Ethiopia and Eritrea should not repeat the mistakes of the 1990s, when a period of rapprochement ended in war.

by Goitom Gebreluel

Ethiopia and Eritrea took one more important step towards normalising their relations on September 17, when Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki and Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed signed a peace agreement in the Saudi city of Jeddah, the details of which have not been publicised yet.

A week earlier, during the Orthodox New Year’s celebrations, the leaders of the two countries met on the border town of Zalambessa to re-open the common borde

The rapprochement that began in June has been marked by a number of symbolic gestures and events, including official state-visits by both leaders. During Isaias Afwerki’s visit to Addis Ababa on July 14, the strongman who is known for his stern image and carefully choreographed speeches, emotionally declared to the Ethiopian prime minister “you are our leader now”.

Abiy then proclaimed to the cheering crowd: “when we become one, Assab will be ours,” in reference to the symbolic Eritrean Red Sea port, which was once part of Ethiopia. This hasn’t been simply a process of rapprochement between two states; it almost seems like a social reunification.

Telephone lines have been opened and commercial flights restarted allowing people to call and see their relatives and friends for the first time in decades. The two countries have also exchanged ambassadors and reopened old trade routes.

The international community has welcomed these developments with enthusiasm. The secretary-general of the United Nations, Antonio Gutteres, hailed the reconciliation as “illustrative of a new wind of hope blowing across Africa”. Peace between these two nations was long overdue and has already had some positive effect on the Horn of Africa.

But the two countries have gone through a similar euphoric moment before – in 1993 when Eritrea got its independence from Ethiopia. That rapprochement, however, did not end well.

The secession of Eritrea was supported by the new government of Ethiopia at that time and was celebrated internationally as an ideal separation. Then, five years later, Africa’s deadliest war broke out between the former allies.

What made this conflict extraordinary – even in a global context – was that it took place under conditions of extensive economic interdependence and social integration between the two states.

Today, as the two countries start rebuilding their relations, it is absolutely crucial that they revisit this moment of history and do not repeat its mistakes.

The first rapprochement

The peaceful secession of Eritrea from Ethiopia in 1993 marked the beginning of the first rapprochement between the two nations after the end of the 30-year-long civil war.

The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) had both fought against the Ethiopian communist military government, the Derg, and by the early 1990s had taken power in Addis Ababa and Asmara respectively.

There was a common understanding that the Derg had been the sole source of past animosity and a convergence of interests between the two states was uncritically taken for granted.

The emergence of two young and charismatic revolutionaries – Ethiopia’s Meles Zenawi and Eritrea’s Isaias Afwerki – was hailed internationally as a landmark moment in which the “next generation” of African leaders was taking over.

Their first diplomatic act after the partition was to sign a cooperation agreement known as the Asmara Pact. The 25-protocol agreement was an ambitious plan to integrate the two nations in all sectors, including defence.

Eritrea’s economy was in practice already integratedinto Ethiopia’s, as around 80 percent of its export products were destined for its neighbour. At the same time Ethiopia relied on Eritrea’s main port as a transportation hub for most of its trade with the world.

After the partition, the Eritreans were allowed to keep almost all the benefits of Ethiopian citizenship, but with a sovereign state of their own. In practice both peoples continued to live as if they were still one state.

On the foreign policy front, they cooperated against Sudan’s attempt to export its Islamist ideology to East Africa and Ethiopia supported Eritrea in its war against Yemen in 1996.

These unusual policies were rooted in an ambiguous approach to Eritrean nationhood by both governments. There was a common understanding that the two nations were really one people, despite the secession.

In his first visit to Ethiopia after the secession in 1993, President Afwerki declared that after economic integration, the two countries could move towards political integration. His Ethiopian counterpart, Zenawi, was also convinced this was inevitable.

Due to these fraternal sentiments and optimistic expectations, important aspects of the relations between the states, including the demarcation of the common border and currency exchange rates, were resolved. They were simply not considered priorities in the first years after independence.

Ethiopians and Eritreans were therefore caught off-guard when a dispute over a relatively unimportant piece of land turned into a full-blown war in 1998.

The war was fought with the same emotional zeal with which cooperation and integration had been pursued only a few years earlier. The two governments were unyielding and fought for two years in a deadly war that claimed more than 100,000 lives.

During the war and the subsequent decades of hostility, people on both sides saw it as the product of betrayal and deceit, rather than as an outcome of conflicting interests and policies.

Regardless of who is to blame for the conflict, both governments have to take responsibility for not doing enough to resolve differences peacefully.

The second rapprochement

While it is unlikely that history will repeat itself with another major military conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea, it is nevertheless important for the two states to establish clear mechanisms for arbitration and communication. After all, in the early 1990s, a war between the two was also deemed extremely unlikely.

The international community and the governments and people of Ethiopia and Eritrea have been desperate for peace, and now that it’s seemingly here, no one seems to be interested in confronting the thorny issues. Indeed, according to local customs it would be inappropriate to revisit the past during reconciliation.

Nostalgia and notions of fraternity have come back with the new rapprochement. While the historical and cultural affinity of the Ethiopian and Eritrean peoples is undeniable, this shouldn’t be the basis for diplomatic relations. This approach has been tried in the past and has failed – with severe consequences.

The basis for the relationship ought to be based on a dispassionate recognition that Ethiopia and Eritrea are two sovereign states with individual interests that will not always overlap. Rights, responsibilities and mechanisms for managing disputes that will inevitably emerge must be clearly formulated.

Ethiopia and Eritrea find themselves in one of the world’s most conflict-prone neighbourhoods. A number of regional and domestic political actors currently feel left out or marginalised by the peace process and have an incentive to sabotage it.

Two months after the peace declaration, the demarcation of the common border, which was the crux of the two-decades-long stalemate, is yet to begin and there already seem to be disagreements on how to proceed. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (part of the EPRDF), which governs the Ethiopian regional state bordering Eritrea, does not seem to agree with the federal government’s approach to demarcation. It keeps repeating publicly that the physical demarcation has to involve the residents of the borderlands.

Eritrea, for its part, is a state that is not governed by a constitution or parliament. The extreme centralisation of the regime around the figure of the president makes it a highly unpredictable partner. In addition, in a deliberate effort to sow resentment and suspicion, Eritrean diplomats keep insulting the TPLF on Twitter, despite the fact that the latter is a constitutive member of the ruling EPRDF.

All of these factors make the process more prone to derailment than it may appear.

In the context of these outstanding issues, the two states has already taken some steps to resume economic relations. Ethiopia has started using Eritrea’s Assab port on the Red Sea and Ethiopian investors have been looking at opportunities in Eritrea.

But the rules that will regulate the resumption of trade have not been made public yet and much like in 1993, these matters are either being deprioritised or handled in an opaque manner.

In this context, it is important to remember that neither fraternal bonds nor economic interdependence have been sufficient for preventing war in the past; on the contrary, they have served as enablers for emotive and reckless policies that culminated in war and a long and bitter rivalry.

It is imperative that the two governments dispassionately formulate their national interests and institutionalise the terms of their relationship as soon as possible, and leave as few issues as possible to fate, trust or fraternity.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Goitom Gebreluel

Goitom Gebreluel is a PhD candidate at the University of Cambridge.

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By Paul Schemm/ Washington  Post

September 17, 2018

ADDIS ABABA, Ethi­o­pia —Thousands of residents of the Ethio­pian capital marched through the streets on Monday, protesting deadly attacks over the weekend on the edge of the city that they blamed on the country’s Oromo ethnic group.

Authorities said the attacks left at least 23 people dead. In addition, police said five demonstrators were killed during the protests when they attempted to snatch officers’ weapons.

The attacks and the protests coincide with an unprecedented political opening in Ethi­o­pia under its new prime minister, Abiy Ahmed. The relaxation of once-authoritarian control has been accompanied by an explosion of ethnic tension across this diverse country.

Although most of the previous violence has taken place in distant regions where up to 2 million people have been displaced, over the weekend it reached the capital, Addis Ababa. Villages on the edge of the city were attacked, many residents were driven from their homes, and reports emerged of killings and rapes.

Alemayehu Ejigu, head of the Oromia Police Commission, told state television Monday that 23 people were killed in the attacks and that 200 suspects were arrested. He described the attackers as organized criminals.

People gather to celebrate the return of the formerly banned anti-government group the Oromo Liberation Front at Meskel Square in Addis Ababa, Ethi­o­pia, on Sept. 15. (Yonas Tadesse/AFP/Getty Images)
Federal Police Commissioner Zeynu Jemal added that the attackers had been paid to destabilize the country and block current reforms. He said an additional 300 people were arrested in Addis Ababa after the protests.

Witnesses described the attackers as young Oromos from neighboring areas and the victims as members of the small Dorze, Gamo and Wolaita ethnic groups.

With details still scarce about the attacks and unverified photos of mutilated corpses being shared on social media, tempers were running high in Addis Ababa, where many resident feel under siege by the Oromos living in the countryside around the city.

“The Oromo people are killing too many people around Addis, and we have to protest them,” one protester said as young men marched through downtown, waving the red, yellow and green nationalist flag of pre-1991 Ethi­o­pia.

Most shops closed and much of city’s public transportation ground to a halt as the protests in different parts of the city stretched through the day.

Protesters, many wearing headbands in the colors of the nationalist flag, chanted, “We need justice,” and, “The government says peace, but we are being killed,” as they stopped traffic and marched through downtown. They traversed the city’s Meskel Square, where a massive Oromo political rally was held just two days earlier.

As part of his political opening, Abiy, who hails from the Oromo ethnic group, invited many exiled opposition leaders to return to Ethiopia. On Sept. 9, leaders of the Ginbot 7 opposition returned from the United States amid a massive outpouring of support in the capital.

One of its leaders, Berhanu Nega, won election as mayor of Addis Ababa in 2005 before being driven out of the country, and he and the group remain popular in the city.

On Saturday, it was the turn of the opposition Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) to return from exile in neighboring Eritrea. In this case, however, most of the group’s supporters came from the Oromo hinterland, which surrounds the capital, and tens of thousands flocked into the city.

Related: [Ethiopia’s reforming prime minister runs into a roadblock of ethnic unrest]

When these supporters jogged in formation through Addis Ababa before the rally, singing in the Oromo language and waving the OLF flag, residents found it intimidating.

Scuffles broke out between Oromos and Addis Ababa residents when young Oromo men tore down Ethio­pian flags from the previous week’s rally to put up their own and tried to paint sidewalks in the OLF colors.

Saturday’s rally in Meskel Square, however, went off without a hitch and featured horsemen, traditional warrior dress and about 100,000 people to welcome the OLF leaders.

Many of the Oromos at the rally talked about how they never thought that one day their flag and their leaders would be displayed so prominently in the heart of the city. They described themselves as born again after years of being oppressed and marginalized.

“I never thought this day would come,” said Arfase Elias, 27, who came from the town of Ambo, about 70 miles west of the capital. “I’ve seen my brother bleeding and dying in the street, and I saw people sacrifice themselves for this flag.”

She added that everyone owed this day to the Qeerroo, the Oromo word for bachelors, which has come to mean the young Oromo men who demonstrated against the previous government and helped bring about the rise of Abiy and the political opening.

Yet after the attacks over the weekend, which some Addis Ababa residents claim were carried out by Qeerroo returning from the rally, the group has come under increasing criticism, accused of being out of control. Many of the crowd’s chants during Monday’s protests were against the Qeerroo.

At one point Monday, the crowd passed by the massive Oromo cultural center near Meskel Square, and demonstrators stopped and began shaking their fists, raising middle fingers and jeering at the building, while a thin line of Oromo police officers armed with sticks shifted nervously.

Eventually, a phalanx of heavily armored federal riot police came jogging down the road to reinforce them, and the crowd moved on.

Meanwhile, Addis Ababa’s tram, the only light rail in sub-Saharan Africa, sailed by on its elevated track. Opened to great fanfare three years ago, it was considered a symbol of Ethiopia’s booming economy but now appears to be a witness to the deep cleavages in society.

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By Mammo Muchie

The recent Forum on China-Africa cooperation(FOCAC) held in Beijing, China has generated lots of media coverage reporting that China is taking Africa’s resources to cover the debt the African states owe China. The case that has been featured globally recently is what Zambia is said to be in now, not being able to pay the debt from China.

Zambia is said to be ready to relinquish its own international Kenneth Kaunda airport, ZESCO the Zambian state electricity company and the Zambian broadcasting company to meet its debt obligations to China. If this is true, it goes very much, against what China is said to have done in Africa. What China is said to prefer to do is to cancel debts rather than go colonial and demand that the indebted African states relinquish their own resources and assets to cover their debts from China. It also goes very much, against what President Xi and even the earlier leaders of China have advocated to create a China that will relate with the entire former colonized world by applying the principle of mutual benefit and not applying neo-colonial threats.    –—Read More—-

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Written by፡ Luel Gebremedhin(USA)
September 19/2018.

“ A hero is someone who understands the responsibility that comes with his or her freedom.”

Bob Dylan

An Ethiopian hero who fought the Somalian aggression tirelessly from July 1969 to February 1970 (Ethiopian Calendar) was Colonel Bezabeh Petros..  The father of three boys and two girls was born in 1944 in Ethiopia.

In July 27,1969, former Somalian President Mohammed Ziadbare announced to invade Ethiopian territory in the Eastern front. The Ethiopian Air force was waiting well prepared to smash the aggressor. Colonel Bezabeh Petros flew over the sky with his American made F5E war Jet and knocked eight Somalian war tanks in Eastern Ethiopia. In October 1970 , this brave Ethiopian hero infused and rocked the enemy in Jijiga Karamara. His jet got hit by the enemy combatant  at this year at the place of Karamara but he could manage remarkably and landed his fighter jet in Bishoftu.

In 1970, Colonel Bezabeh Petros branded with M21 fighter jet and attacked the Ziadbare soldiers in Diredawa.  In December 1970, Somalian Air force penetrated the Ethiopian territory and made significant attack but the Ethiopian air force ordered Colonel Bezabeh Petros and Colonel Legesse Tefera to destroy Somalian air base in Mogadishu. These two brave Ethiopian fighter jet pilots made prestigious history by destroyed the Somali jets before they made land at their air base.

In December 13,1970, the Somalian’s logistics and preparedness Center in Togo Wichale(ተጎ ውጫሌ)   cleared and mopped from the air by Colonel Bezabeh Petros and his team coordinately but again his jet got hit from the ground by the Somalian soldier artillery squad but he managed to return back home safe.

In January 1970, the Colonel finalized the road to victory after he chopped the Somalian forces at Teferi Ber the boarder where between Ethiopia and Somalia shared. Colonel Bezabeh Petros striked five Somalian tanks here at Teferi Ber(ተፈሪ በር).

Colonel Bezabeh Petros was the hero, the father, and real public servant in the Ethiopian Air force. He fought the Somalian invader from July 1969 to February 1970 with the highest dedication and devotion to his Nation. During the Ethio-Somalian war, the Colonel got hit three times but survived passionately and bravely with little physical and material damaged. In 1972, he got the highest award in Ethiopia military history for his unique and outstanding military objectivities and responsibilities he well achieved.

From 1972 to 1977, he had been moved to the Northern part of Ethiopia to confront Eritrean Liberation front(EPLF).  In 1977, Colonel Bezabeh Petros took heavy mission to hit the front at Nakfa (ናቅፋ) but his jet got hit by the front and he became captive as POW under the EPLF control.  He got release after sometimes and backed home safe from Eritrea war front.

In 1990, the two used to close partners (TPLF & EPLF) became enemy each other and turned to war over the disputed land of Badme.  Colonel Bezabeh Petros summoned by the Ethiopian authority to join the Ethiopian Air force to fight with the Eritrean aggressive move to control Ethiopia’s Northern massive territories . He joined and again flew over the Eritrean air space at low attitude and made complete destruction to the Eritrea’s military and logistic facilities near the City of Asmara. After he  has done his mission of destruction of the enemy’s target, his fighter jet couldn’t survive from the ground force of the Eritrean military personnel. Then, Colonel Bezabeh Petros rested under the hand of the Eritrean government.

The reputable and leading history of Colonel Bezabeh Petros is eternal and Priceless to count.  Ironically perhaps amazingly,  the Ethiopian government did nothing to stand the brave son of Ethiopia secure his release from his captivity in Eritrea. Now is the right time to appeal and request the Eritrean government to release our brave man to come back home safe if he is alive.

The Ethiopian people deserve to know where their son is. I am appealing to the Eritrean government let free the brave and Ethiopian hero Colonel Bezabeh Petros. I am appealing to the Ethiopian government does his part to bring our hero back home safe from the prison he is captivated. All of us need to know what happened to our all time brave and hero of Colonel Bezabeh Petros. May God helps!

Note፡ All years are being considered as Ethiopian Calendared.

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Abdur Rahman

The United States embassy in Ethiopia has closed its doors today (September 19) over what it said was an abundance of caution in the light of large scale demonstrations expected in Addis Ababa.

The embassy subsequently announced a cancellation of all services and appointments asking the public to reschedule their appointments via the website.

“Americans requiring emergency assistance should visit the U.S. Embassy website for contact information. Additionally, the American Center in Addis Ababa and the Satchmo Center at the U.S. Embassy will be closed tomorrow.

“We encourage all those involved in the demonstrations to express themselves peacefully,” the statement issued on Tuesday concluded.

Ethiopians online questioned the basis of the Embassy’s information about a protest to which they issued a response on Wednesday morning.

“Regarding Q’s about decision to close our Embassy today-when we receive info we have to make decisions about security even if info is not specific. US law requires us to share that decision publicly. We decided to be cautious. We hope today is calm & peaceful in Addis,” the embassy said in a tweet.

View image on Twitter

U.S. Embassy Addis

✔@USEmbassyAddis

The U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa will be closed tomorrow, Sept 19 out of an abundance of caution in light of large scale demonstrations expected in Addis. Please see the image for details. We encourage all those participating in the demonstrations to express themselves peacefully.

12:42 PM – Sep 18, 2018

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Meanwhile, state-run Fana Broadcasting Corporate has reported that there were no protests planned for the capital as alleged by the Embassy.

The FBC story cited federal police commissioner Jemal Zeinu as stating that the capital will not experience any protest and that residents should go about their usual day-to-day activities.

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By ANDUALEM SISAY

At least 700 people have been arrested in a crackdown against the latest wave of violence to hit Ethiopia, official said.

The Federal Police Commissioner, Mr Zeynu Jemal, told reporters that the perpetrators of the violence involving two different political groups, had organised themselves under one command.

The robbers have worked deliberately to create tensions between the Oromos and the other communities living in the Oromia region, Mr Zeynu said.

Snatch rifles

Five people died in a street demonstration in Addis Ababa on Monday, while protesting against the killings and robberies in Burayu area on the outskirts of Addis Ababa.

The police said the protesters were killed when some tried to snatch rifles from the security agents trying to restore peace and order.

Police reports indicated that over 25 people were killed in weekend robbery incidents in Burayu. The late night robberies reportedly targeted members of the non-Oromo community, mainly the Gamo settlers in the Ashewa meda area.

The incidents have caused displacement of thousands of people who have sought refuge in Addis Ababa.

A mass rally

A police source said at least 23 people were killed in a weekend of violence in the ethnic Oromo heartland near the capital.

The unrest followed a mass rally last week marking the return home of the exiled Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) group leaders, which had fought an insurgency for self-determination for Oromos.

The incidents were the latest in a spate of attacks carried out along ethnic lines since reformist Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in April, the first Oromo leader in the ethnically diverse country’s modern history.

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Ethiopia currently heads the league for hotel development in East Africa, according to a regional focus from the influential annual hotel pipeline survey by Lagos-based W Hospitality Group.

Details of the survey, which covers the whole of the African continent, will be one of the key discussions at the Africa Hotel Investment Forum (AHIF), which will return to Nairobi in October this year.

The hotel development pipeline in Ethiopia is almost 50% up on last year’s strong figures, with Addis Ababa accounting for 86% of the total, almost 5,000 rooms in 25 hotels. There is also planned expansion in Awassa, Bahir Dar, Bishoftu, Gondar, Hawassa and Langano.

In addition to the upcoming branded supply in Addis, there is a large stock of unbranded rooms under construction – but many are stalled, looking for investors to help finish them.

Government incentives, alongside international conferences and global bases for NGOs, embassies and aid agencies have all fuelled hotel growth in Addis.

Accor is among the chains focusing heavily on East Africa, including Ethiopia, doubling the number of hotels in its development pipeline in in the region, and achieving a 66% growth in the number of rooms signed.  Hilton is deploying part of its US$50 million Hilton Africa Growth Initiative to help fund growth in the region, converting hotels to its DoubleTree and other brands, and it has seen a 51% growth in its pipeline.

Across the region, Kenya has 2,754 rooms under construction, whilst Tanzania, is the other significant regional player.

This year’s pipeline report, now in its 10^thedition, has 41 contributors, reporting 418 deals with over 100 brands across Africa. Year-on-year performance for Africa as a whole in 2018 shows growth, but more muted than in recent years – 25% growth in the number of pipeline rooms in 2015; 19% in 2016, and 13% in 2017, much the same as the 14 per cent growth in 2018.

W Hospitality Group’s Managing Director, Trevor Ward said: “Ethiopia’s hotel expansion is truly impressive. The activity there has been huge, and it is very pleasing to see that investors and operators are now looking to exploit the opportunities outside of Addis Ababa, in the secondary cities and tourism centres.”

AHIF, which is supported by the Kenyan Ministry of Tourism and Wildlife, is attended by leading international hotel investors, business leaders and politicians. It has a proven track-record of driving investment into tourism projects, infrastructure and hotel development across Africa.

Matthew Weihs, Managing Director of Bench Events, AHIF’s organiser, said: “This latest regional report from W Hospitality Group contains invaluable detail. It, and analyses from other expert advisers to the industry, will shed light on where the best investment opportunities are likely to be in the near future. It is this kind of content that makes AHIF a must-attend event, alongside unrivalled networking opportunities.”

In the first week of October, Kenya will show itself off to the world with an unprecedented week of tourism promotion. As well as hosting AHIF, it will stage a number of events including the Magical Kenya Tourism Expo (MKTE), the largest travel trade show in East Africa, and it will announce a package of measures to incentivise investment.

w-hospitalitygroup.com

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ESAT Latest Ethiopian News September 20, 2018

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Wazema Radio – June 20, 2018

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AS staffs

Addis Abeba, September 21/2018 – The just completed 9th organizational conference of the newly renamed Oromo Democratic Party (ODP) has elected nine members of its executive committee, who will also be also part of EPRDF’s Executive Committee.

Accordingly the following nine members are elected as the new ODP EC members:

PM Abiy Ahmed, ODP chairman;

Lemma Megerssa, Oromia region president and ODP deputy chairman;

Workneh Gebeyehu, Minister of foreign affairs;

Berhanu Tsegaye, the federal attorney general;

Adanech Abeebee, head of ODP secretariat;

Addisu Arega, ODP rural  organization & political department bureau head;

Shimelis Abdissa, head of Oromia construction bureau;

Fekadu Tessema, former Oromia  communication bureau head & (also once served as Oromia trade bureau head) and then OPDO CC member; &

Dr. Alemu  Sime, Head of Oromia Water, Mines and Energy Bureau.

ODP has earlier elected 55 members to its central committee, reducing the number from 81. It has also re-elected PM Abiy Ahmed and Lemma Megerssa as chairman and deputy chairman of the party, respectively. It is to be remembers that the then 81 central Committee members of the OPDO elected PM Abiy as the new chairman of the party on Feb 22nd, paving ways for him to become the prime minister of Ethiopia.

List of ODP Central Committee

1. PM Abiy Ahmed

2. Lemma Megersa

3. Dr Workneh Gebeyehu

4. Berhanu Tsegaye

5. Adanech Abebe

6. Engineer Takele Uma

7. Shimeles Abdisa

8. Umer Hussien

9. Teyba Hassen

10. Addisu Arega

11. Dr Girma Amente

12. Dr Bikila Hurisa

13. Dr Milkesa Medeka

14. Teshome Adugna

15. Taye Dende’a

16. Dr Alemu Sime

17. Dr Tola Beriso

18. Demelash G/Michael

19. Girma Hailu

20. Worku Gachena

21. Shafi Hussien

22. Tollosa Gedefa

23. Fekadu Tessema

24. Berhanu Bekele

25. Awolu Abdi

26. Getu Weyessa

27. Kassahun Gofie

28. Melaku Fenta

29. Tarekegn Bululta

30. Abera Worku

31. Mekuye Mohammed

32. Ahmed Tussa

33. Asegid Getachew

34. Denke Biru

35. Nemera Buli

36. Abdulaziz Mohammed

37. Roba Turche

38. Jemal Kedir

39. Mohammed Kemal

40. Kefalew Tefera

41. Mesfin Assefa

42. Lelise Nemie

43. Nasier Husien

44. Moges Dide’a

45. Dr Dereje Duguma

46. Chaltu Sani

47. Lomi Bedo

48. Dr Engineer Habtamu Etfa

49. Dr Engineer Getahun Mekuria

50. Masho Olana

51. Alemtsehay Shifera

52. Ahmed Edris

53. Muna Ahmed

54. Tilahun Fekadu

55. Abdulakim Mulu

In addition to changing its name, logo and the party’s anthem, ODP has also retired 14 of its officials, including party stalwarts such as Abadulla Gemeda, Girma Birru, Kuma Demekssa, Diriba Kumma and Shiferaw Jarsso.

AS

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Zecharias Zelalem 

Addis Abeba, September 21/2018 – Monday September 17, Addis Abeba’s residents took to the streets to denounce a spate of violence that shocked the country the weekend before. A large crowd had gathered just outside the headquarters of state broadcaster Ethiopian Television as well as the city’s center Mesqel Square.  Loud and vociferous, demonstrators managed to attract enough attention to pry the local broadcaster into sending journalists and a camera team outside to meet with them. The crowd of protesters were subsequently seen on the evening news broadcast, ensuring their chants and messages were heard around the country.

But what exactly were they so livid about? September 13 -15 2018 will go down history as one of the darkest days in modern day Ethiopia. Unprovoked mob attacks targeting members of Ethiopia’s ethnic Gamo community and other minority ethnic groups, and, if not to a similar extent, the Oromos themselves living in Burayu, Ashewa Meda and elsewhere in the western vicinity of Addis Abeba took place within this three days; it took place away from the mainstream media’s beaten track. The stories that keep trickling since then are too horrific not to break every beating heart.

It’s obvious that in recent times, tracking and documenting incidents of violence across Ethiopia, from Moyale to Jigjiga to Dire Dawa, Shashemene, Chinakson, Gedeo-west Guji to Tana Beles to name just a few, has become an increasingly difficult task even for the media. There has been an upsurge in what were once sporadic attacks, both in their frequency and unfortunately in the depravity of the acts. But why? The administration of Prime Minister Abiy has done in five months what its predecessors hadn’t in decades: exiled dissidents have let bygones be bygones and are returning back home; former opponents and outlawed political parties are de-listed from the country’s terror list; the air of political liberalization in every sphere of life, online and offline, is unparalleled with anything. Ushering in a new era of political cohesion and a hope for dialogue wasn’t supposed to coincide with mayhem and bloodshed. This clearly wasn’t part of the script. This was supposed to be part of the beginning healing the country’s past.

Not just George Orwell’s Napoleon

Ethiopia under Abiy is going through something of a facelift that can be compared to what the removal of Napoleon from George Orwell’s Animal Farm would have resembled had it ever transpired. The great leader’s kin of pigs, led by propaganda minister Squealer, are now struggling to adjust from the loss of their supreme power. The eternally marginalized horses, donkeys sheep and hens are starting to enjoy the fruits of their own labor and thrive free of their oppressive former overlords. There is jostling to prevent a return of the former Napoleon led guard.

Indeed the downfall of Ethiopia’s Napoleon-esque guard is heavily documented and cheered on in most circles. Among them, Ethiopia’s “Squealer,” the former “propaganda minister,” Bereket Simon, who was once an untouchable member of the late Meles Zenawi’s inner circle. After having been humiliated by angry residents of  Debre Markos city, Berket’s decent came faster than anyone could imagine; he is now in the process of being evicted from the ranks of a party he helped form, the ANDM (Amhara National Democratic Movement). The forced resignations and dismissals of former political and military heavyweights have been feted as the new administration’s freshening up of one of the most repressive military apparatus in modern history. Abdi Illey’s downfall and subsequent court appearances have been a well publicized drama in its own right. While the unexpected ousting of formerly omnipotent Getachew Assefa, once the powerful head of the feared National Intelligence and Security Services, was taken as one of the most daring purges PM Abiy has done.

Most of these individuals were part and parcel of the EPRDF government dominated by TPLF’s (Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front) clique. At its peak, this clique was at the summit of the entire country’s political, military and economic sectors. Members of this clique were collectively termed by the people of Ethiopia as “ባለ ግዜዎቹ,” which loosely means “those who are on top in the current era.” Affiliates of this elitist clique stand accused of everything from torture and forced disappearance of dissident voices, to embezzlement and mass corruption. PM Abiy’s attempt at dismantling such a brutal network was therefore largely met by a cheer and jeer from the general public. For many, this spate of violence springing up from north to south, east and west is simply the breakneck battled for the rerun to its glorious days of this clique.  But there is more to it than just a disgruntled elite.

For much of its tenure as a government, the ruling EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front) coalition has faced domestic opposition ranging from armed rebellion to blogging and street protests. Throughout this, the EPRDF did not only rule by its brutal clique, but used the same clique to assert and cement its monopoly on violence in every shape or form: be it the army, security and intelligence. It also used it to moderate and dictate society’s horizontal relationships.

In doing so the TPLF led EPRDF government succeeded in pummeling a population into total submission. The slightest jest, motion or outburst in condemnation of government policies would for decades provoke disproportionate retaliations from the government. Excessive use of violence was not a mere system of crowd control; IT WAS a mode of governance.

Many people assert the TPLF controlled EPRDF began its journey of governing by the rules of guns since the 2005 contested-turned-deadly general elections. That is an understatement. There were brutal suppression of many university students protests between 1991 and 1998. The biggest and most publicized one was the 2001 Addis Abeba University students protests, in which over a dozen university students were shot dead in broad day light by the regime’s security apparatus for taking to the streets to protest mis-governance. About a thousand more were detained and tortured. Students, who were completely uninvolved but were enrolled in different campuses, which are hotbeds of protests, were the perpetual targets of punishment. Oftentimes, the abuse of the state’s authority extends from physical to academic punishments. All students at Addis Abeba University’s Architecture Department in the Lideta area (now the Pathobiology department), were once made to “fail” their semester exams and were forced to repeat their academic year regardless of whether or not they had taken part in protests. What this did was to behaviorally condition students and the youth in general to avoid contentious issues like politics for fear of the backlash that would follow. Sports and Hollywood movies and music weren’t off limits and thrived during this era. Indeed, months after the 2001 protests, the AAU Architecture campus had a DSTV decoder installed where students could gather in their spare times to watch English Premier League.

Across the Oromia regiona states, meanwhile, anything from singing lyrics of popular Oromo songs to publicly being seen wearing clothing with distinctly Oromo resistance colors would warrant someone’s being carted off to prison. Tens of thousands of young Oromos were rounded up on trumped up charges of belonging to formerly banned groups, especially the OLF, for the slightest of gestures deemed too defiant in the face of the regime. And In Amhara regional state, showing up the plain green, yellow and red flag that is also the symbol of the orthodox Church was criminalized. Peaceful gatherings and open protests would warrant similar brutal retaliations.

The extent of the state’s abuse of its legitimate monopoly on violence often depends on the fighting capacity of the opposition encountered. Stone throwing protesters could warrant the use of live ammunition and lethal force in the same manner as armed insurrection. Reports of increased activity in the Somali region by militants belonging to the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), for example, were the catalyst to the government’s decision to virtually wage war on that entire region – the war was conducted against civilians and armed rebel groups in the same manner. In 2007, after the formation a deadly special force, the Ethiopian military launched what has been described as a scorched earth campaign to wipe out the rebels. While it more or less succeeded in doing so, innocent civilians bore the brunt of the military’s might. Entire villages suspected of harboring rebels were burnt to the ground and their inhabitants killed. Extrajudicial killings were commonplace. Over the course of a year and a half, thousands of civilians were killed. It remains the deadliest campaign of state sponsored violence in the EPRDF’s era. Ten years down the line, in October of 2017, protesting youths took over the streets of Ambo protesting skyrocketing prices of common goods. Elders and city police intervened and the situation was about to be resolved when special forces arrived unannounced and shot dead a dozen unarmed youths. For EPRDF’s Ethiopia, war was peace; violence was the language of communication between the state’s security and intelligence infrastructure and the people the state governed.

In the long run, the effect of this two and a half decades old unbridled policy of the abuse of the state’s legitimate monopoly on violence had resulted in the country’s collective fear of open expression and frank discussion. One could argue that people were a shell of who they really were. Going to great lengths to refrain from even verbally colliding with the government, self censorship was cultivated en masse. People were thus trained to suppress thoughts and their own conscious to avoid nasty consequences. So often, those who would defile the invisible boundary were made example of by the state. Journalists, authors, activists and opposition politicians were regularly detained, tortured, paraded in front of cameras as enemies of the state and charged with treason or terrorism. If and when they are released, acquaintances would be afraid of socializing with them or even being seen near them.

Fast forward to March 2018, this would all be changed, when, having been pushed to the brink and being unable to take the indignity any longer, uprisings in Oromia, Amhara and the Southern regions that first started in Oromia in April 2014 forever turned the tables on the ruling clique.

With the end of the TPLF’s controlled EPRDF era and the change in the terms and conditions of state-society relations from that of violence to that of “love” and “medemer”, came an end to this practice of self censorship. With the elitist clique no longer holding the country at gunpoint, people came to life and started to be in charge of it. Political expression was no longer limited to the single celled narratives promoted by the state. The true, diverse, colorful nature of the peoples came to the fore – literally and figuratively. Long outlawed flags, emblems and lyrics of various resistance groups and opposition factions started to be waved proudly and rang out through cities and towns. For a while, it was beautiful, until it was no more. It is no more now because there was nothing that prepared us Ethiopians to handle both our excitements and horizontal relations with dignity in times of freedom. The security and intelligence apparatus that a reformist prime Minister quickly dismantled to the cheer and jeer of the mass is suddenly missing from its job of regulating people’s horizontal relations.

The state has long enjoyed being at the helm of a massive military vessel capable of exacting punishment upon request while severely incapacitating the people’s will to self-regulate and self-govern. In his inaugural speech, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed lamented the use of violence by the government to keep the population in line and vowed to tame its wilderness. Indeed, since then, the frequency of state sponsored violence has dropped. Reports of military intervention to quell domestic uprisings are no longer stories that people have grown collectively numb to. The word “Agazi,” the name of a deadly unit of the Ethiopian military special forces frequently deployed to protester hotbeds with a “shoot to kill” orders, has all but been dropped from use by Ethiopian media; it is now replaced by words like “inter communal clashes” and “ethnic violence.”

Privatization of of violence

The state’s monopoly on violence may have served to strike fear into the hearts of the population. But it also helped deter those with sinister intentions from acting out on them. Killing was permitted if it was by the regime, it would not be tolerated or permitted for the average Joe. As such, criminal activity wasn’t condoned if perpetrators were non state elements. Criminal activity was solely a state’s luxury. The “nationalization” of crime is what led to the EPRDF government being labeled as one of the overbearing totalitarian regimes ruled by tyrants. With the shedding of its oppressive inner shell, crime has been “denationalized.” Violence is“privatized.” Criminals have been emboldened to take advantage of the fact that there is no longer a security installation leering over them, awaiting a misstep before brutally cutting them down, partly contributing to an increase in crime and the worsening security situation.

Further compounding the problem is the fact that there is a vacuum of sorts: the federal military that went through incomplete overhaul appears at times it lacks direction, and seems less than eager to intervene. Examples of the military’s inaction since PM Abiy’s administration took over are plenty. The most glaring example of the military’s indifference to its responsibilities was its refusal to stop the Liyu Police raids into Eastern Hararghe of Oromia. Throughout the months of June and July, the Somali regional government led Liyu Police would launch attacks on villages, ransack and burn homes, killing inhabitants. Several media, including the Voice of America Amharic service, have reported that despite the military being called on by local authorities to help defenseless civilians, soldiers would either refuse to mobilize, or arrive long after the Liyu Police had left.

In an interview with Opride back in July, Garri Somali activist Adan Kulow explained that despite frequent attacks on his people by a Borana Oromo militia in Moyale, the military refused to intervene. Elders from the Garri Somali community traveled and met with military officials at their base in Moyale. There, they were allegedly told by soldiers to defend themselves and that the military wouldn’t get involved as they had not received orders to do so. “Basically we were told that we were on our own,” Adan said.

After years of brutal killings and state sponsored violence, the Ethiopian army has a bad reputation and this could be what makes base level commanders less than willing to deploy their troops upon request. But the gap left by dismissed army generals and colonels has the country’s most perverse and primal freely roaming the country and carrying out despicable crimes. There’s little evidence that anything is being done to bring the individuals or groups behind these crimes to justice. The incomplete ‘reform’ in the intelligence, as much needed as it was, is also contributing to this privatization of violence in many ways than we are prepared to accept. It is not enough that a previously secretive institution opened its doors for visits by opposition party members. By all accounts, the so-called reform in the intelligence is messy and has left its key players not only disenfranchised but un-replaced with competent individuals.

It is now becoming clear that this “privatization” of violence has opened the doors to anyone with access to weapons the freedom to kill. Talk of reconciliation and democratizing the state can only bear fruit if a degree of normalcy is maintained nationwide. If unchecked Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s lackadaisical approach to domestic security will be his downfall. To enforce the law regardless of who is abusing it, is not only in the interest of the ruling party to stay in power, but of the country to stay in one piece. Whether they are lone wolves or belong to larger initiatives, it is becoming very clear that multiple interest groups are hell bent in exploiting the government’s inaction to come after criminals and murderers who have emerged determined to plunge the country into anarchy and have done so already. There is no other way. The departure of the military’s bloodthirsty head honchos of yesteryear has paved an opening for equally bloodthirsty individuals and groups to wreak havoc. It’s high time “Team Lemma” put niceties to the side and put a foot down.

AS

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ESAT DC DAily News Fri 21 Sep 2018

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by Daniel Mumbere

In Ethiopia, prime minister Ahmed Abiy’s political party, the Oromo People Democratic Organisation (OPDO) has rebranded, changing its name and logo as it seeks to position itself in the changing political space in Oromia region and at the national level.

At a delegates conference attended by over 6000 members of the party including the chair Abiy, and his vice and president of Oromia state, Lemma Megersa, OPDO changed its name to Oromo Democratic Party (ODP).

OPD also retired 14 long serving officials of the party.

Both Abiy and Megersa in their addresses to the delegates, urged political parties in the region to united and consolidate the ongoing political reforms.

Since taking power, Abiy has lifted a state of emergency, freed political prisoners and removed leaders of banned groups including the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) from a blacklist, paving the way for their return to the country.

But Abiy’s reforms have yet to halt ethnic violence. Clashes between Oromos and ethnic Gedeos in the south caused nearly a million people to flee their homes soon after he took power.

Politicking ahead of 2020 poll

As the political players gear up for the 2020 elections, Abiy and ODP will be working to position themselves as the party that can not only fulfil the aspirations of the agitated Oromo people, but also appeal to national interests like security and economic growth.

Abiy has pledged to deliver a democratic election in 2020, adding that he would organise a smooth transition if the ruling coalition loses the election.

At the beginning of September, two major opposition parties, the Oromo Federalist Congress and OLFmerged to ‘represent the interests of the people of Oromia’.

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Chiwenga was still holding the defence minister portfolio in charge of overall security services, when the tragic episode which claimed the lives of six innocent civilians in the primate city’s central business district occurred. “Our country is headed for uncertain times ahead,” said a senior long serving officer now under new defence minister, Oppah Muchinguri-Kashiri. Many people are not aware that he personally nominated our minister (Muchinguri-Kashiri) to replace him, and she still reports to him directly. There is also another appearing to be holding an innocent portfolio, but things are not what they seem to be. Chiwenga is said to be in favour of Zimbabwe consolidating her foreign policy with Russia, China, Iran and India, against Mnangagwa’s largely pro-West “Zimbabwe is Open for Business” mantra. —— Read More —-

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Leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia met in Saudi Arabian city of Jeddah where they signed a peace accord premised on the July 9 deal signed in Asmara.

The Jeddah accord was witnessed by the King of Saudi, Salman Bin Abdul Aziz and the United Nations Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres. The U.N. chief described it as “historic” and key to regional security.

Eritrean Information Minister, Yemane Meskel shared the details of the deal.

Agreement on Peace, Friendship and Comprehensive Cooperation Between the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and the State of Eritrea.

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and the State of Eritrea, hereinafter referred to as the Two Parties;

Considering the close bonds of geography, history, culture and religion between the two countries and their peoples;

Respecting each other’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity;

Desiring to achieve lasting peace and cement their historical ties to achieve their lofty objectives;

Determined to establish comprehensive cooperation on the basis of complementary and synergy;

Determined further to contribute actively to regional and global peace and security;

Reaffirming the Joint Declaration on Peace and Friendship that they signed on July 9, 2018 in Asmara;

Reiterating their commitment to the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations;

The Two Parties agree as follows;-

Article One

The state of war between the two countries has ended and a new era of peace, friendship and comprehensive cooperation has started.

Article Two

The two countries will promote comprehensive cooperation in the political, security, defense, economic, trade, investment, cultural and social fields on the basis of complementary and synergy.

Article Three

The two countries will develop Joint Investment Projects, including the establishment of Joint Special Economic Zones.

Article Four

The two countries will implement the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission decision.

Article Five

The two countries will promote regional and global peace, security and cooperation.

Article Six

The two countries will combat terrorism as well as trafficking in people, arms and drugs in accordance with international covenants and conventions.

Article Seven

The two countries will establish a High-Level Joint Committee, as well as Sub-committees as required, to guide and oversee the implementation of this Agreement.

This Agreement is made at Jeddah, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on this day of September 16, 2018 in two original copies in Amharic, Tigrinya, Arabic and English languages; in case of discrepancy in interpretation, the English version shall prevail.

For: The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia
Abiy Ahmed Ali
Prime Minister

For: The State of Eritrea
Isaias Afwerki
President

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Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban

The Somali regional state in Ethiopia has officially announced the closure of its main prison facility, located in the capital, Jijiga.

The Jijiga Central Prison also referred to as ‘Jail Ogaden,’ has been at the center of a Human Rights Watch, HRW, report that exposed massive rights abuse of inmates held in the facility.

Reports by local media indicates that the facility will now be turned into a museum. Jail Ogaden was reported to be one of the tools of repression used by the former regional president Abdi Mohamoud popularly referred to as Abdi Illey.

He is currently the subject of an ongoing criminal court case. He was deposed months back and subsequently arrested by federal forces deployed to restore peace to the region.

Somali regional politics: New leader, Abdi Illey charged, Liyu police restructured

Satellite image of Jail Ogaden, Jijiga, Ethiopia, recorded on May 27, 2016. Source Google Earth

The July 2018 HRW report on Jail Ogaden also called on Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to probe widespread rights abuses routinely carried out on inmates.

The 88-page report asserted that “Prison officials and security forces have arbitrarily detained and tortured prisoners for years in the notorious regional prison known as Jail Ogaden.

“Ethiopia’s new prime minister, Dr. Abiy Ahmed, should urgently order investigations into the horrific situation, and the government should ensure regional security forces and officials are held accountable.

“Most prisoners are accused of some affiliation with the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), a banned opposition group, but most never face charges or trials.”

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Hikam dahir@hikam_dahir

HR activist Abdullahi Hussein ‘’The Edward Snowden of HoA’’ took a picture in front of the infamous ‘’Jail Ogaden’’ and says it’s officially closed !
Back 2013,Mr.Hussein smuggled hundreds of footages showing the extrajudicial killings & gross human rights abuses in the region.

3:00 AM – Sep 22, 2018

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Abdimalik Anwar@ItsAnwar

The infamous ‘Jail Ogaden’ has been officially shut down!. This will hopefully bring an end to an era of atrocities, torture & forcefull disappearances.

5:37 AM – Sep 22, 2018 · Nairobi, Kenya

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Juweria@BJuweria

Alhamdulilah! Jail Ogaden- a notorious detention centre in #Jigjiga is to close officially. Thousands of prisoners not convicted of a single crime were tortured and brutalised; many have sustained life-long injuries, presumed dead/missing while many lost their lives in there.

7:26 AM – Sep 22, 2018

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After 27 years of brutal TPLF/EPRDF suppression, Ethiopians started in the last 5 months  a new promising beginning with some smell of freedom  and  optimistic shining democratic  lights  from near future distance. This is as result of peaceful struggle of Ethiopians of all walk of life  in the last 27 years and more recently, the new generation , the youth in the last four years. The people struggle penetrated the core of EPRDF and resulted  in the new generation of leaders delivering the reform/the change in the Ethiopian politics.

Prime Minster Dr. Abiy Ahmed  and the new leadership team’s  early  bold speech and action  have given  the Ethiopian people great  optimism and new hope. The people who suffered from the brutal regime for several generations seeking  for peace, stability, fairness, justice, equal opportunity and democratic rights. This can be achieved only if we all think, plan and work  as  Ethiopian people deserving such, not as certain specific ethnic group which promote superiority or “victim” politics. TPLF has used such ethnic politics which resulted in  suffering and death.

Ethiopians of all walk of life from any ethnic group or religion or educational, economic or social  status should seek for justice system that treat everyone fairly with equal opportunity.  We need to build a political infrastructure that maintain peace, stability, justice, fairness, equal opportunity and guarantee individual  human rights and responsibilities.

The priority  of our time have to be building these fundamental infrastructures. The Justice system, Police, Army should be reformed to be independent from any influence of politics, power or money. The media have to be organised to serve the people instead of the powerful. An independent Election Commission should be formed to guarantee fair and sound election. Fundamental individual rights should get priority  and  get guarantee in the Constitution which needs revision.

Ethnic politics in our country resulted in dangerous outcomes. It has promoted ethnic superiority/inferiority or/and  victim politics. It is divisive and anti-democratic. Its roots are based on discrimination, victimization and polarization; its trunks  and fruits are new reciprocal entitlement and power to suppress others. The future  of Ethiopia’s  politics should aim for no ethnic politics of such. We should aim for abolishing   political parties  formed by ethnicity  which result in division, hate, superiority/inferiority, victimization  and anti democratic measures.  People should be able to form political party based on ideas.

Individual rights respected in democratic society would solve most of the ills in the society including certain groups claim for. Group right should be respected in a society but it shouldn’t overtake individual rights.

In our country, we need to recognise that we have several ethnic identity with its own  distinct language, norms and traditions. This shouldn’t be used to make boundary on earth and political organization to form power base to be superior or suppress others who don’t share such. As example people of different faith have been  living  peacefully in different region of the country  and worship together without forming political power base to discriminate others. The same can be applied for different ethnic group can live and work  in any part of the country while its language, culture, tradition are  respected and celebrated. We can form a Ministry in the government to ensure these languages, tradition, norms to be celebrated and promoted. It shouldn’t be used as tool for political power and fences of boundaries on the ground.

No one chose to be born of this and that ethnicities  in our country Ethiopia. The country belongs to all and its resources  belong to all. All should be treated fairly with equal opportunity for work, education, business and economic advantage. Unless this is guaranteed, it will be constant source of conflict among ourselves. We shouldn’t define  our life by the history of yesterday but the current reality and the future we will have. If an  ethnic group élites  claim “this land belongs to me 130 years ago”, other would claim “you have taken it from my ethnic group  400 years ago”. This will make us to live in the past instead of the present and our future.

Ethiopia as country needs decentralised power in form of federalism to ensure power nearer to the people. This facilitate growth and create better civil society with respected individual, group rights and responsibilities. Boundaries for each region should be made not based on ethnicity, language or tradition but rather based on promoting people to people interaction, prosperity, ease of administration and growth. The current arrangement of regional federal boundary has not been intended for such rather it has been divisive, discriminatory and created delusions of ownership by certain groups ignoring other Ethiopians. It has resulted in conflict and bloodshed. The Constitution of the land should rectify such ill.

Dr.Abiy Ahmed and the new leadership team should look for lasting peaceful and fair society for Ethiopian people that would promote peace, fairness, justice and equal opportunity. The recent hiccup and obstacles created by ethnic tribal’s, power mongers fuelled and financed  by hidden forces  ( those who lost the power and influence plus foreign adversaries) are hindrances in democratic process.

The young, seasoned new  leaders shouldn’t be destructed by such to lose the focus of forming Democratic Ethiopia. Although you have been patient to make peaceful reform or change, the destructive forces are working hard to derail you by inciting violence against different ethnic group. Such violence do creates an emotional feeling from the victim and  most Ethiopians to have  illusion about your ability to manage the basic rule of a government which is maintaining law and order. Your wisdom, patience and judgement is being tested. You would pass this obstacles if you regroup, focus on the bigger picture while handling the detractors in legal way without delay  and justice should be served in fair way.

The new leadership shouldn’t be blurred by the artificial ethnic political mushroom with passing wind music. The ethnic activists, their media, their  false propaganda  and anti people agitation  should be counter backed by  unity, fairness, justice, truth,  development, democratic rights and building of fundamental democratic infrastructure.

We need desperately to organise national reconciliation and rehabilitation process so that we will never be trapped by victim and perpetrator tormenting politics. We need to live in country where the victims forgive the perpetrator  with justice prevailed and free from animosity and mistrust. We need forgiveness and justice to close the past chapter of last 40 years  to define our future.

Opposition political parties of any colour should use this peaceful opportunity to be good cause and transform the country for lasting peace and stability with fairness. Those of you who believe as “this is the time to achieve   my final goal  of ethnic politics or short cut to power”  should think twice before you bring mayhem that will burn you and the poor people.

The new leadership should  stick  with your bold statement  and promises you made at the start which gathered and mobilised support from  millions of Ethiopians. Ethiopians deserve political system that treats them fairly with equal opportunity  and justice.

Once again, we need to support the new leadership in the direction of democratization of our country where we all  and our children deserve to live peacefully and happily.

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Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban

Leymah Gbowee, a Nobel Peace laureate said on Friday that the 2018 edition of World Peace Day had to be dedicated to Ethiopia and Eritrea.

She said in a tweet that the two countries deserved credit “for putting their political differences aside and daring to invite peace back into their midst.”

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrean president Isaias Afwerki met on July 9, 2018 in Asmara to sign a historic peace deal that ended decades of hostilities following a deadly border war.

Gbowee who was named a joint laureate in 2011 along with Yemeni activist, Tawakul Karman and former Liberian president Ellen Johnson Sirleaf also stressed the importance of the peace message being sold across parts of Africa where war is still raging.

Her full message read: “As we celebrate world peace day, it is my prayer that our world will continue to move one step closer to global peace. This day must be dedicated to Ethiopia and Eritrea, for putting their political differences aside and daring to invite peace back into their midst. #PeaceDay.”

The International Day of Peace, sometimes unofficially known as World Peace Day, is a United Nations-sanctioned holiday observed annually on 21 September.

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By Maya Margit | The Media Line
September 22, 2018

Avraham Neguise (Likud) welcomes Israeli PM’s decision to greenlight immigration of 1,000 Ethiopians, but he and other advocates argue decision does not go far enough

The Israeli government’s decision to approve the immigration of hundreds of Ethiopian Jews will not solve the plight of thousands remaining in camps in dire conditions in the African country, an Israeli parliamentarian has said.

Earlier this week, Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu announced that 1,000 members of the Falash Mura community living in Ethiopia would be brought to Israel. Avraham Neguise, a member of Israeli parliament in the ruling Likud party who was himself born in Ethiopia, called it a “burning issue” for Ethiopian Jews, who number over 144,000 in Israel as of the end of 2016.

“First of all, I welcome the prime minister’s decision, however it is not solving the problem because it is known that in [the cities of] Addis Ababa and Gondar 80 percent of [the community has] first-degree family members in Israel,” Neguise told The Media Line. “There are parents [living in Israel] who have sons and daughters in Ethiopia and they are not going to be reunited with their families following this decision. I wish the government would decide to bring all the rest of the community.”

In 2015, the cabinet greenlit measures to bring the remainder of Ethiopia’s Jews, some 9,000 people, however the law has yet to be fully implemented. The name Falash Mura refers to members of Ethiopian Jewry who were either forcibly converted to Christianity or did so under pressure from Christian missionaries in the 19^th and 20^th centuries.  The majority of the community currently resides in transit camps in the cities of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, and Gondar – where they waited for years, sometimes even decades, to be approved for immigration to Israel.

“This is a human issue, a Jewish issue, and Zionism is colorblind,” the lawmaker stressed. “Zionism [is not a question of] which community is cheaper to integrate and which is more expensive. Israel is the homeland of all Jewish people – poor or rich, educated or uneducated.”

Ethiopian Jews, historically referred to as Beta Israel (House of Israel), are believed to be descended from the ancient Israelites, possibly from the lost Tribe of Dan or from Jews who were dispersed from the Kingdom of Judah following the destruction of the First Temple in Jerusalem in 587 BCE. Since Israel’s establishment in 1948, roughly 95,000 Beta Israel have made Aliyah – the term used to denote Jewish immigration from the Diaspora to the Land of Israel. Most of the community immigrated in two waves assisted by the Israeli government in covert evacuations: Operation Moses in 1984 and Operation Solomon in 1991.

A Slow Trickle of Immigration

Neguise says he pushed Netanyahu to move forward with plans for Aliyah alongside fellow parliamentarian David Amsalem (Likud).

“I and the Knesset Member Amsalem have been talking to the prime minister about this issue,” the lawmaker said.

Rabbi Menachem Waldman, who has been the Falash Mura community’s spiritual leader for the past 27 years and who has written several books on Ethiopian Jewry, echoed Neguise’s sentiment that the current announcement would do little to end the issue of families being separated. Instead, he said, the slow trickle of Ethiopia’s remaining Jews into Israel will draw out the immigration process and make matters more painful for those involved.

“Many of the elders will die and many will be born,” Rabbi Waldman, who frequently travels back and forth between Israel and Ethiopia, explained to The Media Line, noting that the population would also increase over time as births exceed deaths. “In Addis Ababa, they’ve been waiting for Aliyah for 20 years and in Gondar anywhere from seven to 25 years.

“Their will to come to Israel — as well as their connection to Judaism — are very strong,” he continued. “If someone in the government thinks these delays will lead them to give up, they will not give up.”

Rabbi Waldman noted that while having the Falash Mura convert to Judaism en masse in Ethiopia before immigrating to Israel would indeed help to sidestep the current bureaucratic hurdles surrounding questions of their Jewishness, the conversion process cannot take place in the African nation because there is no local rabbinate. Because of this, members of the community have to complete their judaization process in Israel. Despite this, Waldman emphasized that the Falash Mura “are strongly Jewish.”

Others who have also worked tirelessly with remnants of Ethiopian Jewry over the years agreed with Neguise and Waldman that Netanyahu’s decision was “far too little, far too late.”

“Three years have elapsed since the government decided to bring all the 9,000 [Ethiopian] Jews to Israel,” Joseph Feit, a spokesman for the Struggle to Save Ethiopian Jewry (SSEJ) organization, told The Media Line. “The prime minister should have announced that all of them would be brought immediately. There’s no excuse for the delay.”

Feit, who has been an advocate for the Falash Mura for the past couple of decades, said he was somewhat skeptical the latest decision would be implemented in the near future.

“There have been agreements to bring the 1,000 almost a year ago and that wasn’t implemented,” he said.

The SSEJ mainly relies on donations and a team of volunteers to carry out its humanitarian mission in Ethiopia, which includes providing food distribution, medical services, community activities and classes on Judaism. Feit noted that the living conditions in the camps where most of the Falash Mura have gathered are dire and that a significant portion suffer from malnutrition.

“About half of the children 0-5 were clinically malnourished,” he said, pointing to a 2011 peer-reviewed study carried out by Prof. Arthur Eidelman, the former chief of pediatrics at Shaare Tsedek Hospital in Jerusalem, and Dr. Getahun Asres of the University in Gondar. “We’re only able to provide one meal per day to malnourished kids because we don’t have the money for it.”

Jewish Agency: A New Hope?

Advocates for the Falash Mura conveyed to The Media Line that despite the obstacles and the lack of faith in Netanyahu’s government to expediently implement immigration, they remained hopeful that the tide was turning for the better.

Many pointed to Isaac Herzog, the recently appointed chairman to the Jewish Agency for Israel (JAFI), as being an ally in the struggle to bring Ethiopian Jewry’s remnants to Israel. JAFI, a nonprofit organization, is best known for its role in facilitating the immigration and absorption of Jews from the diaspora into Israel.

Following Netanyahu’s announcement regarding the approval of 1,000 Falash Mura immigrants, Herzog called the move a “step in the right direction.”

“But it is necessary to commit to bringing the rest of those waiting in the camps in Gondar and Addis Ababa to Israel to enable them to realize the Zionist dream,” the former opposition leader said in a written statement. “The Jewish Agency will be ready to absorb them at any time, and to help them fulfill their dream of reuniting with their relatives living in the State of Israel.”

Yigal Palmor, Director of Public Affairs and Communications at the Jewish Agency, told The Media Line that it was awaiting further instruction from Interior Minister Aryeh Deri — who will be charged with implementing the measure. Palmor stressed their organization will rely on a list of criteria, to be determined by Deri, which will be used to determine which members of the Falash Mura will be accepted into Israel.

“We [will] check all those who correspond to the criteria and bring them to Israel, after which they will be housed at the Jewish Agency’s absorption centers where they will follow integration programs and a conversion process,” he said.

The issue of the Falash Mura’s immigration to Israel is complicated by their official status as Jews, according to the laws of the State of Israel, he said.

“All those [Ethiopians] who were recognized as Jews were already brought to Israel,” Palmor noted, stressing however that the ones who currently wish to immigrate have relatives in Israel and have begun to follow “organized Judaism.”

“But they are not eligible under the Law of Return,” he continued, referring to an Israeli law passed in 1950 that gives Jews the right to immigrate to Israel and be granted immediate citizenship. “The government made a decision a few years ago to bring them back under the Law of Entry, which is at the discretion of the minister of interior.”

The Law of Entry means that those in Ethiopia wishing to immigrate must be granted special permission to do so, and once they are approved, must undergo a conversion process at absorption centers in Israel managed by the Jewish Agency.

In 2002, former Sephardic Chief Rabbi Ovadia Yosef ruled that the Falash Mura had converted to Christianity under duress and were therefore Jews. Despite this, any Falash Mura who immigrates to Israel must undergo a formal conversion process.

“The Jewish Agency is responsible in bringing new immigrants only under [Israeli] government policy,” Palmor continued. “We are the implementation arm of the government as far as Aliyah is concerned.”

Neguise meanwhile contended that he would continue to push for the remaining community members to be brought to Israel.

“We will continue our struggle,” he stated. “We will continue our demand to bring the rest of the community and reunite them with their families.”

“This community are our brothers and sisters and they should be brought to Israel.”

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Ethiopia’s Oromo Peoples Democratic Organisation (OPDO) has rebranded itself as the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP).

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