this great African leader?”  Mammo Muchie

Ethiopia has a unique distinction in the universe for empowering those that were disempowered, for humanising those that were dehumanised, spiritualising those that were denied their right to worship God and inspiring and strengthening those oppressed to resist oppression” —Mammo Muchie

Introduction

Today is the 123 Adwa Great African Victory Day. We are celebrating the Great Adwa African Victory in Johannesburg in South Africa on March 2, 2019.  The leadership of Aste Menelik is recognised and acknowledged globally. For some reason in Ethiopia, there is still a perception of Aste Menelik with ethnic curses and lenses. Ethiopians must acknowledge whatever mistakes Atse Menelik may have made, he is the greatest leader Africa ever had. It is time all Africans who genuinely recognise through the leadership Aste Menelik provided that Africa discovered the globally recognised wonder of African solutions to the problems imposed on Africa by colonialism. It is after the great Victory of Adwa the Second Ethiopia Manifesto was launched globally. Ethiopia earned the name to be the home for all non-European peoples. It became the spiritual homeland of all the oppressed people not only for Africa but also for the whole world.

The Journey is Still Not Over to End Colonialism

Today, more than ever, Africans need to look back in order to go forward.  But what do Africans see when they look back? They often are overwhelmed by seeing mainly the destructive over 500 years of the de-humanising African experience. They rarely acknowledge, appreciate, recognise and promote the numerous struggles for liberation that took place from the period of slavery to the present time in all parts of the Africana world.

It is urgent that the constructive and positive heritage of liberation struggles from every part of Africa have to be excavated, recorded, studied and  resurrected  in order to re -educate and wean generations of Africans to know that Africans have continued to sacrifice throughout the  over 500 years of destruction, thingification, colonisation and   subjection to varied forms of oppression.

1. b) The negative destructive period must be taught with a full appreciation of the positive data of the African liberation and resistance historical heritage so that the legacy of colonialism, imperialism, apartheid, neo-colonialism and all varieties of oppression no longer affect Africans from the way they think, to the way they learn, work and look. Time to re-visit and remember all the liberation struggles to become Africans with unity and renaissance expressing full pride, dignity, self-reliance, self-confidence, freedom and independence.
2. c) The African futures are built with the imagination and knowledge of the liberation struggle history and heritage by learning and overcoming the remaining risks and dangers from the legacy of the destructive period. The future is made by appreciating and learning from the liberation struggles how Africans tried their best to come together when attacks were directed at them.
3. d) The liberation struggles were in various ways influenced by the shared ideas of Ethiopianism, Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance. These ideas were not just created. They are the outcomes of the heritage and history of Africa’s numerous liberation struggles. Africa’s unity is still waiting to be made. Ethiopianism, Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance will provide the foundational ideas and visions for re-thinking, re-designing and re-engineering the African united futures.

Why The Great Adwa African Victory is a True Radiator of the Sunshine of Liberation

The Adwa Victory that took place on March 2, 1896 was of the most significant African liberation struggles that took place during the time of the European Scramble for Africa. The Adwa Victory reinforced Ethiopianism and Ethiopianism reinforced pan-Africanism, and both Ethiopianism and Pan-Africanism reinforced the Africa Renaissance. They are one in three, and three into one. The successful resistance of the 1896 Adwa Victory symbolizes the best highway of African liberation. Any other way is not the African freeway. Africans must value and cherish their history. The Adwa Victory has to live on until Africa is fully free and united. The lessons from Adwa Victory make us all never to give up resisting all varieties of injustice Africans are still not free from. The African spirit of liberation will continue to shine ever brighter by remembering all the liberation struggles that the great African Adwa Victory represents.

The victory dented irreversibly the claim that the European colonial project was invincible. The victory was so decisive it brought into big question the project to Europeanise, just like America, Canada and Australia, the whole of Africa. Remarkably Africans from South Africa and other parts wanted to join the battle making the Adwa Victory a distinctive African battle over World Empire.

.Adwa was a major anti-colonialist battle fought by all Ethiopians, under the skilful leadership of Emperor Menelik and Empress Taitu. This victory resonated well beyond the Ethiopian and indeed the African border. It represented the clash between colonialism and liberation on a world-scale.  Emperor Menelik made the call: “Those who have strength, support us with your strength those who are weak, support us with your prayers” Empress Taitu added: “I am a woman. I do not like war. But I would rather die than accepting your deal.”

It is a matter of historical record that the Adwa victory signalled the beginning of the end of the Scramble for Africa. This victory constitutes a crucial chapter in the record of African resistance and liberation. It armed generations of Africans with the confidence of victory to engage in resistance and liberation. It attracted attention as far as the Caribbean and the Americas, not to mention South Africa, where those involved in the Ethiopianism movement decided to join directly the battle of Adwa in 1896.  In South Africa we celebrated the 120 years of the Great Adwa Africa Victory with former President and current chancellor of UNISA gave a powerful and knowledge rich highly inspiring keynote address. When we celebrated the 120 years of the Great Adwa African victory, we combined it with the 6^th Africa Unity for Renaissance Conference to open the opportunity to connect all the liberation struggles with the current call to fulfil African unity and Renaissance today. We opened with a number of partners that included the DST, NRF AISA, TMALI, UJ and TUT and others to go from talking to doing African unity and renaissance in 2010.  In 2016 Both Adwa’s African victory and the African unity for Renaissance has been run with TMALI providing the secretariat. The Patron our brother former President Thabo Mbeki gave the most inspiring and so well researched the keynote address combining the 120 years of Africa’s Adwa Victory with his powerful vision combining Ethiopianism with Pan-Africanism and the African renaissance.

The Adwa Victory forms as a key pillar reinforcing the Pan-African Congresses, and the first African liberation movement the ANC in Azania. Adwa Victory provided probably one of the best, if not the very best of all the most significant practical examples of the African resistance history during the Scramble for Africa. Hence it becomes one of the pivotal helices for Ethiopianism, Pan-Africanism and  the African Renaissance  Adwa Victory in 1896 reinforces the World Union of Ethiopians (Africans), formed as the African Association in 1897 from outside Africa. The pan-African congress was founded by Sylvester Williams in 1900 that was in direct contact with Emperor Menelik at the time. Cuban-Americans, Haitians and African Diaspora from Brazil all were inspired by the Adwa Victory of 1896. Haiti’s 100 years of independence was celebrated in Ethiopia in Addis Ababa. The formation of the African National Congress (ANC) as the first African Liberation Movement with spiritualism and Ethiopianism was acknowledged by former president Mandela as follows:

“Fundamental tenets of the Ethiopian Movement were self-worth, self-reliance and freedom. These tenets drew the advocates of Ethiopianism, like a magnet, to the growing political movement. That political movement was to culminate in the formation of the ANC in 1912. It is in this sense that the ANC, we, trace the seeds of the formation of our organization to the Ethiopian Movement of the 1890s” (Nelson Mandela, Speech to the Free Ethiopian Church of South Africa).African -American churchmen who went to South Africa in the 1890s arrived at a time when some African Christians were setting up churches of their own. This independent-church movement was called “Ethiopianism”

Ethiopianism became a generic term to describe a whole range of the black man’s efforts to improve his religious, educational and political status in society. It became the concept that constituted pan-Africanism from the 18^th, 19^th to the 20th century until World War I in 1914.The Adwa victory provided practical expression to Ethiopianism: self-worth, dignity, unity, confidence, self-reliance, race pride, spirituality and freedom from colonialism.

Lessons from the Adwa African victory over World Empire are relevant to strengthen Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance for our time and the future. The Africa Union, all the current African states, the entire African Diaspora and even all those nations across the world that have been colonised are welcome to participate and contribute and spread vast education and awareness to reach every African child, woman and man across the world.

Concluding Remark: A Handbook on the Great Adwa African Victory Is A Must Read for ALL

We need to produce a handbook on the Great African Adwa Victory and publish it to launch on the 125^th of the Great African Adwa Victory Day on March 2, 2021.

We suggest there should be the following areas included in the handbook.

:

1. The Significance of the Adwa Victory for Expediting African Unity Today
2. The Lessons of the Adwa Africa Victory against the Scramble for Africa
3. The Relationship of Adwa Victory with Ethiopianism,Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance
4. Adwa’s African Victory with ANC, and the Pan-African Congresses
5. The Relevance of the lessons from the great Adwa Victory to Diffuse Pan-African education
6. The Relationship of Liberation Struggles inside and outside Africa
7. The Contribution of the African Diaspora   to the Adwa African victory
8. Adwa Victory make Africa a victor not a victim
9. Adwa Victory the Best Example for providing African solutions to African problems Evaluating critically political and economic de-coloinsation
10. Using Adwa Great African Victory as a Model for Anchoring Pan-Africanism and African Renaissance to close the colonial chapter finally.

Wishing you all to spend the happy Adwa Great African day memorably and educationally to make Africans own rich Africa and make every African to live   by enjoying additive and multiplicative capable life free from the subtraction of life with poverty, inequality and ballooning unemployment.

Prof. Mammo Muchie, DPhil

DST/NRF SARChI Research Professor on Science, Technology, Innovation and Development :Tshwane University of Technology , Adjunct Professor in BDU & Harmaya, Ethiopia , and Riara University in Kenya, and Associate Faculty Professor, Sussex University, U.K.

e-mail: muchiem@tut.ac.za, mammo.muchie@gmail.com,

Website: www.tut.a.c.za  www.tmd-oxford.org/content/mammo-muchie

www.tandfonline.com/rajs and www.ajstid.com

www.nesglobal.org and http://nesglobal.org/eejrif4/index.php?journal=admin

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The victory of the Battle of Adwa over the Italian invaders by Ethiopians under the leadership of Emeye Menelik is not only an Ethiopian victory, but has been & still is seen in Africa, the Caribbean, Latin America, etc. as a symbol of resistance against European invaders during & after the so-called ‘Scramble for Africa’. There are several publications that testify to this fact written across the globe as well. By the way, O Menelik, a Brazilian newspaper named after the emperor was specifically designated to symbolize that fact.

I have quite a collection of historical memorabilia in the form of books and artifacts in my own ‘little library’. Among the historical artifacts, I have in my possession, I have always wondered and happen to like the Brazilian Newspaper clip “O Menelik” (printed in Sao Paolo, Brazil in the early 20th. Century). Although I’m not sure of what the Portuguese words mean, one thing is clear… that they admired Emperor Menelik and named their newspaper after him. Another example of the manifestation of admiration towards the Emperor is the fact that several parents were naming their newly born male children as “Menelik”, showing their respect and admiration for the very down-to-earth and humble Emperor. This phenomenon was observed not only in Africa and the Caribbean, but also, around the globe as well. Just a few tidbits of history on the occasion of the Victory of the Battle of Adwa!

‎Abraham Lakew

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Vision Ethiopia Eighth Conference,

in Collaboration with

the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism

and

the Ministry of Science and Higher Education

June 12-14, 2019

Colloquium on the Interface Between Cultural and Natural Heritage

First Call for Papers

Following the successful conclusion of Vision Ethiopia’s Seventh Conference that was held in Addis Ababa in collaboration with the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Federal Republic of Ethiopia, the Board of Directors of Vision Ethiopia is pleased to announce that the Eighth Conference will be held in Ethiopia, between June 12 and 14, 2019. It will be followed by a post-conference tour of historical sights and scenes.

Consistent with Vision Ethiopia’s mission, the primary aim of the Eighth Conference is to create an independent forum for scholars, policy makers and other professionals to present their policy-related work designed to benefit all Ethiopians. The conference intends to address Ethiopia’s collective cultural and natural heritage, crossing multiple disciplines and highlighting the contributions of the diverse inhabitants of the country. Presenters are expected to explore a wide range of issues, including accurate documentation and interpretation, restoration, preservation, digitalization, and safeguarding the country’s tangible and intangible cultural and natural heritage, as well as the restitution of the country’s looted heritage over the centuries.

Most analysts agree that cultural heritage can be defined within the social, political, and economic context of a country. At the international level, many countries have signed conventions that protect, promote, and conserve cultural and natural heritage. While there is remarkable evidence of human ancestry, fascinating landscapes, rituals, writing systems, arts, inscriptions and other priceless heritage in Ethiopia, the diverse and rich cultural and natural treasures remain  under-researched; under represented globally; poorly taught at schools and universities; and inadequately managed, marketed and resourced.

The forthcoming conference is, therefore, intended to serve not only as a forum for the sharing of knowledge, skills, and experience that would be useful for policy makers, but also for building local capacity in the preservation, management and prudent development of the country’s cultural and natural heritage.  The following are some of the relevant features of the colloquium: understanding of Ethiopia’s indigenous knowledge; protection of intellectual property rights   of indigenous knowledge; and regulatory reforms with regard to trade in and preservation of indigenous knowledge and other cultural heritage, including artifacts, religious relics, historical buildings, and ways and means of preserving manuscripts and other priceless objects. Other aspects of the conference may include recommendations for the return of stolen and ransacked national heritage. Further, papers may explore avenues of cooperation within Africa for the preservation of African footprints in the rest of the world.

We particularly invite experts and other professionals from diverse disciplines, such as sociology, heritage building and artifact engineering, anthropology, archaeology, ethnography, museology, musicology, philology of Ethiopian languages, and the economics and management of culture. Most importantly, we   encourage academics and professionals in Ethiopia to share their research findings and experience, with a view to influencing pragmatic decision-making that benefits all Ethiopians.

Papers must have theoretical depth and be supported by reliable scientific evidence. They must be cross disciplinary, grounded in the pertinent literature, and have policy orientation and relevant applications. It must also be palatable to an international audience. While we acknowledge the work done by contributors to   conferences on Ethiopian studies over the years, pure theoretical papers that are appropriate for an academic audience may not be of interest for this colloquium. Instead, manuscripts that have policy implications and are in consonance with the rapidly changing technology and economics in the country and internationally would be viewed favorably. In addition, papers must be dispassionate, forward-looking, innovative, objective, non-parochial and independent. Authors are advised to avoid using anecdotal evidence, and case experiences need to be put together in a coherent manner geared towards providing useful policy options. Finally, authors are encouraged to articulate why their paper is important for the type of transition that Ethiopia is undergoing.

All papers and proposals will go through a normal review process. Decision about the format, venue or date of presentation of an accepted paper is at the discretion of Vision Ethiopia. Papers may be written in either Amharic or in English. However, speakers are encouraged to consider reaching a wider Ethiopian audience, as the primary mission of Vision Ethiopia’s conferences is creating public awareness of issues of national importance. Completed papers not exceeding 5000 words in length along with an abstract and a conclusion must reach Visionethiopia18@gmail.com on or before April 30, 2019.

Consistent with our past practice, we aim to transmit the proceedings of the conference live, and to make open space available for the media. The copyright of the videos is the property of Vision Ethiopia. Travel and hospitality industries, hotels and transport companies, as well as exhibitors and heritage institutions in Ethiopia that might be interested to be part of the conference must send their request to the same email address (above) before April 30 2019. For more information about Vision Ethiopia, visit http://visionethiopia.org/

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The Victory of Adwa has been a very divisive issue in Ethiopia for decades. It’s time to change that.

by Awol K Allo

Today marks the 123rd anniversary of the battle of Adwa in which Ethiopia inflicted a crushing defeat on Italy’s colonial army. It was a landmark victory that permanently altered the course of Ethiopian and African history. The outcome of the battle was so stunning for Ethiopia and so humiliating for Italythat, according to the New York Times, even the pope was “greatly disturbed”.

Adwa is annually commemorated as an iconic victory in Ethiopia, but it nevertheless remains a focal point of political and ideological contestation between various nationalist groups in the country.

For some, it is a momentous event that defined the weight and prestige of Ethiopia on the global stage and stands as a shining example of the endurance and fortitude of the Ethiopian people to this day. For others, the historic battle is not a “heroic victory” as such, but an unfortunate military achievement that helped Emperor Menelik II consolidate his brutal southward expansion. Still others view Adwa as the very first decisive victory of a black African power against colonialism, and celebrate it as a critical juncture in black people’s collective struggle against European colonial domination.

In other words, the battle of Adwa is an event that is etched into the consciousness of a significant portion of the Ethiopian population, but it does not carry the same meaning for everyone. The contemporary narratives about the battle are largely retrospective, often reconstructed based on current political and ideological considerations. They aim to control meaning, solidify an ideological position, or simply fit this historical episode into a larger contemporary narrative, and as a result, cannot agree on a single interpretation.

Today, the differences between these multiple interpretations are more obvious, and impactful, than ever before. As Ethiopia seeks to forge a new path forward, it brings existing ideological and political faultlines into a sharp focus, and in the process history in general and Adwa, in particular, are becoming a battleground where multiple forms of power struggles and competing modalities of remembering and forgetting converge.

The ruins of collective memory

Collective historical memory is a highly heterogeneous and complex constellation of momentous events, figures, and phenomena that helps a nation define its identity and place in the world. It comprises stories of revolutions, wars, victories, defeats, and conquests – events that most profoundly affect lives and arouse passions and for that reason shape the political, social, and cultural fabric of a given people. The collective historical memory is the repository of a people’s own self-perception, awareness, and beliefs. It is the formative ground for societal collective consciousness. But collective memory is not about historical accuracy. It is inevitably selective, idiosyncratic, mythic, symbolic, and binary (right/wrong, true/false, hero/villain).

In Ethiopia, where the use of history and memory as a weapon of control, subjection, and even liberation is ubiquitous, collective memory is always viewed from a combative position. This is particularly true of the Oromo and the Amhara, the two great historical antagonists of the Ethiopian state, who together make up about two-thirds of Ethiopia’s 108 million population.

Ethiopian history is the history of many peoples and the history of some is not necessarily the history of others. For example, the history of the Oromos after their fall to Menelik’s nascent empire is not the same as the history of the Amharas who were the victors.

Like every other country, the unity of the Ethiopian state is forged by means of violence – battles, conquests, plunders, defeats, and victories. The presumed unity of the nations and nationalities that make up the Ethiopian state is born in the fog and frictions of war, in the burning villages, plundered communities, and ravaged fields.

Adwa is undoubtedly one of these formative battles, but it is also much more.

Today, if shared history and collective memory is serving as a vital battleground between various nationalist forces, it is because collective national memory, ie, the ideals and values that define the nation, its strengths, viability, and endurance, is not just the foundation of the state’s self-respect and pride but also a critical factor of political mobilisation and organising.

The battle over the past is not about the past as such. It is not even about the present. It is about the future.

Emperor Menelik II (1844-1913) in a war costume – illustration by Thiriat from L’Illustration, No 2764, February 15, 1896 [File: Getty]

The Adwa paradox

While segments of the Ethiopian society view Adwa as Ethiopia’s “finest hour” that defined its place in the regional and global balance of power, there is a significant portion of the public, including the Oromo, that remains ambivalent towards this historical moment.

For Oromos and those on the periphery of Ethiopia’s collective memory, those whose lived experiences and memories have been relegated to subterranean existence by official historiography, Adwa carries a complicated legacy for three key reasons.

First, the historical figure that masterminded the victory at Adwa, Emperor Menelik II, also presided over some of the most brutal atrocities committed against the various groups in the southern part of the country, particularly the Oromos, as they resisted his southward expansion. For Oromos, Menelik II is devil incarnate and is beyond redemption. Perhaps, the association of Adwa with Menelik II is the single most important reason behind Oromo ambivalence towards this historical event.

Second, the victory at Adwa – and the prestige it brought – allowed Menelik II to consolidate his empire, depleting the ability of those he conquered to resist.

Third, official Ethiopian historiography filtered out the contributions of historically marginalised groups including the Oromos from the public memory of Adwa, essentially erasing their images, experiences and accounts of the war. And yet they played a pivotal role in the battle. As historian Raymond Jonas points out in his book The Battle of Adwa, the appearance of Oromo cavalrymen at the Battle of Adwa had a “notably dispiriting effect on the Italian soldiers … The Oromo functioned with such grim efficiency that they hastened the demoralization of the crumbling Italian army.”

Reconstructing Adwa

Debates over national identity and collective memory are not solely rational, fact-based exchanges. They often involve strategic efforts aimed at foregrounding new realities and consolidating well-rehearsed narratives.

The intractable predicaments caused by the different contemporary interpretations of decades and even centuries-old battles, revolutions, victories, defeats and conquests can only be overcome through a new elite consensus based on recognition and acknowledgement of all of the country’s complex histories.

Today, as the government promises to build a peaceful and secure future for all, Ethiopians have the opportunity to move away from endless bickering over history. Reconstructing the battle of Adwa as an all-inclusive Ethiopian victory against a colonial power can be the first step towards affirming and embedding a new spirit of unity and harmony in the country.

As Ethiopia commemorates the 123rd anniversary of the Adwa victory and contemplates a new future, the political elites of today should try to learn some lessons from this historical episode.

Adwa was a great and truly monumental victory won by the collective sacrifice of all Ethiopians. It was indeed Ethiopia’s “finest hour” – had March 1, 1896, ended differently 123 years ago, the Horn of Africa would have been a completely different region today.

However, for the history and memory of Adwa to be complete, room must be made for all stories of front-line heroism – including the ones by those in the periphery, who had previously been written out of national history and memory. If Adwa is to serve as a value-based foundation for the new Ethiopia, Ethiopians should remember its defining significance. They should acknowledge some of its problematic consequences and refuse to succumb to the temptation of glorifying or romanticising a controversial figure like Emperor Menelik II.

Ethiopians overcame the onslaught of a modern European army 123 years ago. There is no reason why the country could not muster the strength and demonstrate the fortitude that enabled it to inflict a decisive blow against Italy’s colonial ambitions once again to overcome today’s challenges. If Ethiopians are able to look back at their “finest hour” as a unified nation and remember how they defeated a seemingly superior military power collectively, they can surmount any discord and division that is threatening to destabilise their country.

Italian representatives signing the peace treaty in front of Emperor Menelik II of Ethiopia, Frontpage of French newspaper Le Petit Parisien, 1896, Private Collection [File: Leemage/Getty Images]

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

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DEBRE BIRHAN, March 2 (Xinhua) — Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta on Saturday inaugurated the Chinese-built Debre Birhan industrial park, constructed in Ethiopia’s northern Amhara regional state.

The Debre Birhan industrial park constructed by China Communications Construction Company (CCCC) at a cost of more than 71 million U.S. dollars is expected to create job opportunities to more than 1,000 Ethiopians.

Stretched on 75 hectares of land, Debre Birhan industrial park has eight industrial sheds ready to accommodate prospective investors.

The Kenyan president applauded the Ethiopian prime minister for spearheading Ethiopia’s economic change that has seen Ethiopia inaugurate several development projects including the Debre Birhan industrial park, according to the Office of the Ethiopian Prime Minister’s Office.

Speaking to Xinhua recently, Lelise Neme, CEO of Ethiopia Industrial Park Development Corporation (IPDC), said Ethiopia aims to commission six industrial parks, including Debre Birhan industrial park, before the end of the current fiscal year 2018/19, in July.

“Ethiopia has invested around 1.3 billion U.S. dollars in the construction of around a dozen industrial parks, which it sees as a key strategy of achieving Ethiopia’s industrial ambitions,” said Neme.

“Ethiopia has so far built and commissioned five industrial parks and with the anticipated commissioning of six more industrial parks in 2018/19, Ethiopia’s industrialization ambitions will receive a massive boost,” Neme told Xinhua.

With Ethiopia attracting large-scale investment in the export-import-oriented manufacturing sector, especially from Chinese firms, the country sees improving the efficiency and speed of the logistics sector as key to meet national manufacturing revenue goals.

Ethiopia plans to increase the number of operational industrial parks from the current five to around 30 by 2025, as part of its efforts to make the country a light manufacturing hub and lower-middle-income economy in the same period.

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Reuters / By Jack Tarrant

TOKYO (Reuters) – Ethiopian Birhanu Legese cruised to victory at the Tokyo marathon on Sunday, winning in a time of two hours, four minutes and 48 seconds in miserable conditions to claim his first major title.

The 24-year-old was part of a small leading group for the first 30 kilometres before pulling away easily from runnerup Kenyan Bedan Karoki (2:06:48) and strolling to victory.

Karoki’s compatriot Dickson Chumba, twice a winner in Tokyo, was third.

With rain lashing down for much of a frigid morning, it was never likely to be a fast race.

Japan fancied their chances of a homegrown male victory for the first time since 2010 but Suguru Osako, who set a new Japanese national record in October, struggled to stay with the leading group and pulled out with an injury 30 kilometres in.

The 27-year-old, touted as Japan’s best hope of delivering Olympic marathon gold when Tokyo hosts the Games in 2020, was distraught as he limped from the route.

Ethiopian Ruti Aga won the women’s race in a time of 2:20:40, edging out compatriot Helen Tola by 21 seconds.

Ethiopians have now won the women’s marathon in Tokyo in six of the last eight editions.

(Reporting by Jack Tarrant; Editing by Ian Ransom)

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By Haile-Gebriel Endeshaw

The decisive victory Ethiopians gained at the Battle of Adwa has been the source of African pride. It sustained Ethiopia’s national sovereignty and showed generally Africans resistance to colonial rule. Sources indicate that the Battle of Adwa sent shock waves across the world. “The Pope is greatly disturbed,” reported the New York Times.  Ethiopian soldiers reportedly killed 3,000 Italian troops, took close to 2,000 soldiers as prisoners of war (PoWs) and seized about 11,000 rifles, four million cartridges and 56 cannons.

Apart from the victory prevailed against the invading Italian forces, the clemency granted to the Italian troops captured and taken as PoWs has long remained fresh in the minds of all peace-loving nations across the world. Let’s touch on issues related to the Italian PoWs, Ethiopian officials who turned their face against Menelik… deserters that joined Italian army versus the compassionate nature of Emperor Menelik.

After the Ethiopian gallant force emerged victorious against the invading force at the Battle of Adwa, about 2,000 Italian PoWS were pardoned by Emperor Menelik-II of Ethiopia. First there were disagreements among Ethiopian high-ranking officials regarding this issue of pardoning with some individuals opposing the release of Italian PoWs. At last a large vote was given for the release of the Italian PoWs. Then they were brought before Emperor Menelik who gave imperial clemency to them. A writer said in connection to this event stating that the Italians did not believe this and carried out to tears. “When the Battle of Adwa ended, about two thousand Italian prisoners of war were forgiven by Emperor Menelik and were led through a long journey to Red Sea to the waiting ship that will carry them home to Italy.”

Taking in to consideration many of the good things he accomplished to his people and country, Ethiopia, one can say that Menelik-II was a kind-hearted leader. Though there are a few individuals who do not agree with this, what history testifies is that Emperor Menelik is exceptionally among the type of individuals with compassionate nature. The Battle of Embabo is one of the incidents we can pick to show his kindness. At this battlefield Menelik and King of Gojam, Tekle-Haimanot fought furiously. Tekle-Haimanot demonstrated prowess commonly expected from an Ethiopian warrior and unfortunately he was wounded and captured. Up on his capture, he was not cuffed as per a special order given by Menelik. This was done to show respect to the captured king. Then he was taken to Menelik. Up on his arrival, Menelik got to his feet from his throne, hugged and kissed him. “My brother, it is God’s will that we have met alive,” said Menelik. Later on, Menelik announced that he was the one who should treat the wounded king, Tekle-Haimanot. He washed and wiped the sore of Tekle-Haimanot… Immediately after, Menelik commanded for the release of all captured soldiers of Tekle-Haimanot.

In the meantime, while chatting, Menelik asked Tekle-Haimanot what he would have done if he was the one who had captured Menelik. Tekle-Haimanot responded bluntly that he would have cut his flesh in to pieces and given to vultures.

Menelik also showed respect to king Kawo Tona of Wolaita after the latter was captured at a big war held between the two. King Tona was believed to be one of the greatest warriors and powerful last king of Wolaita. After wounded and captured, he was taken to Menelik who rose to his feet and hugged him saying, “my brother, you forced us to kill the people in vain”. After the bloody war, Menelik commanded that all the cattle taken by his troops should be returned to the people of Wolaita. Then he appointed Kawo Tona to govern that part of the country. Similarly, Menelik pardoned many of his prominent officials who had betrayed him and joined the enemy side. This is just to show how kind-hearted Menelik was.

A month after the victory of the Battle of Adwa, Menelik said in one of his letters addressed to an Italian official: “They [the Italians] fought against me at the Battle of Adwa but they were defeated… However, I did not feel happy to shed Christians’ blood for [nothing].”

About 900 Italian soldiers were surrounded at their fortress at the battle ground in Mekele Town. The trapped Italians could not break out of the tightened circle. They had no any chance to get drinking water as the source had been under control of Ethiopian soldiers. They seemed to be dying of thirst. At last Menelik was asked by Barateri, commander of the Italian army, to set free the surrounded Italians. Regarding this, a special envoy, Pieter Filter wrote the following in his book:

“…I was taken to Menelik,” Filter said. “As I walked in to his tent, the king said, ‘you have come here to defeat us. You say you emancipate Ethiopians from slavery. Let alone Ethiopians, you could not come for deliverance of those poor devil Italian soldiers who have been trapped in their strong hold. If I were as weak as you, your people would be made to die of thirst. Tell this to Barateri. Saint Angeles teach us to love our enemies. I am a Christian. I am not a king of barbarians. Therefore, these Christians will not die. Send people who can take them to you. If you need to fight again with us, get together and wait for me. I will come wherever you are’. The king told me this,” Filter said.

Then the next day the Italian troops who were trapped in their strong hold being surrounded by Ethiopian soldiers, were allowed to fetch 30 barrels of water from the source which had been under strict control of Ethiopians.

Three months after the victory (of Adwa) over Italian invading force, Pope Leo XIII wrote a letter to Emperor Menelik asking for mercy to the Italian PoWs. Receiving the special envoy, Menelik sent to the Pope a respectful letter giving his word that the PoWs would not be mistreated in any way. “…my duty as king and father of my people prevents me from sacrificing the sole guarantee of peace that I have with me.” So saying, Emperor Menelik released as a token of his respect to the Pope a prisoner who was seriously ill and allowed him to travel to his country, Italy along with the special envoy.

One day Menelik was told that an Italian PoW who was kept by the imperial household received a letter from his widowed mother in Italy. Upon reading the letter from his mom, the PoW came to be inconsolable, wept bitterly and started suffering from hysteria. Menelik ordered for the soldier to come to him and had the letter translated for him. The poor mother stated in the letter saying that she had been busy weeping in the compound of St. Mary’s church begging the mother of God to bring her son back to her, a weak and lonely widow whose life had no meaning without her only child. A written source from Italy indicates that when Emperor Menelik heard what was written, his eyes filled with tears and said to the PoW, “the tears of your mother, and our shared love for the Mother of God have freed you. Go back to your mother and tell her that the Holy Virgin has turned you to her”.

It is in this way the Ethiopian Emperor, Menelik showed respect and compassion to human beings even if they were his foes. While celebrating the 123^rd anniversary of the victory of Adwa, we Ethiopians (the posterity) should give respect to our leaders and forebears who were killed, wounded and tortured so that we can have this independent and beautiful country.

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By Haile-Gebriel Endeshaw

We observed last Tuesday, the 19^th of February, the 82^nd anniversary of the massacre of civilian Ethiopians in Addis Ababa. We give a special place in our heart to those who lost their lives cold bloodedly at the hands of the brutal Fascist invaders. This writer dedicated this piece in memory of the 30,000 civilian Ethiopians who were massacred indiscriminately by the Italian invading fascist force in 1937.

Italy who had no any colonial possessions in the early 19^th century was running amok in need of one from the impoverished but resourceful continent, Africa. In 1911 this European country had to try its chance on Libya. The then Italian invading force in Tripoli, the capital of Libya, was “mad with lust for blood” … to say it in words of an observer. Ian Campbell, the renowned historian, states in one of his incisive accounts that “[a]ll the Arabs they met, men, women and children, even babes at the breast were shot down without trial” by the brutal Italian invading force. It was estimated that close to 4,000 Libyans were butchered by Italians over three days in October 1911.

As Europeans and Western powers were tantalized by the natural resources of the continent, no single country came to denounce the atrocities committed by the Italian invading force in Libya. Libyans cried for deliverance; but is was in vain. This undoubtedly encouraged Italy to come again after 26 years with its barbarity to the ancient African country, Ethiopia.

Moans of crushed babies, disemboweled pregnant women and beheaded people echoed across the city… Many cottages were gutted down by fire. The blood stream was lapped up by truant dogs… The dead bodies were torn up by vultures and hyenas. Ethiopians bitterly cried being shrouded by black shadow of death. The Italian soldiers who are driven by a lust for blood killed the Ethiopians with daggers, shovels, axes, truncheons, pickaxes… Some posed on the dead bodies and decapitated heads of the victim Ethiopians to have their photographs taken.

In February 1937 young Ethiopians who bitterly denounced the invasion and occupation of their country by the invading Italian force hurled grenades in an attempt to kill the Italian military commander, Rudolfo Graziani who was appointed by Mussolini to govern Ethiopia. This happened 82 years back in the center of Addis Ababa at an event organized by the Italians. While the commander, Graziani, was delivering speech to Ethiopians gathered around, the hurled grenades detonated. The Italian fascist soldiers who were enraged by the incident started firing directly at the crowd of Ethiopians. A number of people were killed and seriously wounded. This was the beginning of the massacre that was attested by many to be the worst ever heard in this planet. That time all exits of the compound were sealed off so that the innocent Ethiopians could not run off for their lives. Then, the blood lust Italian soldiers chopped off the Ethiopians. Campbell wrote the following: “Throughout the day, Italian soldiers… ran amok in the streets and suburbs of the city. They split the heads of Ethiopians with pickaxes and shovels. Every native was a target… Men, women and children were taken and killed indiscriminately and without explanation. Going home for lunch or stopping for a chat, unsuspecting and defenseless, they were ruthlessly struck down in broad daylight in the main streets… among the eucalyptus groves and the hedgerows, around market stalls, on bridges, in tiny lanes and narrow alleys.”

Unfortunately, the fascist Graziani survived the attack unscathed. No Italians were killed. But after the aborting assassination, the city transformed in to a butchering site. Addis Ababa was inundated by blood of the poor civilian Ethiopians. Some say that the invading Italian force perpetrated atrocities the worst of its kind in the 20^th century. Campbell said that in three terror-filled days and nights of arson, murder and looting, thousands of innocent and unsuspecting men, women and children were roasted alive, shot, bludgeoned, stabbed to death, or blown to pieces with hand-grenades. Ethiopians suspected or accused of opposing Italian rule were rounded up and executed. “Meanwhile the notorious Rudolfo Graziani, infamous for his atrocities in Libya, took the opportunity to add the carnage by eliminating the intelligentsia and nobility of the ancient Ethiopian empire in a pogrom that swept across the land.” Bahiru Zewdie, a prominent historian wrote that the massacre marked the total liquidation of the intellectual component of the resistance. According to Campbell, the massacre was aimed “in particular at eliminating the Ethiopian nobility and intelligentsia”. Most of the 125 young men who had their education abroad were killed.

History gives its testimony that Ethiopian PoWs (prisoners of war) “were frequently used for target practice” by Italian soldiers. First, they were shot in the testicles and then in the chest. This was the real incident witnessed in this country in broad daylight.

In this way the Italian soldiers took revenge on Ethiopians who had defeated their fathers at the battle of Adwa. They knew that their forefathers suffered humiliating defeat at the hands of Ethiopians 41 years ago. However, the Italians showed to the world in 1937 that they were not men enough to join the Ethiopian gallant force at the real battle grounds. The best war-front for Graziani and his soldiers was the then dilapidated Ethiopian capital city which was inhabited by women, children elderly citizens and other defenseless people.

Following the assassination attempt, Rudolfo Graziani gave his strict command to the fascist soldiers that they should slaughter or kill any Ethiopian they happen to see on their ways. “Remember,” he spoke out loud to his soldiers who carried their guns and sabers at the ready, “remember, you are Italians, Romans, and remember that your forebears were once in this country.” With his words echoing in their ears, the Italian soldiers slaughtered, burned alive, cut heads of many Ethiopians. Moans of crushed babies, disemboweled pregnant women and beheaded people echoed across the city… Many cottages were gutted down by fire. The blood stream was lapped up by truant dogs… The dead bodies were torn up by vultures and hyenas. Ethiopians bitterly cried being shrouded by black shadow of death. The Italian soldiers who are driven by a lust for blood killed the Ethiopians with daggers, shovels, axes, truncheons, pickaxes… Some posed on the dead bodies and decapitated heads of the victim Ethiopians to have their photographs taken. In the three-day massacre perpetrated by Italians, it was estimated that 19-20 per cent (close to 30,000 in number) of the people of the then Addis Ababa was eliminated. Campbell says that the civilian carnage perpetrated by the Italian force is “one of the most hideous civilian massacres of all the time to be concealed, and the perpetrators to walk free”.

The most surprising thing was that after the abortive attack launched by Ethiopians against the Italian invading force, Graziani received a strict commend from Duce (leader of the then Italy) to execute all prisoners. As an Ethiopian I feel here that it was far better for those compatriot prisoners to be killed (so long as it was their fate) than to be used for the purpose of shooting target practices by the barbarian Italian soldiers. This is my opinion. It doesn’t mean I am ruthless… but I suggest that. History gives its testimony that Ethiopian PoWs (prisoners of war) “were frequently used for target practice” by Italian soldiers. First, they were shot in the testicles and then in the chest. This was the real incident witnessed in this country in broad daylight.

Commonly we Ethiopians are not the kind of those who take revenge on evil doers. Even if we lost 30,000 civilian compatriots, we did not take revenge on Italians after liberation. The world attested the fact that Ethiopians did never raise their hands against the Italians who were strolling in their midst at the time. In his passionate speech delivered to its people, Emperor Haile-Silassie admonished the people not to repay evil with evil. “Take care not to spoil the good name of Ethiopia by acts that are worthy of the enemy,” Haile-Silassie urged. This reminds us of the same forgiveness given by Emperor Menelik-II to the Italian PoWs captured by Ethiopian warriors at the famous battle of Adwa. Menelik was compassionate for the Italian PoWs. History testifies that the Italian PoWs were not made to languish in prison cells. Instead they were given to the then prominent Ethiopian officials who were duty bound to abide by the imperial command to give shelter, clothing and food to the PoWs. This was our history we all Ethiopians should be proud of.

Available sources indicate that in its 1935-41 occupation of Ethiopia, the Italian fascist force has massacred one million Ethiopians; destroyed 2,000 churches as well as 525,000 residential houses and killed 14 million animals. I would like to seize this opportunity to announce my support to those who claim that Ethiopia deserves apology for the massacre perpetrated by Italy. I am also voicing my compliant that Ethiopians should be compensated well by the Italian government for the havoc.

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March 2014 marked 118 years of the historic victory of Ethiopian forces over an aspiring imperial power, Italy, soon after the shameful Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 that cut up Africa and divided its territory and resources. Pusch Commey takes us down memory lane.

 The Battle of Adwa (29 February-1 March 1896) is of huge significance for Africa in that the decimation of the continent could not be completed. Ethiopia turned out to be the last man standing.

So thorough was the defeat of Italy by Ethiopia, that there were violent riots all over the country, and it resulted in Italy being forced to pay indemnities to Ethiopia and recognise its borders. It is thus not by chance that Ethiopia hosts the African Union headquarters, and serves as an inspiration to Africans all over the world on how to stand up to bullies.

It all began with the Treaty of Wuchale, a cooperative agreement between Ethiopia and Italy. But the devil was in the interpretation. Most significantly, Emperor Menelik II, who claims lineage from the Queen of Sheba and King Solomon, had the good sense to have his own language version of the treaty, in Amharic.

In the Italian version, Rome claimed that Article 17 meant Ethiopia had relinquished its foreign policy to Italy and thus had become a protectorate. This was disputed by the Amharic version, which clearly stated that Italy and Ethiopia would cooperate on foreign affairs.

Italy then used this as a casus belli to wage war on Ethiopia, which responded ferociously. In a landmark speech made to the nation, Emperor Menelik II made this declaration:

“Enemies have now come upon us to ruin our country and to change our religion. Our enemies have begun the affair by advancing and digging into the country like moles. With the help of God, I will not deliver my country to them. Today, you who are strong, give me your strength, and you who are weak, help me by prayer”.

Of equal significance is the role played by Menelik’s wife, the Empress Taytu Betul, who stood firmly by her husband by telling the Italian envoy, Antonelli:

“We have also made it known to the powers that the said article, as it is written in our language, has another meaning. Like you, we also ought to respect our dignity. You wish Ethiopia to be represented before the other powers as your protectorate, but this shall never be.” 

What can be achieved by a Africa United was demonstrated by the Battle of Adwa. Ethiopia as a country was divided, as many ethnic groupings swore allegiance to their own chiefs (or Ras). When things came to a head, Emperor Menelik was able to convince all of them to put aside their differences and contribute 100,000 troops to face down the invaders. Prominent amongst them was Ras Mikael of Wollo, Ras Sibhat of Tigray, Ras Wale of Yejju Oromo, and Ras Gebeyehu, who died fighting at Adwa. Empress Betul was the commander of a cavalry.

Italy was completely humiliated. The Italians made many tactical errors in the mountains of Adwa, against a determined and valiant Ethiopian force. A key moment in the battle came when Brigadier Dabormida, the Italian commander, under siege from Ethiopian artillery, decided to withdraw.

Dabormida’s brigade had moved to support Brigadier Albertone but was unable to reach him in time. Cut off from the remainder of the Italian army, Dabormida began to fight while retreating towards friendly positions.

However, he inadvertently marched his command into a narrow valley where the Oromo cavalry, under Ras Mikael, slaughtered the brigade, shouting Ebalgume! Ebalgume! (“Reap! Reap!”)

Dabormida’s remains were never found, although his brother learned from an old woman living in the area that she had given water to a mortally wounded Italian officer, “a chief, a great man with spectacles and a watch, and golden stars”.

The remaining two brigades under a Baratieri were outflanked and destroyed piecemeal on the slopes of Mount Belah. Menelik watched as Gojjam forces under the command of Tekle Haymonot made quick work of the last intact Italian brigade. By noon, the survivors of the Italian army were in full retreat and the battle was over.

Italian defeat

The Italians suffered about 7,000 killed and 1,500 wounded in the battle and subsequent retreat back into Eritrea, with 3,000 taken prisoner; Ethiopian losses have been estimated around 4-5,000 killed and 8,000 wounded.

In their flight to Eritrea, the Italians left behind all of their artillery and 11,000 rifles, as well as most of their transport.As the historian Paul B. Henze notes: “Baratieri’s army had been completely routed while Menelik’s was intact as a fighting force and gained thousands of rifles, pistols and a great deal of equipment from the fleeing Italians.”

Public opinion in Italy was outraged.The historian Chris Prouty offers a panoramic overview of the response in Italy to the news:

“When news of the calamity reached Italy, there were street demonstrations in most major cities. In Rome, to prevent these violent protests, the universities and theatres were closed. Police were called out to disperse rock-throwers in front of Prime Minister Crispi’s residence. Crispi resigned on 9 March. Troops were called out to quell demonstrations in Naples.

“In Pavia, crowds built barricades on the railroad tracks to prevent a troop train from leaving the station. The Association of Women of Rome, Turin, Milan and Pavia called for the return of all military forces in Africa. Funeral masses were intoned for the known and unknown dead.

“Families began sending to the newspapers letters they had received before Adwa in which their menfolk described their poor living conditions and their fears at the size of the army they were going to face. King Umberto declared his birthday (14 March) a day of mourning. Italian communities in St. Petersburg, London, New York, Chicago, Buenos Aires and Jerusalem collected money for the families of the dead and for the Italian Red Cross”.

Forty years later, in 1935, still stung by this ignominious defeat, Italy’s fascist leader Mussolini, who was aligned with Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party, took advantage of the advent of the Second World War to invade Ethiopia, complete with chemical weapons, bombs, tanks, and aircraft.

Italy threw in 595 aircraft to Ethiopia’s 3, as well as 795 tanks to 3. They occupied Ethiopia for five years, and were again flushed out by Emperor Haile Selassie with the help of Allied forces, in the main the British army.

The prominent African-American historian, Professor Molefi Asante, opines on the significance of Adwa: “After the victory over Italy in 1896, Ethiopia acquired a special importance in the eyes of Africans as the only surviving African state. After Adwa, Ethiopia became emblematic of African valour and resistance, the bastion of prestige and hope to thousands of Africans who were experiencing the full shock of European conquest and were beginning to search for an answer to the myth of African inferiority.”

Source: New African|| By Advocate James Pusch Commey
This article was originally published in the New African Magazine. Read the original article here.

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An Eye Witness Account by an American Author/Journalist. 

By Kidane Alemayehu and Konjit Meshesha

“They (two British soldiers) observed a man standing near a haystack with a revolver in his hand. When he saw them prepare to fire, he ran behind a haystack, and both men heard plainly a shot fired. They came to the haystack, they saw the man who had run behind lying prostrate on the ground dying, with the revolver still convulsively clutched in his right hand.”

The inscription on a silver plate attached to the revolver read:

PRESENTED

BY

VICTORIA

QUEEN OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND

TO

THEODORUS

EMPEROR OF ABYSSINIA

AS A SLIGHT TOKEN OF HER GRATITUDE

FOR HIS KINDNESS TO HER SERVANT PLOWDEN

1854

The above graphic record is provided in the fascinating book entitled “Coomassie and Magdala” by Henry M. Stanley (1874) who had traveled to Ethiopia as a war correspondent for the New York Herald accompanying the British force that was led by Lieut. -General Sir Robert Napier in 1868. This article is based on his detailed record of what transpired on the last day of Emperor Tewodros’ life as presented in Stanley’s book, pp 449-464. It also presents the astute observation and detailed record of the Magdala loot by Stanley in pp 454-462. It is to be recalled that the purpose of the British force’s incursion into Ethiopia was to achieve the release of British nationals imprisoned by Emperor Tewodros mainly due to the fact that Queen Victoria failed to respond to his diplomatic initiatives for increased ties between Great Britain and Ethiopia.

To continue with Stanley’s account:

Emperor Tewodros’ body was drawn to the center of the spot where the British regiment had halted. By then, the British army had full control of Magdala and loud cheers of “Hurrah!” and “God save the Queen” were being expressed with enthusiasm.

Although seriously wounded, Emperor Tewodros was still alive. Some Ethiopians saw the body and cried out his name thereby identifying him conclusively. According to Stanley’s definition of the body, it looked like “…. a native seemingly half famished; clad in coarse upper garments, dingy with wear, and ragged with tear, covering under garments of clean linen!”. He had been fighting in disguise to avoid being shot by marksmen.

His face was “deep brown” with a “well defined (and) thin mouth” and “two rows of whitest teeth”. He had an “aquiline nose and his nostrils expanded widely as he struggled to retain the breath which was rapidly leaving him. ” His “face was broad, highcheek-boned, with a high prominent forehead, and overhanging brows.” “ His hair was divided into three large plaits extending from the forehead to the back of the neck…” The body measured “ 5 feet and 8 inches, and was very muscular and broad-chested”.

A subsequent post-mortem revealed that he had sustained “only a slight flesh wound on his right leg,” and in addition “his palate was destroyed, the roof of the mouth scorched, and a hole found through the back of the head” leading to the conclusion that “a pistol fired in the mouth had caused the death”.

On confirmation that the body was that of Emperor Tewodros, “the Irish soldiers took hold of his legs, and roughly dragged him to the hammock, where, after two or three gasps, he breathed his last.”

The British soldiers present were mocking him but one of them “covered the bare abdomen and folded the arms upon the breast”. Soon, the crowd around the body grew bigger “trying to get a glimpse” of it including the former captives who also confirmed his identity.

Sir Napier rode up to view the corpse but no words of sympathy were expressed.

Stanley continues to write: “I strolled to where the dead body of the late Master of Magdala lay, on his canvas stretcher. I found a mob of officers and men rudely jostling each other in the endeavour to get possession of a small piece of Theodore’s bloodstained shirt. No guard was placed over the body until it was naked….Extended on its hammock, it lay subjected to the taunts and the jests of the brutal-minded. ” On being informed of the situation, Sir Napier gave orders that it should be dressed and prepared for internment the following day. At the request of the Empress, the Emperor’s body was buried at a church in Magdala after a brief ceremony conducted by his priest.

The last day in the life of Emperor Tewodros started, most probably, around mid-night on April 12, 1868 when he received a final ultimatum from the commander of the British force, Sir Napier, demanding that the Emperor surrender the following day (April 13) by 9:00 a.m. or face an attack.

The morning of April 13 started with a brilliant sunshine followed, later, by heavy rain and lightening, ending in the evening with a glorious sunset.

Having failed to achieve the Emperor’s surrender, and on being falsely informed that he had fled to Gojam, the British commander offered a ransom of “50,000 dollars” to whoever captured the Emperor: dead or alive. The commander also took the precautionary step of placing the 3^rd Dragon Guards at the rear of Magdala as “pickets to prevent the retreat of Theodore”. On April 13, the onslaught by the British Army was in full swing. It comprised 1600 Europeans, 800 Beloochees, 800 Punjabees, 42 elephants, and numerous other beasts of burden.

The British army progressed rapidly with the use of its superior armaments and soon captured Selassie and Fahla and by 2:00 p.m. reached the gates of Magdala which was being bombarded ferociously by British artillery. Stanley writes that Emperor Tewodros was noticed mounted on his white horse observing the progress of the British army and encouraging his much dwindled loyal followers to put up a final struggle. Stanley states that the Emperor shouted: “come on, are ye women, that ye hesitate to attack a few warriors?” However, he had to make a hasty retreat in view of the effective cannon balls wreaking havoc to his army. Nevertheless, Stanley states that the Emperor and his few followers kept on fighting up to the last minute firing their muskets until the British army broke through the fortified Magdala gate.

As if to confirm Emperor Tewodros’ harsh measures against his Ethiopian opponents, Stanley relates that he witnessed 308 dead people “murdered by Theodore” on April 9.

After the tragic event of Tewodros’s death, the disciplined British army progressively deteriorated into what Stanley called “ different kinds of military mobs”. Soon, the military mobs spread all over Magdala in search of loot. They ransacked the king’s storehouse, and moved to the imperial quarters where “the men picked up; then, examining the article, pocketed it or threw it down; to be picked up, examined, and pocketed or thrown away by others coming after them”.

From Stanley’s description the plateau of Magdala was dotted with different kinds of dwellings, silken and canvas tents, and what Stanley refers to as koord- like domiciles, cotes, etc. Continuing his observation Stanley states: “ Each of these had mobs around it commenting, gossiping, pocketing, analyzing, breaking into pieces, or tearing into shreds whatever thing their vision or fancy lie upon”. The largest mob was concentrated around the koord- like domiciles. The scene around these treasure tents is described as “a pandemonium breaking out”. He concludes by making a stinging remark not only of the marauding soldiers but also the avarices of three missionaries, a Prussian, German and Russian mechanics that had secured the treasure tents long before the soldiers arrived. The following is an excerpt describing some of the articles that comprised the loot of Magdala.

Stanley opens his account of the loot by stating: “To enumerate even the one-tenth of the articles scattered about would be a task as tiresome as it would be fruitless.” He then continues to give a glimpse of the overwhelming amount of articles spread in front of him.

“In one of the tents was found the imperial standard of Ethiopia-a lion rampant, of the tribe of Judah, worked in variegated colours. In another was found the Imperial seal, with the same distinctive figure of a lion engraved on it. A chalice, of pure gold, was secured by Mr. Holmes, on which was engraved in ancient Ethiopic;-

THE CHALICE OF

KING ADAM LEGUD CALLED GAZOO

THE SON OF

QUEEN BEHUN MOGUSSA

PRESENTED TO KOSKWAN SANCTUARY GAONDAR

MAY MY BODY AND SOUL BE PURIFIED

15^th century.

The Abuna’s mitre, 300 years old, of pure gold, probably weighing six or seven pounds troy weight; four royal crowns two of which were very fine workmanship and worth a round sum of money; were worthy things to be placed in a niche of the British museum. A small escritoire richly ornamented with mother of pearl, was found also, full of complimentary letters from European sovereigns, and state papers; besides various shields of exquisite beauty. There were also an infinite variety of gold and silver, and brass crosses, and censers, some of extremely elegant design; golden and silver pots, kettles, dishes, pans; cups of miscellaneous descriptions; richly chased goblets, of the precious metal; Bohemian glasses, Sevres china, and Staffordshire pottery; wine of champagne, burgundy, Greece, Spain and Jerusalem; bottles of Jordan water; jars of arrachi and tej; chests full of ornamental frippery; tents of rose, purple, lilac and white silk; carpets of Persia, of Uschak, Broussa, Kidderminster, and Lyons; robes of fur; war capes of lion, leopard, and wolf skins; saddles magnificently decorated with filigree gold and silver ;numerous shields covered with silver plates; state umbrellas of gorgeous hues, adorned with all the barbaric magnificence that the genius of Begemder and Gondar could fashion; swords and claymores; rapiers, scimitars, yataghans, tulwars, and bilboes;

daggers of Persia, of Damascus, of India, in scabbards of crimson morocco and purple velvet, studded with golden buttons; heaps of parchment royally illuminated; stacks of Amharic Bibles, missals, and numberless albums; ambrotypes and photographs of English, American, French, and Italian scenery; bureaus, desks of cunning make.”

After enumerating the above articles, the author brings to our attention the size of the loot and the chaos and disorder that reigned all over the plateau. “ Over a space growing more and more extended, the thousand articles were scattered in infinite bewilderment and confusion until they dotted the whole surface of the rocky citadel, the slopes of the hill, and the entire road to camp two miles off!”

Before the auction each commanding officer selected appropriate mementos for their troops.

Early in the morning of the third day, the looted treasure was ready to be auctioned off. The pile of trophies was spread over half an acre. Present were Mr. Holmes, a representative of the British museum; a Colonel Fraser, a buyer for a wealthy regiment mess, and private gentlemen who have come ready with funds. As if to give the reader a mental picture of the fierce bidding, Stanley writes, ”Armed with ample funds, he (Mr. Holmes) outbid all in most things. When Theodore’s shield, used by him in his younger days were offered for sale the bidding became energetic and from 10 dollars it speedly went to 200 dollars, for which sum it was purchased by Colonel Fraser”. The auction lasted two days and the money from the sale was distributed among the non-commissioned officers. .

The auction concluded, the loot of Magdala was loaded on the backs of fifteen elephants and nearly 200 mules ready for the journey out of Ethiopia.

On the fourth morning of the fall of Magdala, 30,000 Ethiopians descended Magdala to the Dalanta plateau. That same afternoon as spectators took position on the southern edge of Selassie ridge about 1000 yards away, the Royal Engineers torched and destroyed Magdala. Fanned by the wind, three thousand houses with their content perished in the flame. Stanley states, “The intense heat created from the loaded guns, pistols, projectiles and shells thrown in by British batteries exploded with a deafening reports, and projectiles whistled ominously near us. Not one house could have escaped destruction in the mighty ebb and flow of that deluge of fire.”

After committing Magdala to the scorching flames the British army loaded with the loot of Magdala started its march to the coast. As the rear of the regiment started decent, “cheer after cheer broke from six thousand voices”.

The return of the loot of Magdala has been an on going battle for Ethiopians and others with a sense of history and justice. Considering the enormous volume of historical manuscripts, books, priceless articles and personal items of Emperor Tewodros that was taken out of Ethiopia, the current struggle through the leadership of Dr. Richard Pankhurst to return and reinstate the loot deserves support. AFROMET, The Association for the Return of Magdala Ethiopian Treasures, with branches in Ethiopia and the United Kingdom, demanding restitution of the loot, has already achieved the repatriation of Tewodros’s amulet, which was given late last year to the Institute of Ethiopian Studies. In addition they are actively campaigning to have a statue erected to Tewodros. Through the good will and effort of the Reverend McLukie, a Scottish priest, and officials of St. John Episcopal Church of Edinburgh, the “Tabot” of St. Michael, was returned to Ethiopia in February 2002. Another area that demands a more organized and increased attention and support is Ethiopian properties in the holy land, i.e. Jerusalem, Jericho, and other urban centers in Israel in order to ensure that Ethiopia’s interests which date back thousands of years are duly protected.

Thus ended the life of one of the most controversial and dynamic emperors in Ethiopian history. Stanley provides an interesting glimpse of the most critical day in Emperor Tewodros’ life. His book is an account of the British triumph in fulfilling its mission of defeating Emperor Tewodros and in releasing the 61 captives with 187 servants and 323 animals. Stanley, however, fails to mention the fact that the success of the British army was mainly because, by then, Emperor Tewodros had lost the support of most Ethiopians due to his increasingly harsh measures and also because some of the Ethiopian leaders of the time were more interested in their own political objectives. It is interesting to note that Stanley had a very dim view of Ethiopians with perhaps the sole exception of “Prince Kassa” (later Emperor Yohannes) who greatly facilitated the British Army’s mission in many ways including opening the way for its travel all the way to Magdala without any resistance as well as by making provisions available for procurement as needed by its force. Stanley also provides an account of the meetings between the local chiefs and General Napier who was able to negotiate his army’s travel unchallenged from the coast to Magdala.

Emperor Tewodros’ vision of a united and strong Ethiopia as well as the protection of its rights to its properties in Israel including the Der Sultan monastery remain the dream of all Ethiopians for generations.

The post THE LAST DAY OF EMPEROR TEWODROS II’s LIFE AND THE LOOT OF MAGDALA appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

BBC

A British museum is to return a lock of hair that the Ethiopian government considers a national treasure.

It was cut from the head of Emperor Tewodros II, who killed himself rather than be taken prisoner by the British during their 1868 invasion of Ethiopia.

His seven-year-old son Prince Alemayehu was taken to the UK along with looted treasures. He became a favourite of Queen Victoria before dying aged 18.

His remains are kept in Windsor Castle despite campaigns for their return.

Strands of Emperor Tewodros II’s hair were given to the National Army Museum in London 60 years ago.

The museum told the BBC it had decided not to make photographs of the hair public out of respect, because the matter was “too sensitive”. The remains are described as two pieces “no bigger than the size of a two-pence coin”.

The National Army Museum has now agreed to return the artefact, but says it is not returning any other items of African origin.

“It’s definitely not a precedent,” a spokesperson for the museum told the BBC.

“That’s the only one that’s been requested. They have to be formal, written requests to the director with a case”.

The BBC’s Emmanuel Igunza in Addis Ababa says talks about the process of repatriation with the Ethiopian government are set to begin within the next few days.

The move has reignited demands for the UK to return all the looted artefacts on display in British museums.

Image copyrightV&A MUSEUM

Historians say 15 elephants and 200 mules were needed to cart away all the loot from Maqdala, the emperor’s northern citadel capital.

Ethiopia lodged a formal request in 2008 at various British institutions for the return of the treasures worth millions of dollars taken from the site.

The announcement comes at the end of a year-long commemorations marking 150 years since the Battle of Maqdala.

The so-called Napier expedition, often described as the largest military offensive by the British empire in Africa, saw thousands of soldiers deployed to face Emperor Tewodros II.

The battle of Maqdala

Image copyrightV&A MUSEUM

• In the mid-19th Century Emperor Tewodros II decided to modernise his empire, Abyssinia, by opening up relations with the UK
• But things deteriorated after requests for military assistance were ignored
• In protest the emperor detained the British consul and other foreigners
• Britain reacted by sending an army to the emperor’s fortress in Maqdala in 1868
• Rather than become a prisoner, Emperor Tewodros II took his own life
• British forces left with manuscripts, crowns, crosses, chalices, religious icons, royal and ecclesiastic vestments, shields and arms
• The emperor’s seven-year-old son was also taken to Britain and then educated at Rugby School:

Image copyrightV&A MUSEUM

• He died of pleurisy at 18 and is buried at Windsor Castle

Several African countries have requested the return of artefacts taken by European powers.

Some years after Benin first made its official request, France has agreed to return 26 thrones and statues taken in the colonial era.

A recent report commissioned by French President Emmanuel Macronrecommended that African treasures in French museums be returned to their countries of origin. It states most of the Africa collection in the Quai Branly museum in Paris – approximately 46,000 pieces – was acquired with some degree of duress.

“We’ve read it and we consider it’s a positive report – it’s legitimate and follows the course of history”, Senegal’s Culture Minister Abdou Latif Coulibaly told the BBC in November.

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The wind of cooperation and togetherness continues to blow in the Horn of Africa region with Asmara – the Eritrean capital – playing host to the latest tripartite summit of leaders of government.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Kenya’s Uhuru Kenyatta arrived in Asmara on Sunday for the summit, they were met by Eritrean president Isaias Afwerki.

The two – Abiy and Uhuru – were in Asmara for tripartite talks even though on the side, bilateral talks between Eritrea and the respective guests were also held, information minister Yemane Meskel said on Twitter.

The summit saw high-level officials of the respective countries sitting through the session as deliberations were held. There has been no official statement yet as to the details of the trilateral or bilateral talks.

The most notable such talks in recent times has been the summits between Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia. The first of which was held in Asmara last year before a follow up meeting was held in Ethiopia’s Bahir Dar.

Uhuru, who had on Friday and Saturday been in Ethiopia for an official visit, flew out later on Sunday afternoon whiles Abiy and his delegation were taken on a tour of two dams and other agricultural projects in Eritrea.

President Uhuru Kenyatta flew back home this afternoon following the Tripartite Summit on regional developments. Afterwards, PM Abiy Ahmed & his delegation were accompanied by President Isaias for a tour of Gherghera & Msilam dams and related agricultural projects in the area . pic.twitter.com/IFu3LyILUM

— Yemane G. Meskel (@hawelti) March 3, 2019

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Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia and President Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea arrive at Juba Airport, South Sudan this morning to consult on economic and political affairs.

During their stay, the two leaders are expected to consult on regional economic and political affairs with President of South Sudan Salva Kirr, according to the state broadcaster.

“During their stay in Juba, they will hold discussions with President Salva Kiir and other higher government officials on regional peace, economic ties and infrastructure development,” the Office of Ethiopian Prime Minister twitted.

“In addition they will also be addressing issues of developing joint capacities and working together in an integrated manner. It is known that Ethiopia has been making a concerted effort to bring peace and reconcile rivalries in South Sudan,” it said.

It is recalled that yesterday Prime Minister Abiy and Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya have traveled to Asmara, Eritrea, from Addis Ababa and discussed regional political and economic affairs.

“President Isaias Afwerki and Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed have departed today to Juba, the Republic of South Sudan, for a one-day working visit and tripartite Summit with President Salva Kiir on regional issues of common interest,” Innformation Minister of Eritrea Yemane G.Meskel twitted a few hours ago.

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Ethiopians in South Africa celebrate the Great 123 Adwa African Victory

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By Mekuria Gize

Acquisition of the Lega Dembi Gold Mine by MIDROC

The Lega Dembi Gold mine is the single large-scale operating mine in Ethiopia until its closure on May 30th, 2018 as a result of in street protest in Shakisso town that was led by Oromo fundamentalist activists like Jawar, Tsegaye Ararsa, and Prof. Eskial Gabissa. Ownership of the mine was transferred from the Government of Ethiopia to MIDROC in 1997. MIDROC acquired the property for US$172 million following an international bid announced through the Ministry of Mines. Companies that were shortlisted following the bid were: MIDROC, South Africa’s Gold Fields and JCI. MIDROC  won the bid beating these two companies fair and square. Information close to the sources indicates that the second competitive offer given to the mine was less than MIDROC’s by about 35-40  million US dollars. There is often a rumour after rumour, particularly in the social media, that MIDROC bought Lega Dembi Gold Mine at dirt cheap price because Shek Al Amoudi, the owner of MIDROC, has close ties with the ruling party, TPLF-EPRDF. In fact, people who have information from the bidders indicate that it was somewhat a surprise for the other bidders to see Al Amoudi giving such an inflated price for the mine (according to the these bidders, the mine does not worth 172 million).

Until 2005 Shek Al Amoudi as such has no close relationship with the ruling party or the Government of Zenawi. Shek Al Amoudi in fact used to hire technocrats fired by Zenawi’s government for alleged “Derg supporter/officials.”  TPLF and Zenawi probably have no good view of the Shek’s investment companies. Al Amoudi became a colleague to TPLF officials during the 2005 election season, where he was seen side by side with Mayor Arkebe Equbay in support of EPRDF.

Lega Dembi’s worth

When people talk of the Lege Dambi Gold Mine, they make it look like you take a shovel and come back full of gold, something former Prime Minister (Haile Mariam Desalegn) once said inside parliament when he explained how young people can overcome poverty. The overall proven contained gold reserve of the mine, at the time the time of sale, was about 1 million ounces. MIDROC Gold started Gold production in August 1998. At that time, the price of one ounce of gold was around 300 US dollars. You do the maths for total money you could get out of the total reserve. To that, add operating costs.  If I put a  15%  modest profit before tax, and all the gold is recoverable (which is not the case) the total money MIDROC could generate is no more than 45 million dollars. The government’s tax at the time was around 35%, and a royalty of 5%. The net income after tax and royalty  will be about 28 million over the mine’s lifetime (over a period of  30 years).  That is the reason the other bidders (JCI and Goldfields) wondered Why Al Amoudi bought it at such an exaggerated price.  Since MIDROC started mining in 1998, the price of gold has dipped in the world market as low as 250 US dollars per ounce as a result of the Bre-X scandal, and the sale of gold reserves by banks in Europe, Australia, and the USA.  Gold price remained below 275 US dollars up until 2003. Since 2003, gold price started to climb to more than 400 per ounce, reaching over 1000 per once in 2009, and peaking as high as 1700 per ounce in 2012. Gold price is now steady at around 1300 US dollars with some ups and downs. So, the first 5 years for MIDROC was probably a loss or a very low profit, and it is during this hard times MIDROC braved to acquire Lega Dembi mine.  However, the last 15 years have been great for MIDROC as a result of a surge in gold price. During these times Shek Al Amoudi’s  MIDROC’s wealth increment has been one of luck.

Environmental and Health Impacts,  Community Accusations

Expected impacts due to gold mining at Lega Dembi are air pollution,  landscape degradation (aesthetic loss), soil erosion, deforestation, surface &  groundwater pollutions. Air pollution is mainly around the mine site and the effect is on the workers and not to residents at Shakisso  (the town protestors came from). Erosion and landscape degradation is expected, and can only be mitigated by mine site reclamation when the mine operation ceases. Soil erosion and landscape degradation started when the government owned the mine and is not a new phenomenon. The only mechanism to restore it is when mine operation ceases and reclamation starts.  To prevent surface water pollution, the company by law is required to take mitigation measures such as preparing tailing pond/dam and controlling mine effluent limits. The mine will have an environmental monitoring unit that will check for any possible contamination into the drainage system from time to time. When MIDROC is given license to do the mining, the Ministry of Mines will make sure there is a measure to meet these requirements. Once things are in order,  MIDROC’s primary responsibility is paying taxes and royalty to the government and these obligations are clearly known in the mining act of the country. Usually, mining companies help communities in the area of education, health centers, recreations facilities to foster good relationships with the communities. Unless stated in the agreement the government or community leaders cannot force companies to get everything they want. Mining companies are on site to make profits. Government is to take advantage of taxes and employment of workers, and in turn support communities. What the people in  Shakisso did is a total transgression of the law. They have no right to stop the mine operation once a license is granted. If they want to reject the project it should be at the consultation stage. Moreover, Shakisso town was established by the government for the sole purpose of supporting mining operations in the area. When the government was recovering gold from placer gold, shakisso was a site of the revenue and police post. Even prisoners used to be sent to Shakisso to do artisanal gold mining activity long before the Lega Dembi gold was discovered.

Between Shakisso and Ageremariam, (approximately 120 km to the south) there is no legally established permanent settlement when MIDROC owned that property except placer gold mining camps and police posts.  Any settlement that came to existence since 1997, are sudden settlements without title deeds that happened to be founded due to artisanal mining activities and without licenses. These mining activities often use mercury to recover the gold; as a result, pollution of a stream, soil, and rivers is highly likely which continued to this date unhindered by the so-called protesters.  The accusation by activists and village protesters that MIDROC Gold affected their safety is a wild generalization. They have no data that contaminants went to the waterways and from there to the people from MIDROC’s operations. That the Shakisso medical doctors confirmed the seriousness of the mining contamination is bogus, to say the least. These doctors are BSc holders in Medicine and their best experience if at all is probably in tropical diseases. The level of accusation raised requires confirmation by expert toxicologists with many years of experience.  Cyanide becomes dangerous when there is a tailing pond/dam breach which we have not heard so far in the area.  I am not implying here that there exists no impact from the mining operation at all, but I am saying there is no confirmation either.

Whenever mining companies come to Ethiopia they need a calm atmosphere to operate, and every villager cannot come and protest whenever they feel they own the resources. Such things are resolved by talking between the federal and the regional governments and not by mobsters. It is a very dangerous precedent for investors. Ethiopia should be firm in protecting investors whatever feelings there may be out there.

Conclusions

Lega Dembi is the only large scale gold mine that generates more than 90% of the mineral revenues of Ethiopia. The foreign currency from a gold sale is locally used, an additional advantage for the government of Ethiopia. Such an operation should not have been blocked for such an extended period, nearly 9 months now. It is high time now the government sits down with community leaders and MIDROC representatives and solve differences and get the mine back into operation.

The protest by villagers instigated by oromo fundamentalists like Jawar mohammod, Tsegaye Ararsa, and Prof Eskial Gabissa is simply out of a sentiment that the gold resources belong to them. Such tendencies were manifested in North Shewa Oromia Zone when villagers attempted to seize Dangote’s quarry site in earlier years. Activists, you just cannot like one part of the constitution and dislike the other. You like ethnic federalism entailed in the constitution because you think your tribe has better resources. But the constitution also puts mineral resources under the jurisdiction of the federal government. Accept it and stop being noise makers.

There is no proof Lega Dembi Gold Mining impacted the health of villagers, whereas there remains a danger from mercury pollution in the area by artisanal miners. The government must not yield to every protest without adequate proof.

Ethiopia ’s ministry of mines must put a mine inspection unit, if it does not already have one,   to monitor environmental impacts, do the onsite investigation, as well as acquire and document periodic reports from mining companies. It could seek the help of foreign governments (e.g. Canada, Australia) known for good mining practices.

The accusation that Lege Dembi Gold Mine was acquired by MIDROC in 1997 at dirt cheap price because MIDROC’s owner Shek Al Amoudi has a close relationship with the ruling party (EPRDF) is baseless. MIDROC won Lega Dembi Gold mine fair and square with a wide margin of the purchase offer. Al Amoudi’s closeness to TPLF started only in 2005; Fault finders must sharpen their memory of chronology before making wild accusations. I cannot conclude that Shek Al Amoudi has not been favoured in business dealings after 2005. However, the evidence is required when we throw accusations.

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Ethiopia announced this week that a museum in Britain has agreed to return locks of hair belonging to a former Ethiopian ruler.

A British soldier cut the hair from the head of Emperor Tewodros II more than 150 years ago. Tewodros II took his own life after his defeat by British troops at the Battle of Magdala. The battle was fought in northern Ethiopia in 1868.

The locks of hair have been part of The National Army Museum’s collection in London since 1959. Museum officials said the family of an artist who painted the emperor on his deathbed donated the hair.

In a statement, the museum said it had agreed to send the hair back to Ethiopia after a request from Ethiopia’s minister of culture and tourism last year.

“The objects are considered significant to the Museum’s collection for their historical connection to a major and unique campaign,” the statement said. It added that the emperor’s hair was “collected in good faith.”

The National Army Museum said it remains in discussions with the Embassy of Ethiopia in London on details of returning the hair.

The Ethiopian Embassy in Britain said that it “welcomes… the unanimous decision by the Trustees of the National Army Museum to return the locks of hair.”

“For Ethiopians everywhere, as the locks of hair represent the remains of one of the country’s most revered and beloved leaders,” it said.

Embassy officials predicted celebrations when the hair “is returned to its rightful home in Ethiopia.”

Emperor Tewodros II claimed to be related to two people named in ancient times: King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba. The emperor died after a British force raided his mountaintop position to free European diplomats and others he had jailed.

The return of the hair follows a series of requests by Ethiopia for the return of human remains, documents and other objects taken in 1868.

Britain is also involved in a dispute with Greece over the return of the Parthenon Marbles. British officials have resisted those requests, noting laws that ban its museums from permanently disposing of their collections.

I’m John Russell.

Aaron Maasho wrote this story for the Reuters news agency. John Russell adapted it VOA Learning English. George Grow was the editor.

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