By Professor  Minga Negash[1]

“The asymmetry of power between the ruler and the ruled which heightened culture and identity contrast cannot be used to explain the failure of governance and public policy.”    

  Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny 2006:P.105

Several studies document the intricate association between economic growth and the production of new knowledge in a country. The growth is often implicit or endogenous. Its spillover effects are complex; often difficult to quantify and measure its monetary and lifelong effects. Universities are channels of public investment in the process of new knowledge production and dissemination. Their shape and size on one hand and how they are managed on the other is critical. Complex and large organizations require their own “business model” that is founded on inducement and enabling environment rather than high pressure and tension. In environments where higher education is more of public good rather than a private good, contextualization of the institution of new knowledge production and dissemination is necessary.  In my own personal journey in academia that started in 1980 with the responsibility of coordinating the diploma programs of Asmara University in its Massawa campus, I had the privilege and opportunity of learning and teaching at a number of universities in six countries. As of late I have learned that managing the institutions that I worked for so long, and still work for is quiet difficult especially when countries undergo through change, shock and crisis.

When knowledge and power work together, students learn, professors profess, innovators thrive and universities become centers of excellence. Resource driven economies get transformed into knowledge driven economies. Unfortunately this is not happening in the African continent.  No university from Africa is on the top 100 list of university rankings, the productivity of the professoriate is tiny compared to global averages. Worse these important institutions have been centers of political unrest. No higher education system has been safe from change and shocks, but African higher education institutions are in more turbulent environment than their counter parts in other parts of the world. One feature that makes African universities unique is that many of the leaders of the post colony states trace their roots to the student movement, and yet knowledge and power have not been able to work together in contemporary Africa.

Very few African leaders had a sustained relationship with universities or were ready to listen to the voices of reason that came from academics and students. In many countries the leaders were hostile to the universities and either undermined the role or remodeled them to make the institutions centers of indoctrinations where the “vision” of the “great leader” is preached using public resources. Both anecdotal and empirical evidence shows that African universities have been facing both internally generated and nationally and externally imposed crisis. In short the post-colonial states gave the leaders of the 1960s & 70s campus unrests the opportunities to lead and democratize the new states.  Many of the then revolutionaries and freedom fighters become brutal dictators who were overthrown by their own military or public uprisings.

The commoditization of higher education and the corporatization of universities has been a global trend. With the capture of the multilateral global financial institutions by the disciples of neoliberal economics, African governments were advised not to invest in higher education as the rate of return is arguably much higher in elementary education. This fitted the dictatorship’s reasoning. Awakened from the scandals of the 1980s the last ten years have witnessed the expansion and upgrading of polytechnics into universities of science and technology throughout the continent. Many African governments did not learn from Nigeria’s massification of the 1970s. Buildings alone did not and do not make universities. Under paid and under qualified academics were told to teach large classes. Though the private universities have dubious level of qualities the rich and the politically connected sent their kids to these universities or abroad. Seeing the opportunities transnational universities and virtual universities opened shops and reaped the profits from exporting degrees. Degree and honor hungry politicians were the first to receive virtual and/or honorary degrees from both good and dubious American, Chinese and European universities. Donor funds often get recycled back to the country with no discernable evidence of local capacity building in the recipient country’s universities. The recipients of Honoris Causa and normal degrees while the leaders are/were still in power include the late Samuel Doe of Liberia and several current Prime Ministers and Presidents of Africa, thus bringing reputation problems to the degree granting universities.

Today I received two email circulations that relate to two unrelated higher education centers, hence the reason for writing this commentary. The University of the Witwatersrand is one of the four iconic South African institutions that ranks within the top 400 universities in the World and among the top 5 in the African league. The second is Ambo University, one of the new universities of Ethiopia. Both universities are dealing with campus unrest. South African students have been the bed rocks of the antiapartheid movement and recently have been successful in that the “Rhodes must fall” slogan that started at the University of Cape Town changed into national agenda of “Fees must fall”. It sent a shockwave and obliged the government to find temporary solution, but costed the job of the respected Minister of Finance and the depreciation of the country’s currency. The shock adds to the annual industrial unrest, crime and violence, xenophobia and the climate change has made some 14 million people vulnerable. The trouble is the student unrest is now elevated and probably will cost the job of President Zuma.

In the Ethiopian case, the slow motion resistance to the Addis Ababa Master plan has engulfed the nation into an even more crisis. Bad governance coupled with climate change has made 18.2 million people vulnerable to hunger. One dimension of the bad governance was the land dispossessions. Like the South African students the campus protest against the so called Addis Ababa Master Plan, has changed into major political question that challenges the recent election where the ruling regime attempted to legitimize its 24 years rule by claiming 100% of the seats of the national parliament. The real question has now changed to “TPLF/EPRDF must fall” and of course for the regime this is the call of the “ጋኔን”:- the “big devil” and the work of “terrorists”. The last two months have rocked universities located in the Oromo regions of Ethiopia. Hence, a study of student movements in the context of African universities in general and in Ethiopian universities in particular is important as campus unrests can be used as early warning barometers of the stability of nations.

Though novice, young people often raise legitimate economic, social and political questions. Students in African higher education systems are a microcosm of broader society and often serve as the early signals of greater societal concerns. Academics who take their public intellectual duties seriously often follow their students and voice societal concerns. Evidently they risk their lives and many never set their foot in the world of dictators as the two are mutually exclusive. Hence, broader societal questions cannot be answered by university managers as the source of the problem is not inside university campuses. University managers, irrespective of their political persuasions however cannot be clueless and remain unconcerned when matters get out of control and lives of young men and women is lost right under their eyes. Most of Africa’s university managers are government appointees and often make opportunistic choice. By comparison the process followed in South African universities is different and complex. It was an easy matter for Professor Max Price to let the statue of Ceil John Rhodes to be removed from the University of Cape Town’s campus but it is much harder for Professor Adam Habib of the University of the Witwatersrand to resolve the “access and funding” issue at the University. In response to his academic critics who blamed him for “militarizing” the campus, he wrote the following:-

” …Many have asked why private security was brought in and not public order policing? The answer is simple: public order police would have immediately required a court order to become operational on campus. More importantly, once they are invited onto campus, one is not allowed to limit their operations or influence their tactics and strategies. With private security, such limitations can be imposed… .Finally, the issues facing the entire university system are access and funding. These cannot be resolved immediately and independently by Wits as an institution….”

While Vice Chancellor Habib is concerned about bringing public order police to campus, the Horn of Africa universities are going through much deeper crisis and unrest, making the teaching-learning and research environment extremely difficult if not impossible.  Asmara University where I started my career in academia was reopened after about a decade long closure. On April 2 2015 gunman stormed the Garissa University, killing 148 people and injuring 79. The failed states of Somalia and South Sudan have the task of rebuilding from scratch. In Ethiopia the type of deadly weapon used in university campuses has been elevated to explosives. To quell campus unrest, the regime is not concerned about the uniqueness of centers of knowledge production. It is not clear whether the security forces need court order to come to campus or there is a known regulation about the type of force they are allowed to use in campus. With the regime’s bad track record and the uncertainty about the culprit makes the situation conducive for a prolonged instability in the region.

At present my sources indicate to me that the entire Oromia region and the university campuses are administered under a “command post” of the military and security organ of the federal government, which is inseparable from the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), the dominant core in the ruling ethnic coalition. Ironically, the rulers trace back their roots to the student movement of the 1970s at my alma mater, Addis Ababa University (former Haile Selassie University). Campus dormitories in Ambo, Adama, Dilla, Haromaya and Jimma universities are places of desperation and fear. The number of students killed continues to rise and Human Rights Watch estimate the death of some 140 people and a substantial portion of this number involves students. A teacher has been reportedly killed in front of his students. Neither the central government nor the regional government is able to tell the military to remove itself from centers of higher education and research.

Making matters worse, the President of the Oromo region has praised the military, and the Minister of Education who himself appears to be in need of higher education, has avoided even the government controlled media. The political appointees of the universities who manage the tense environment appear clueless, dumb and fearful.  Academia however is never dull. No president or Senate of the 30 or so universities has resigned or spoken out to the community of academics. The academic staff did not have even a one hour long national protest. It is trying time to be a President, a Dean, a Head of Department, an academic and worse a student inside many of Ethiopia’s universities.

In the United States today (January 18) is Martin Luther King Day. If Dr. King was alive, in all likelihood he would have been sympathetic to the causes of the protesting students. One lesson from the two unrests is that both South African and Ethiopian students are demanding change, and perhaps breeding the next generation of better African leaders. Deconstructing the causes of the campus unrests and their links with social concerns not only saves missed lecture days and lost lives, but provide early indicators of the locus of the failure of governance and public policy in African countries.

[1][1] The writer is a Professor of Accounting at the Metropolitan State University of Denver and the University of the Witwatersrand. He can be  reached at minga.negash@yahoo.com

“Nilikuonyesha nyota na uliangalia kidole tu.” “I pointed out the stars to you, and all you saw was the tip of my finger.”—Tanzanian proverb.

Africa is beset by multiple problems with security issues at the top of the list. Unable to provide the basic needs (which include freedom and justice) for their people, and not being able to exercise full control over their territory, many African countries are falling victims to transnational crimes and terrorism. Extremists have turned people against each other in such a brutal way that restoring harmony has become an impossible task in some countries. From the Gulf of Aden to the Atlantic coast across, from North Africa to the southern end of sub-Saharan Africa, large swaths of territory have become ungovernable. In 2015, 19 of the world’s 25 failed states were in Africa. ——Reead More—- 

ESAT Yesamintu Engeda Reyot Alemu January 18 2016 part

Jan 19, 2016

The European Parliament,

-having regard to its previous resolutions on the post-election crisis and serious human right violation in Ethiopia and in particular those of 7 July 2005 on the human rights situation in Ethiopia, 13 October 2005 on the situation in Ethiopia,

-having regard to the local EU statement on the situation in Ethiopia on 30 July 2014,

-having regard to the joint statement by the HR/VP of the EU and the Ethiopian Minister of Foreign Affairs on 20 October 2015 in Brussels,

-having regard to the statement by the EU External Action spokesperson on 23 December 2015 on recent clashes in the Oromo and Amhara regions in Ethiopia,

-having regard to the Human Rights Watch report on Ethiopia on January 2011,

-having regard to the Cotonou Agreement,

-having regard to the fact that Ethiopia is the fourth largest recipient of EU aid in the world and the EU its most significant trade partner,

-having regard to the African Charter on Human Rights and Peoples of 1981,

-having regard to the International Covenant on Civil Rights, 1966 policies,

-having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948,

-having regard to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Ethiopia, adopted in 1995, in particular its articles 46 and 47;

-having regard to Article 135 of the Rules,

A.Whereas in Ethiopia, which was one of the poorest countries in the world and is the Africa’s second most populous nation, the ruling party (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front –EPRDF-) dominated by the Amhara and Tigray ethnic clans has been in power since the overthrow of the military government in 1991; whereas some of the largest ethnic communi­ties, particularly the Oromo and Somali (Ogaden), have been marginalized by Abyssinians (Amhara/Tigray) with little participation in the political representation, and are subject to regular and violent human rights abuses;

B.whereas due to poor governance, the situation is particularly dire for many of the minorities in the country; whereas the region of Ogaden is targeted through a government embargo on trade and food aid, especially since 2007; whereas Ethiopia is prone to recurrent droughts and floods; whereas those who try to stand up for their constitutional rights are systematically targeted and exposed to torture, sexual violence, land grabbing, generating political and social conflicts, arising protesters and opposition groups;

C.whereas the government drawn up an anti-terrorism law adopted on 7 July 2009 and came into force on the next 28 August and was abusively used to target political opponents, stifle dissent, and silence journalists, the freedom of speech was heavily curtailed with strict criminal sanctions, including for the media;

D.whereas during a demonstration in Addis Ababa on 8 June 2015, security forces killed at least 36 citizens and in the aftermath arrested thousands of persons, mostly linked to the opposition, who were accused of spreading political unrest; whereas human rights violations denounced by the opposition intensified and about 16 journalists have been forced to exile and according the Committee to Protect Journalists, 57 media professionals have fled Ethiopia in the last five years and a number of independent publications have shut down due to official pressure;

E.whereas Ethiopia is one of the largest recipients of donors aid in Africa, receiving almost US$ 4billion in 2014; whereas Ethiopia enjoys strong support from foreign countries and bodies because of its role as host of the African Union and strategic regional player, its contribution to UN peace keeping, its progress on development indicators;

F.whereas the economic growth continued apace, along with significant foreign investments, including in the agriculture, construction and manufacturing sectors, large scale development projects such as hydroelectric dam building and plantations, and widespread land-leasing, often to foreign companies, many people, farmers as well as pastoralists were driven from their homes;

G.whereas the situation deteriorated in mid-April 2014, the government announced implementation of “Addis Ababa Integrated Regional Development Plan” (the “Master Plan” for short) which proposes to annex most of the city’s surrounding areas belonging to the National Regional State of Oromia, the largest Ethiopian region surrounding Addis Ababa;

H.whereas the “Master Plan” provoked an immediate reaction from university students joined by farmers and other residents across the state of Oromia, the demonstrations were strongly repressed by the government through its security forces (such as the Federal and State Police, the Army, and the Special Forces), firing live bullets on demonstrators, killing at least 140 protestors and wounding many others since 12 November 2015 according to HRW; whereas the government has admitted to killing dozens of protesters, and said 13 security forces also been killed and has promised to launch an investigation according to Al Jazeera;

1.calls on the Ethiopian Government to immediately stop harassing the opposition and all of its citizens and enforce the right to freedom of speech in the country in accordance with the Art; 29 of the Ethiopian Constitution;

2.welcomes the release of the bloggers and journalists who have been acquitted of their charges related to the anti-terror law in July last year, and calls on the Ethiopian authorities to take similar steps towards the rest of opposition leaders, journalists and bloggers;

3.condemns the use of force killing peaceful protesters and urges the Ethiopian government to bring the continuing exactions perpetrated against the Oromo community to an end, calls on Ethiopian authorities to conduct an impartial and independent investigation on the repression that took place against the protesters, ensure that the perpetrators are prosecuted and tried before the competent jurisdictions;

4.welcomes the announcement of the cancelation of the “Master Plan” after Oromo protests, takes note that the government has also said that plan was going to be implemented only once “a consensus had been reached after in-depth and full discussions” and asks for this to be confirmed; calls for immediate release the Oromo activists arbitrarily arrested in the protest against the plan as well as all other political prisoners;

5.calls on the Ethiopian government to lift the sanction on the Ogaden region and guarantee food supply to its people; and to ensure all minorities in the country can exercise their rights to social justice, equity and democracy;

6.encourages also the Ethiopian government to review its anti-terrorism law (Anti-terror proclamation n° 652/2009) to bring it into line with international human rights law and principles so that allows the Ethiopian citizen to express their political views through really free and secure democratic country; recalls that Ethiopia accepted a recommendation to “adopt measures which guarantee the non-occurrence of cases of torture and ill-treatment in places of detention” at its UN Universal Periodic Review in 2014;

7.Urge the government to immediately invite the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of association and peaceful assembly and other UN human rights experts to visit Ethiopia to report on the situation;

8.Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the Government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, the Institutions of the African Union and the IGAD (Intergovernmental Authority for Development), The Secretary General of the UN, the UN General Assembly, the Co-Chairs of the Parliamentary Assembly Joint ACP-EU-African Parliament.

ESAT Radio Tue 19 Jan 2016

Those who closely follow current events in Ethiopia, especially those who honestly wonder, like me, why other ethnic groups, especially the Amhara who are the number one target and victim of the TPLF since it seized power in 1992, are not joining the Oromo uprisings, cannot but feel that a crucial ingredient of the whole situation is eluding their grasp. How otherwise could one explain the hesitation of other ethnic groups when it is but obvious that (1) the TPLF would lose control of the situation if the protest spreads and takes a national dimension; (2) without a national expansion of the protests, the TPLF will end up by violently crushing the Oromo rebellion, the outcome of which will lead to a tightening of control and repression? In other words, it is of no interest to any ethic group that the Oromo uprising be defeated. Why, then, are other ethnic groups going against their own interest by their reluctance to join the ongoing Oromo protests?

Only one answer seems to make sense, namely, that other ethnic groups see some kind of threat in the Oromo uprisings. By threat I mean that other ethnic groups fear the possibility of a generalized unrest leading to ethnic conflicts, which can easily turn into civil war. The fear is legitimate: anyone who underestimates the possibility of ethnic conflicts in Ethiopia subsequent to a weakening of the central power is either an enemy of Ethiopia or a fool. But the tragedy of the situation is that, even if one is perfectly aware of the danger of ethnic conflicts, one cannot also miss the fact that Ethiopia does not have much choice
Indeed, the continuation of the TPLF’s rule does not decrease the danger. On the contrary, it makes conflicts inevitable: as people lose all faith in the possibility of change in Ethiopia, they perforce begin to think exclusively in terms of ethnic solidarity, if not of secession. The TPLF’s constant political and economic hegemony and its ingrained policy of undermining Ethiopian legacy can only cement the drift toward ethnic fragmentation and animosity. The best and only policy to counter the trend of fragmentation is democratic change: only the sharing of economic and political power through real decentralization and self-rule can create a common interest and turn secessionist tendency into an irrational and self-damaging option, obvious as it is that prosperity and democracy are better achieved with larger entities that harbor diversity in addition to offering more material and human resources.
The current events and the absence of any other choice than democratic change make one thing perfectly clear, namely, that the most important issue is no longer how to get rid of the TPLF, but how to forge the unity of opposition forces. The overthrow of the TPLF has become a secondary issue in that it is still an issue because divisions of opposition forces persist, and not because of the strength of the TPLF. Let there be no misunderstanding: I am not saying that removing the TPLF no longer requires sustained and bloody confrontations with many ups and downs and huge sacrifices. According to me, those who think that the TPLF is on its last legs are mistaken. Instead, what I maintain is that the primary condition of a successful fight against the TPLF is unity. What the current situation demonstrates is that the TPLF prevail because it does not encounter a national opposition. It draws its main strength from the fragmentation of opposition forces, which therefore should become the primary concern.
I know that since the TPLF seized power, most of us have been preaching unity as the sine qua non for defeating it. Nothing is therefore new in what I am saying. Yet, it is one thing to advocate unity, quite another to see with our own eyes how disunity makes us all powerless and victims. The daily sight of the repressive machine of the regime charging on peaceful Oromo protesters shows that unity is no longer a political choice; it has become a necessity. That for which we are fighting, to wit, the recognition of ethnic identity and self-rule, has turned into the very reason of our submission to the hegemonic power of the TPLF. This inversion of our legitimate aspiration into self-imprisonment requires that we transit to unity as a necessary step to realize our aspiration. For unity has indeed become the condition by which we get rid of hegemonic rule, the very rule that antagonizes our aspiration toward self-rule. From unity to regionalism and back again to unity that integrates regionalism: such seems to be the ideal path awaiting Ethiopia.

This much is then absolutely true: unless we remove the TPLF and replace it by a democratic system, which, in turn, requires unity, whatever we want is unachievable. National unity has changed into the very condition that we need to implement our goals, be they national or ethnic. Since both self-rule and national integration are impossible under a dictatorial rule, unity emerges as the condition by which alone we can remove that rule. As the above image shows, unless the one hand grabs the other, both individuals will fall. So that, the only thing that matters now is what we need to do for the peoples of Ethiopia to grab each other’s hands, and the rest will follow.

Prof. Mesay Kebede 

Timket (Epiphany) in Gondar – Ethiopia 2016

Hailemariam Desalegn lied. He graduated from Addis Ababa University with a B.Sc. in 1988. In his bio on the World Economic Forum, he stated he was a professor from 1989-2000.

Position: Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Office of the Prime Minister of Ethiopia

1988, BSc (Hons) in Civil Engineering, Addis Ababa University; 1992, MSc (Hons) in Civil Engineering, Tampere University of Technology; 2006, MA in Organizational Leadership, Azusa Pacific University. With Arbaminch Water Technology Institute, Arbaminch University: 1989-2000, Professor; 1992-93, Registrar; 1993-94, Vice-Dean; 1994-2000, Dean. 1995-2008, Member, House of Federation and Member, Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Regional State (SNNPR) House of Representatives Council; 2000-01, Vice-President; 2001-06, President. 2006-08, Minister and Special Adviser to the Prime Minister on Social Affairs, Civic Organizations and Partnership. 2008-10, Government Chief Whip Minister, House of Peoples Representatives of Ethiopia. Since 2008, Member of the House of Peoples Representatives. 2010, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia. Chairman, Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM); Deputy Chairman and Member, Executive Committee, Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front. Member of the board of numerous organizations. Member: Ethiopian Civil Engineers Association; Rotary Club.

Read More on –http://www.weforum.org/events/world-economic-forum-annual-meeting-2016/sessions/africa-s-next-challenge

Aklog Birara, PhD

Part One

“What counts in life is not the mere fact that we have lived. It is what difference we have made to the lives of others that will determine the significance of the life we lead.” Nelson Mandela

There is no single country in the world that was not poor and technologically backward. Equally, I know of no single country worthy its name that does not strive to overcome policy and structural obstacles to free itself from debilitating poverty, hunger and technological backwardness. Twenty five years ago, Vietnam was one of the poorest countries in the world. Today, it is one of the fastest growing economies. Its rural sector is among the most dynamic in the world. Incidentally, it is led by a nationalist communist party that places the country and its people above anything else. –—-Read More —–

Mahlet Fasil

The 751 Members of the European Parliament, the only directly-elected body of the European Union (EU), are to debate and vote on a powerful motion presented to them on the current situation in Ethiopia. The motion includes detailed descriptions about the Oromo protests that have rocked the nation from all corners, the country’s frequent use of the infamous Anti-Terrorism Proclamation to stifle “even mild criticism”, and the pervasive displacement and abuse of millions of Ethiopians in the name of development.
The debate and vote by the European Parliament is scheduled to take place during a first reading at a plenary session on January 21, tomorrow.
Authored by more than 60 individual members of the European Parliament together with the Socialists and Democrats, S&D Group, the centre-left political group in the Parliament which has 191 members from all 28 EU countries, the motion detailed a disturbing prevalence of human right abuses in Ethiopia perpetrated by the government.
Biggest crisis
The motion describes the recent Oromo protests as “the biggest crisis to hit Ethiopia since the 2005 election violence” and said “security forces used excessive lethal force and killed at least 140 protesters and injured many more.” It also accuses authorities in Ethiopia of arbitrarily arresting “a number of peaceful protesters, journalists and opposition party leaders in the context of a brutal crackdown on the protests in the Oromiya Region,” and “those arrested are at risk of torture and other ill-treatment.”
The motion specifically mentions the arrest on December 23 of Bekele Gerba, deputy chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) Oromiya’s largest legally registered political party. It noted that Bekele was taken to a prison known for torture and other ill-treatment practices and “shortly after he was reportedly hospitalized”. It mentioned that the whereabouts of Bekele Gerba, were “now unknown, raising concerns of an enforced disappearance.” “The government [has] labeled largely peaceful protesters as ‘terrorists’ deploying military forces against them.”
The motion connects the current Oromo protests with “the bloody events of April and may 2014, when federal forces fired into groups of largely peaceful Oromo protesters, killing dozens; at least hundreds more students were arrested, and many remain behind bars.”

In an email interview with Addis Standard, a diplomat who is working at an EU member state embassy here in Addis Abeba, said the motion was “the strongest, detailed and straight forward motion that describes the current situation in Ethiopia.” The diplomat, who wishes to remain anonymous because he is not authorized to speak, further said that reports from various embassies on the ground have helped inform member states about the “fragility” of the situation in Ethiopia.

Asked to comment on whether the Parliament is likely to pass the motion or reject it, the diplomat said, without specifics, that “the current situation in Ethiopia calls for a careful reading of events on the ground and this motion, more likely than less, is Ethiopia as we know it today.”
The motion blames Ethiopia’s government of accusing people who express “even mild criticism of government policy of association with terrorism,” and mentions the dozens of journalists, bloggers, protesters, students and activists who have been prosecuted under the country’s draconian 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. “Numerous prisoners of conscience, imprisoned in previous years based solely on their peaceful exercise of their freedom of expression and opinion, including journalists and opposition political party members, remained in detention.”
The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) won all 547 parliamentary seats in the May 2015 elections, the motion says, “due in part to the lack of space for critical or dissenting voices in the election process; May’s federal elections took place in a general atmosphere of intimidation, and concerns over the lack of independence of the National Electoral Board.”
However, the motion says, Ethiopia enjoys political support from western donors and most of its regional neighbors, “mostly due to its role as host of the African Union (AU) and its contribution to UN peacekeeping, security and aid partnerships with Western countries.” Ethiopia receives more aid than any other African country – close to $3bn per year, or about half the national government budget. But “the current political situation in Ethiopia and the brutal repression of dissent put a serious risk to the security, development and stability in the country.”

Call for action
In light with the detailed human rights violations by the government, the motion included a fifteen point recommendations including a call on the EU to “effectively monitor programs and policies to ensure that EU development assistance is not contributing to human rights violations in Ethiopia, particularly programs linked to displacement of farmers and pastoralists, and develop strategies to minimize any negative impact of displacement within EU funded development projects.”
The motion also condemns the recent use of excessive force by the security forces in Oromiya and “in all Ethiopian regions, the increased cases of human rights violations and abuses, including violations of people’s physical integrity, arbitrary arrests and illegal detentions, the use of torture, and violations of the freedom of the press and of expression, as well as the prevalence of impunity.”
If voted favorably the motion calls for the immediate release of all those jailed for exercising their rights to peaceful assembly and freedom of expression, including students, farmers, opposition politicians, academics, bloggers and journalists. It also calls on the government in Ethiopia to carry out a credible, transparent and impartial investigation into the killings of protesters and other alleged human rights violations in connection with the protest movement and to fairly prosecute those responsible, regardless of rank or position. It also urges the government to “immediately invite the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of association and peaceful assembly and other UN human rights experts to visit Ethiopia to report on the situation.”

But whether Ethiopia could heed the calls and recommendations remains to be seen.
Members of the European Parliament are elected once every five years by voters right across the 28 Member States of the European Union on behalf of Europe 500 million citizens.

Source – Addis Standard

On January 19th an Ethiopian federal high court 14th criminal bench sentenced 16 Ethiopian Muslims to seven years each. Prosecutors allege that all the 16 defendants were involved in terrorist activities in the capital Addis Abeba and Wolqite, some 171 km west of the of Addis Abeba. Defendants include 1st defendant Elias Kedir, 2nd and 3rd defendants Tifiq Mohammed and Fayisel Argaw respectively.

The current sentencing of the 16 Muslims followed another sentencing in August last year of eighteen Ethiopian Muslims including four members of the Ethiopian Muslim arbitration committee and a journalist to a lengthy jail term between seven and 22 years. The eighteen Muslims were charged on counts that include attempted terrorism, conspiracy to establish an Islamic state, and public incitement.

Muslims in Ethiopia were protesting since 2011 against what many of them say were uncalled for interference by the government in the affairs of their religion. Ethiopian Muslims in many cities and towns have staged Friday sit-in-protests for nearly two years demanding restoration of the Awoliya College and Secondary School administration sacked by the government in Dec. 2011; a free and fair election without the interference of the government to replace members of the Islamic Supreme Council (Mejlis), again sacked by the government in 2011; and an end to the government’s attempt to publish and distribute books which carry new Islamic teaching called Al-Habesh. The government denies all accusations but claims Awoliya College and Secondary School, a highly regarded Islamic school based in Addis Abeba, has become a breeding ground for radicalism and Wahabism.
The peaceful protests came to a disturbing twist on Monday Oct. 29th 2012 when a federal court in Addis Abeba decided to charge 29 Muslim protesters who were arrested in July of the same year with “plotting acts of terrorism” under the country’s infamous anti-terror proclamation.
Many the 18 sentenced in August 2014 were members of the Ethiopian Muslim arbitration committee who volunteered to negotiate with the government in order to seek solutions to narrow the widening gap between Muslims and the government.
According to prosecutors, the 16 defendants who were sentenced today were acting to replace the previously detained members of the arbitration committee that include prominent Muslim scholar Abubakar Ahmed. The prosecutors also allege that the first defendant, Elias Kedir, has organized a terrorist cell called “Cell one B’ and was responsible for inciting violence inside mosques during Friday prayers.

All defendants say prosecutors’ claims were baseless and maintain their innocence. They have also complained of lack of access to their lawyers and visits from family members during their detention.
The Muslim protests that began in Dec. 2011, the subsequent arrest and trial of senior members of the Muslim and community, activists triggered one of the most disciplined and sustained Friday sit-in protests by hundreds of thousands of Muslim protestors here in Addis Abeba and other major towns throughout the country and an online activism ontwitter and facebook by an underground group called ‘Dimtsachin Yisema’ (let our voices be heard).
The trials previously of the 18 members of the arbitration committee has attracted several criticisms from various rights organizations including the African union Human Rights commission, which called for a through and independent investigation on the matter.

Source-  Addis Standard

Photo caption: Muslim protestors in solidarity with the accused carrying a placard that reads: “standing up for justice is not radicalism”

Photo credit: Social media

In a matter of weeks the progressive forces have achieved a lot in the pursuit of freedom in Ethiopia. So many individuals, Political Organization, Civic associations, religious leaders worked so hard and for so long to teach, raise conciseness and ultimately empower our people to demand freedom and democracy and to say no to tyranny. The little victories achieved came due to the works of all patriotic Ethiopians that have managed to give life, family, time, money and expertise to this noble fight.

All Ethiopians should feel proud of the accomplishments our people have managed to snatch out of Woyanes jaw. The protest by our Oromo family is a welcome addition to our arsenal of weapons against the mafia regime. We should all be proud of what is being achieved by the young educated Ethiopians in the Oromia Region and their fellow citizens that stood with them. Our young people engaged the ruthless regime gallantly and forced the TPLF to buckle down and announce the halting of the ‘land grab project’ for a time being some claim. One small achievement was paid by the life of our children.
It is only a few months back when Patriotic Ginbot7 Chairman was invited to speak in a EU organized hearing. Some Woyane financed and controlled fake media like EBC, Awramba Times, Horn Affairs and a collection of bloggers were out in force sneering and belittling the whole effort. The EU today passed a very over reaching resolution calling on the mafia regime to respect Human Rights and answer to the murder of our young students and their family. This is one small victory we have achieved today.

It is not long ago when Woyane was striking at each one of us separately and scoring victories and warning the others not to try anything. The ‘master Plan’ of naked land grab right under our nose changed the equation. We all felt the cry of our Oromo family and did not just sit back and watch like we have done before. That is what is different today. This time around we all felt the pain.  We stood together as Ethiopians. I call this a big victory against the Kilil mentality the TPLF regime has cultivated for a long time. We have smashed another fake wall Woyane built to keep us apart. I put this as another victory against ethnic based philosophy.

The regime is trying to calm its supporters by pretending the “Oromo Uprising” has been squashed. The current theme by all their media is to show all is back to normal and EPDRF is healthy. There is never mention of TPLF the ringmaster. They are using every media to deny the tense and volatile situation in the country. Face book reaches such a minuscule number and even that they have an army of bloggers, paid cadres dedicated to inundating social media with posts and comments. ESAT and OMN are taking the truth to peoples homes. TPLF is spending millions trying to block ESAT and OMN and our smart Media Heads have checkmated Woyane and won. The Mafia regime today is using good old violence to tackle the problem. The TPLF regime is sending troops to remove dishes from roofs.

The Oromo demand for true freedom and equality is continuing unabated in all parts of the country. Road closings are making an impact. The Universities are closed and plenty of the young people have been taken away emptying towns and villages. Commerce is suffering. The people are also sharpening their methods of confronting the TPLF mafia including viewing TPLF/EFFORT owned and run businesses as fair targets. Selam Bus is fast coming in the crosshairs of our militants as recently seen in Nekempt. I record this as a qualitative increment of people power.

Targeting the regimes economic interest is not something new. All liberation movements practiced such actions and are considered a matter of self-defense. What is becoming obvious in Ethiopia is that the struggle is entering a new phase. The South Africans invented what was called ‘Necklacing’ where Apartheid agents when caught had tire forced down their shoulder filled with petrol and set on fire. They called it people’s justice.

Where are we at now? Is it true the question has been laid to rest and all is well in Woyane land? Is the attempt by the mafia regime to pretend the issue is behind us a correct interpretation of reality? Not so fast Dear Woyane is what the progressive forces are saying. The situation as reported both by ESAT and OMN paint a different picture. Oromia is under Military rule and the people have not stopped demanding justice. How could they go back quietly after their children have been killed, their learning institutions being destroyed and their loved ones taken to prison without being charged?

We got news for you Abay Tsehaye and the little gang around him – we are not done yet. In fact we have not even began to fight. We have a few questions we want answered.

• Who ordered armed troops into our towns and villages?
• Who gave the order to shoot to kill?
• By what authority does Abay Tsehaye give order to OPDO officials?
• When is an independent commission going to be established to answer people’s questions and hold individuals that killed our children accountable?
• Demand that the regime cooperate with the European Union without conditions.

It is time Ethiopian families stop losing their loved ones to violence by the regime. It is time that self-serving and mentally deranged individuals like Abay Tsehaye that are answerable to no one are removed from the position of power and authority. The Ethiopian people are not going back to the good old ways of turning our head and pretending not to notice. This uprising knocked down the invisible wall. Things are a lot clearer today than yesterday.

I look at the bright side of our situation. Yes we still have plenty of problems but I would rather celebrate the victories and build on that. The quest for liberation is a long struggle. Today we are on the offensive. The trick is to stay on message and push forward. The enemy is weak with hard work we are able to break one of the chains that were holding us back. The enemy is concerned. The enemy is weakened but still standing. On the other hand our power has been enhanced considerably. We have become versatile. We are able to engage the enemy on many fronts.

There are still a few weak links in our collective struggle. One is the ever-present Kilil mentality that some are finding hard to escape from. It is empowering to see the letter to the Mafia regime signed by notable children of Tigrai. It is in the tradition of our forefathers to speak out when national interest is on the table. They fulfilled the promise. They told Woyane “Not in my Name!” It is another wall being broken. It would be good to see if more join the demand for national Salvation and usher a new day into our ancient land. Procrastinations and splitting hair syndrome only helps the mafia regime.

No matter we are addicted to little victories and we are going to milk that no matter what. It is a winning strategy and we ride this wave all the way. Liberation play requires audience participation. What is needed here is active actors to ensure quality product made with cutting edge formula. If you agree on the virtues of ‘little victories’ it is fair to assume you all are going to help with the Boycott of Woyane and its affiliates even when no one is looking. Admit it you ‘Love’ Ethiopia, then show it. Stay the course, we are breaking Woyane’s back.

European Parliament resolution on Ethiopia

Published in Foreign Policy in Focus

By Felix Horne / Researcher, Horn of Africa

“Badessa” was a third-year engineering student in western Ethiopia in April 2014 when he and most of his classmates joined a protest over the potential displacement of ethnic Oromo farmers like his family because of the government’s plan to expand the capital, Addis Ababa, into the farmland.

The night of the first protests he was arrested and taken to an unmarked detention center. Each night he heard his fellow students screaming in agony as one by one they were tortured by interrogators. “I still hear the screams,” he told me later. Eventually his turn came to be interrogated. “What kind of country is it when I voice concern that my family could lose their farm for a government project and I am arrested, tortured, and now living as a refugee?”

Since mid-November, large-scale protests have again swept through Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region, and the response from security forces has again been brutal. They have killed countless students and farmers, and arrested opposition politicians and countless others. On January 12, the government announced it was cancelling the master plan, but that hasn’t stopped the protests and the resultant crackdown.

Although the protest was initially about the potential for displacement, it has become about so much more. Despite being the biggest ethnic group in Ethiopia, Oromos have often felt marginalized by successive governments and feel unable to voice concerns over government policy. Oromos who express dissent are often arrested and tortured or otherwise mistreated in detention, accused of belonging to the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a group that has long been mostly inactive and that the government designated a terrorist organization.

The government is doing all it can to make sure that the news of these protests doesn’t circulate within the country or reach the rest of the world. Ethiopia’s allies, including governments in the region and the African Union, have largely stood by as Ethiopia has steadily strangled the ability of ordinary Ethiopians to access information and peacefully express their views, whether in print or in public demonstrations. But they should be worried about what is happening in Oromia right now, as Ethiopia — Africa’s second most-populous country and a key security ally of the US — grapples with this escalating crisis.

This may prove to be the biggest political event to hit Ethiopia since the controversial 2005 elections resulted in a crackdown on protesters in which security forces killed almost 200 people and arrested tens of thousands .

Although the government focuses its efforts on economic development and on promoting a narrative of economic success, for many farmers in Oromia and elsewhere economic development comes at a devastating cost. As one Oromo student told me “All we hear about is development. The new foreign-owned farms and roads is what the world knows, but that just benefits the government. For us [Oromos] it means we lose our land and then we can’t sustain ourselves anymore.”

It has become almost impossible for journalists and human rights monitors to get information about what is happening, especially in smaller towns and rural areas outside Addis Ababa.

Ethiopia is one of the most restrictive environments for independent investigation, reporting, and access to information, earning the country a top-10 spot in the global ranking of jailers of journalists. For the past decade, the government has limited access to information by regularly threatening, imprisoning, and prosecuting individual activists, bloggers, and journalists and sending a clear public message that the media must self-censor and that dissent or criticism of government policy will not be tolerated.

Independent media have dwindled—more than 70 journalists have fled the country since 2010 and five of the last independent publications closed down before the May elections. Meanwhile the state-run media parrot the government line, in this case claiming that the Oromo protesters are linked to “terrorist groups” and “anti-peace elements” who are “aiming to create havoc and chaos.”

Very few international journalists are based in Ethiopia. Those who have attempted to cover events on the ground since the protests began have braved threats and arrest, but these are a few lone voices.

Given restrictions on local and international media, you might think that ordinary citizens, local activists, and nongovernmental organizations would fill the gaps and document the events in Oromia. But Ethiopia’s human rights activists and independent groups have been crushed by draconian legislation and threats, and even ordinary people are often terrified to speak out. People who dare to speak to international media outlets or independent groups have been arrested. The government taps phone lines and uses European-made spyware to target journalists and opposition members outside the country.

Since the protests began, the restrictions have become even harsher. Authorities have arrested people, including health workers, for posting photos and videos or messages of support on social media. The state-run telecom network has also been cut in some areas, making it much more difficult to get information out from hotspots.

Radio and satellite television outlets based outside Ethiopia, including some diaspora stations, play a key role disseminating information about the protests within Oromia, as they also did in 2014 during the last round of protests. Last year numerous people were arrested in Oromia during the protests merely for watching the diaspora-run Oromia Media Network (OMN).

The government has frequently jammed foreign stations in the past, violating international regulations in the process. When the government is unable to jam it puts pressure on the satellite companies themselves. Throughout the protests government agents have reportedly been destroying satellite dishes.

Yet despite the clear efforts to muzzle voices, information is coming out. Some protesters are losing their fear of expressing dissent and are speaking openly about the challenges they are facing. Social media plays a key role in disseminating information as people share photos and videos of rallies, of bloodied protesters, and of expressions of peaceful resistance in the face of security forces using excessive force.

In the coming days and weeks Ethiopia’s friends and partners should condemn the use of excessive force by security forces that is causing tragic and unnecessary deaths. But they should also be clear that Ethiopia needs to ensure access to information and stop disrupting telecommunications and targeting social media users. The world needs to know what is happening in Oromia—and Ethiopians have a right to know what is happening in their country.

Sudan Tribune

(ADDIS ABABA) – An Ethiopian official said Wednesday that the Grand Renaissance Dam (GERD) which the horn of Africa’s nation is constructing along the Nile River is due to begin generating power very soon.

The planned Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam project (AP)

A government official at the Ethiopia Electric and Power Corporation (EEPCo), who spoke anonymously because he is not authorized to brief the media, said the mega project is set to start generating 750 megawatts of electricity.

According to the official, the initial electricity generation will start soon the two turbines which recently arrived at the dam site and will get installed in the coming weeks. Ethiopia has ordered a total of 16 turbines from companies oversees which will enable the massive power plant project to generate 6,000 megawatts of electricity upon completion.

Concerns are expected to rise from the Egyptian side when the Nile dam begins generating power.

While Sudan is seen as a beneficiary from the new dam which is at 20km from the border, Egypt fears that water in the dam’s large reservoir will be used for irrigation, diminishing downstream supply. But, Ethiopia insists that the main purpose of this project is to produce power and water will continue to reach Egypt like before.

Speaking to Sudan Tribune, Girma Fikru, a water resources engineer in Addis Ababa said Ethiopia’s plan to start generating electricity from the power plant while tripartite negotiations are yet in progress might not be a smarter move.

“Ethiopia’s move to start generating power in the middle of the ongoing tripartite meetings on GERD could risk collapse of the negotiations and might trigger a renewed dispute over the Nile water resources,” said Fikru.

He said Ethiopia should first finalize a trust building activities with lower riparian countries most importantly with Egypt before starting the dam to generate power.

The Ethiopian official however added Addis Ababa will be engaged in consultations with lower riparian countries (Egypt and Sudan) to decide on the amount of water the Dam reservoir should be holding before it launches its first phase power generation.

The $4.2 billion huge project being constructed by the government and people of Ethiopia has so far consumed about $2.2 billion.

Debretsion Gebremichael, Deputy Prime Minister for Finance and Economic Cluster and Minister of Communication and Information Technology said the government has no financial constraints and construction of the dam will be completed as per schedule.

Some 4 million cubic meter concrete has so far been poured to the 1,780m long and 145m high dam.

During their tripartite meeting last month, Ethiopia Sudan and Egypt agreed in Khartoum to speed up the impact assessment study of the controversial dam project which lower riparian countries particularly Egypt fears would ultimately curtail its historical water share.

During the meeting, Cairo had asked for an increase to bottom water outlets at the dam from two to four to prevent significant reduce on water flow to its territory. Ethiopia however refused Cairo’s request arguing that enough impact studies had already been made and no redesigning was necessary.

The three parties have selected two foreign consultancy firms, the French Artelia and BRL groups to undertake impact studies on the Dam particularly if there are risks that could bring significant harm on Sudan and Egypt.

The construction of what would be Africa’s largest and amongst the world’s top ten leading power plants has been a source of dispute with Egypt which over 80 % of people depend on for water supply.

Egypt has been taking the project as a threat to its national water security and has previously considered other options including military action to halt the dam project.

However Egypt seems to have changed its position lately following relentless efforts to build mutual trust with the North African country regarding the grand dam project.

Egypt’s irrigation minister, Hossam Moghazi, on Wednesday said that although Cairo is concerned about the Ethiopia’s giant dam project, the country however doesn’t view it as a “threat”.

Moghazi confirmed that Egypt is not against the development of the Nile Basin countries in deviating from 1929 and 1959 treaties which had granted the North African nation the right to veto any projects upstream.

Ethiopia said the project which is being constructed some 25km away from the Sudanese border is never intended to harm Egyptians but is necessary for development and should be taken as a symbol of cooperation among Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia.

Ethiopian officials stress that the main goal of the dam is “combating poverty and realizing development and prosperity”

The construction of the ambitious hydroelectric power project on the African continent has reached at nearly halfway mark and is slated for completion in 2017.

(ST)

UNOHCHR

A group of United Nations human rights experts yesterday called on the Ethiopian authorities to end the ongoing crackdown on peaceful protests by the country’s security forces, who have reportedly killed more than 140 demonstrators and arrested scores more in the past nine weeks.

A press statement released by the UN Human Right office of the high commission quoted the independent experts as saying, “The sheer number of people killed and arrested suggests that the Government [in] Ethiopia views the citizens as a hindrance, rather than a partner.” The statement also said the experts have expressed “deep concern about allegations of enforced disappearances of several protesters.”

The current wave of protests began in mid-November, in opposition to the Government’s ‘Addis Abeba Integrated Development Master Plan’ to expand the capital’s municipal boundary. The ‘Master Plan’ could reportedly lead to mass evictions and the seizure of agricultural land in the Oromiya region, as well as extensive deforestation.

The UN experts welcomed the Government’s announcement on 12 January 2016 [to suspend] the implementation of the ‘Master Plan’, but were concerned about continuous reports of killings, mass arrests, excessive use of force and other abuses by security forces.

“The Government’s decision is a positive development, but it cannot be seen as a sincere commitment until the security forces stop their crackdown on peaceful protests,” they said. “The role of security forces should be to protect demonstrators and to facilitate peaceful assemblies, not suppress them.”

“We call on the Government to immediately release protesters who seem to have been arrested for exercising their rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and expression, to reveal the whereabouts of those reportedly disappeared and to carry out an independent, transparent investigation into the security forces’ response to the protests,” the experts said.

“Accountability does not erase past abuses, but it is an important step towards rebuilding trust between people and their government,” they stressed. “Impunity, on the other hand, only perpetuates distrust, violence and more oppression.”

The UN independent experts also expressed grave concern over the Ethiopian Government’s application of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation 652/2009 to arrest and prosecute protesters, labelling them as ‘terrorists’ without substantiated evidence. This law authorizes the use of unrestrained force against suspects and pre-trial detention of up to four months.

“Ethiopia’s use of terrorism laws to criminalize peaceful dissent is a disturbing trend, not limited to the current wave of protests,” they experts noted. “The wanton labeling of peaceful activists as terrorists is not only a violation of international human rights law it also contributes to an erosion of confidence in Ethiopia’s ability to fight real terrorism. This ultimately makes our world a more dangerous place.”

“There are bound to be policy disagreements in any society,” the human rights experts said, “but every Government has the responsibility to give space for people to peacefully express their views and to take these views into account.”

The experts include Mr. Maina Kiai, Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, Mr. David Kaye, Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Mr. Michel Forst, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, Mr. Christof Heyns, Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, and the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances.

The Special Rapporteurs and Working Groups are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity.

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Social media campaign raises funds for family of teacher who died after protecting Christian bus passengers in Mandera.

Teo Kermeliotis | 23 Jan 2016

aljazeera

A social media campaign to raise funds for the family of a Muslim teacher who died protecting Christians during an attack in Kenya is gaining traction, with people hailing him as a “genuine hero” and a symbol of the country.

Salah Farah was shot after refusing to be separated from Christian passengers during an al-Shabab attack on a bus travelling from Mandera to Nairobi last month.

He succumbed to his wounds on Sunday, leaving behind four young children aged between two and 10, and a pregnant wife who is expected to give birth as soon as next week.

After his death, an online campaign was started to raise funds for the teacher’s family.

“Salah is a hero,” Abdullahi Derow, the 26-year-old activist who started the#HeroSalah Twitter campaign, told Al Jazeera.

“He was the only male child in his family, his father is now very old and his kids are very small,” Nairobi-based Derow, who is also from Mandera, said.Image gallery thumbnail