The omens on the Ethiopian side are promising.

frica is – tragically – no stranger to conflict. But the war that erupted between Ethiopia and Eritrea on 6 May 1998 was unlike any the continent had seen since the Second World War. This was no slaughter between troops and rebels mainly armed with Kalashnikovs and machetes. This was a full-blown conflict using everything from heavy artillery and trench warfare to ariel combat involving modern aircraft. No-one knows the numbers dead and wounded, but estimate as many as 100,000 were killed. Some put the figures even higher.

The outcome of the war hangs like a dark cloud over the whole region. The Algiers Peace Agreement, signed on 18 June 2000 was meant to end the conflict. It was a Rolls Royce of an agreement, brokered by the international community. Prisoners were exchanged, compensation paid for losses on both sides and a UN peacekeeping force was despatched to patrol the border.

Both sides were required to abide by the findings of a Boundary Commission which would define where the border lay. This was duly completed, only for Ethiopia to insist that further discussions be held. This Eritrea refused – as it had every right to do. Instead of peace, relations between the two countries have been frozen for the past 20 years. The border is sealed and tens of thousands of troops face each other over the barren frontier.

The result? Eritrea hosts Ethiopian rebel movements, who attempt from time to time to overthrow the government in Addis Ababa. Ethiopia does much the same, in reverse. But the Eritrean government went further, training and supplying Islamist rebels of al-Shabab in Somalia. It was aggressive intervention across the region that resulted in the United Nations imposing sanctions on Eritrea in 2009, which remain in force.

Ethiopia too has suffered. Its natural outlets to the sea, the Eritrean ports of Massawa and Assab are unavailable and Ethiopia has had to develop a convoluted transport network via Djibouti get its goods to the outside world. Communities on both sides of the border have been divided; unable to reach the lands they once tilled and neighbours they once married. It is a tragedy all round.

Two decades on, this confrontation serves neither people. There are – at last – some small signs of progress. The first is an informal and unofficial. In recent years a few hundred Eritrean villagers have been allowed to cross the disputed border to visit the town of Axum for the festival of Maryam Zion. A chapel in Axum is said to contain the Arc of the Covenant and is sacred to the Christian Orthodox church to which most highlanders in both countries belong.

The potential for peace was reinforced by the World Council of Churches, during a rare visit to Eritrea in October last year. It was – as the press release put it “the first such visit in more than 10 years” and the church leaders left promising to “pray and work for peace between Eritrea and its neighbor Ethiopia as they attempt to resolve a border dispute.”

Others have followed. Most recently the most senior African official in the Trump State Department, Donald Yamamoto. A consummate diplomat, with extensive African experience, he completed a visit to Eritrea, Djibouti and Ethiopia on 26 April. It’s not yet clear what the Yamamoto managed to broker, but he is unlikely to have made the trip without a clear objective in mind.

The omens on the Ethiopian side are promising. Former Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn began talking of a “new policy” towards Eritrea a year ago, without going into any detail. He was replaced in April by Abiy Ahmed, who called for an end to “years of misunderstandings” between the two countries. “I call on the Eritrean government to take the same stand,” he said.

The Eritrean response was less than enthusiastic. Eritrea’s official spokesman declared that the ball remained in the Ethiopian government’s court. “Ethiopia needs to honour its treaty obligations and respect Eritrea’s sovereignty and territorial integrity by withdrawing from occupied territories,” the spokesman insisted.

These moves to end the stalemate come at a difficult moment. Ethiopia is still coming to terms with the ethnic divisions that have riven the country for many months. A state of emergency has been ruthlessly enforced and thousands arrested. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is struggling to introduce reforms, but needs to establish his authority.

On the surface Eritrea is far more stable. In reality there is deep anger among its citizens. The country’s youth are trapped in a permanent system of conscription that can be extended indefinitely. Rather than spend years, if not decades, manning trenches along the Ethiopian border tens of thousands have fled into exile.

This suits Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, an absolute ruler, who brooks no opposition. The no-war, no-peace confrontation with Ethiopia has provided the perfect excuse for permanently keeping the lid on Eritrean democracy. There are few incentives for him to make concessions to resolve the situation with Addis Ababa.

Only a dramatic gesture from Ethiopia, reinforced by a promise that UN sanctions will be lifted and closer economic and possibly even military ties with Washington might end this stalemate.

On May 2, the first month of the official settlement of Abiy Ahmed Ali was held at the helm of the Ethiopian executive. Thirty intense days, full of important events passed in the background. Important political, economic and social openings have gone beyond the brightest expectations of international observers. The silent successes gathered by Abiy Ahmed represent at the same time those of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the coalition in power uninterruptedly since 1991. Marked by clear ethnic and religious divisions within it, the EPRDF is demonstrating a strong capacity regenerative, removing the risk of premature collapse. The internal discussions followed the resignation in mid-February of Hailemariam Desalegn,
To date, in domestic politics, the milestones of Abiy’s political action are represented in chronological order by the official visit to Ambo and by a courageous government reshuffle.

The homage paid to the city of Oromia has had a very high symbolic meaning. The University of Ambo represents, in fact, the epicenter of the clashes between the population and the Addis Ababa government of the last two years, which then spread like a slick of oil for all of Ethiopia. A step towards conciliation, accompanied by the meeting of the relatives of the victims of the clashes, as if to give an implicit honor to the posthumously to the fallen victims. A double significance considering how the West Shewa area, in which Ambo is located, is a stronghold of the political antagonists of the EPRDF, the birthplace of Merera Gudina, opposition leader and President Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), in jail until January 2018 on charges of terrorism and subversion.

The second key step in domestic politics was the government reshuffle. A difficult interlocking game in which even maintaining intact the basic structure set up by the predecessor Hailemariam Desalegn with the reconfirmation of two heavy ministers like Workneh Gebeyehu to Foreign and Abraham Tekeste to Finance, and the assignment of Defense to Motuma Mekassa, giving a signal of discontinuity in a dicastery symbol of armed repression against the unarmed population.

The steps taken in foreign policy are equally important and meaningful. The credit openings in favor of the historical Eritrean enemy on the day of the settlement has correctly given way to underground diplomacy. A bet almost impossible to win, but that in case of a positive outcome would open grassland development for both countries.

Waiting to close the matter with Eritrea, Prime Minister Abiy has undertaken two important visits abroad that brought him first to Djibouti and then to Sudan. Ensuring good relations with neighboring countries is, in fact, an obligatory step to give consistency to the aspirations of continental leadership. In an African version of the Monroe doctrine, the Horn of Africa represents for Ethiopia that house garden to be treated with care, to defend its interests and to avoid falling under the spheres of influence of competing countries. The diplomatic capacity of Abiy has been translated with the signing of commercial, infrastructural, political cooperation and, most importantly, the entry of the Ethiopian government in the management of Porto Djibouti and Porto Sudan

An unprecedented success in just thirty days, which will follow as per Ethiopian tradition. The alarmist analyzes of those who considered Addis Ababa’s government on the brink of an unprecedented implosion seem far from geological eras, showing little memory of the country’s history and the diplomatic capacity (both internally and externally) of its population.

Zegabi blog

Call to action

Ethiopian-American Civic Council in Colorado (EACC) & Ethiopian Advocacy Network (EAN) are launching a major campaign urging our elected representatives to support S.Res.168 “Supporting respect for human rights and encouraging inclusive governance in Ethiopia.”

Our sole and exclusive concern is passage of S.Res 168 which is waiting final floor action in the House.

It is important to add your voice to the campaign by asking your Representative for his/her support. Please help us spread the word to Ethiopian-American friends and family to join this campaign and take action.

We look forward to working together with the large Ethiopian Diaspora community to ensure the passage of S.Res.168 in the U.S. senate.

Call your Senator 202 225 3121 press 1

By Alemayehu G. Mariam

… What I want to pledge before you now is that those who have media in America and those who speak for democracy in Ethiopia, those who cry out, those who are outraged and those concerned about Ethiopia, I want to pledge before you that we want them to have their headquarters in Addis Ababa. They can come and challenge us with their ideas. If they have alternative ideas and want to suggest a different direction [for the country], they can do it as individuals or through an organization. Ethiopia has enough room for all Ethiopians. Because of differences of ideas, we are sitting in the West and East and in the South and North. Let us not be the type of people who are at each other’s throats. We have made such a call. I am repeating my call again now. Anyone who wants to come to Ethiopia, anyone with alternative ideas who wants to present them to peacefully transition Ethiopia, anyone can do so as a private individual or as part of a group. The country needs you. You can come and engage in the struggle. I want to make that pledge now.  PM Abiy Ahmed, April 27, 2018

As I have demonstrated in my last three commentaries, I am a very strong supporter of PM Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia.

Ethiopia today has an extraordinary young leader who is inviting, begging and pleading with Ethiopians to return to their homeland and participate and help transform their country.

For nearly thirteen years, I yearned to see such a young leader to come out of Ethiopia’s Cheetah (young) Generation and proclaim that Ethiopia is ONE and an indivisible nation and promise to fulfill Mandela’s promise in Ethiopia: “Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world.”

I remember the not-so-good old days when elaborate war plans were drawn to neutralize “Diaspora extremists” and propagandize the rest.

In his inaugural speech, PM Abiy reached out to Ethiopians in the Diaspora and assured them that they will be accepted “with open arms” when they return home. He invited them to bring their knowledge, resources and experiences and help develop the country. He urged there should be true reconciliation between Ethiopians in the Diaspora and those at home.

In the four weeks or so PM Abiy has been in office, he made several gestures for peace, reconciliation and inclusion of Diaspora Ethiopians in shaping the future of their country.

I applaud him for his gestures of reconciliation and inclusion because I believe it is time to “beat [our] swords into plowshares, and [our] spears into pruning-hooks; [Ethiopians] shall not lift up sword against [Ethiopians], neither shall they learn war any more”.

I regret to say many of us in the Diaspora have not publicly responded in kind. Many Diasporans show genuine appreciation for PM Abiy’s efforts and aspirations. There has been polite silence among some. A group of hardcore naysayers badmouth him every chance they get. Few have been willing to stand up and give him full support.

Of course, it is easy for me to show him my full support. As I have no political ambitions, I speak my mind freely and speak my truth to power or anyone who cares to listen.

But I do not support PM Abiy blindly. I believe I have shown over the past nearly thirteen years how hypercritical and censorious I can be. I don’t believe anyone can prove my past hypercriticism was unsupported by evidence.

I like Abiy Ahmed because he is exactly the Ethiopian Cheetah I have been waiting for all these years. He is not perfect. He is young and has much to learn. He faces unimaginable challenges and problems. It is a tough job being PM in a country like Ethiopia, but somebody has got to do it. In my view, there no better person to do it than Abiy at this time.

PM Abiy and the forces of the Dark Side

The invisible forces of the Dark Side are out for PM Abiy with their long knives. They are in the parliament. In the bureaucracy. In the security services. In the military. In the business community. They are even hiding in the Diaspora behind the cyber wall of the world wide web. They are everywhere just waiting to ambush PM Abiy.

But the forces of the Dark Side will never defeat the forces of the Light Side, that is The Force.

To me, character in a political leader is more important than political sophistication or savvy. George Orwell said, “In a time of universal deceit, telling the truth is a revolutionary act.”

PM Abiy speaks my language. Truth is my language. He says what he means and means what he says.  He says never will Ethiopia be ruled by force of arms or the domination of one ethnic group by another. He says true power comes from the people and if his administration is incapable of doing the job, the people could fire him and get someone who could serve them better. He says his government is rife with corruption and he will root out corruption, although he acknowledges that is easier said than done. Cancer is to the human body as corruption is to a nation. Curing corruption is the same as curing cancer. No one has yet found a cure for cancer or corruption.

The people love PM Abiy. In the town hall meetings, they talk to him not like a high official but as their native son. He tells them that he will make mistakes like everyone, and when he does he expects the people to deal with him in a parental role — a little qunticha to get him back on the right track. So, if the people of Ethiopia say Abiy is good enough for them, he sure is good enough for me.

That is why I have resolved to defend PM Abiy against the forces of the Dark Side who practice the politics of personal destruction across continents through an orchestrated campaign of negativism, defeatism, cynicism, pessimism, dogmatism, ethnocentrism, antagonism and atavism.

In a recent Amharic commentary, Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam, the stalwart of Ethiopian human rights, wrote, “It appears there are many standing in the shadows to ambush him [PM Abiy].”

Indeed, the forces of the Dark Side have continued their war of words against PM Abiy by proxy hiding in the shadowy anonymity of the world wide web. They have nothing positive to say about PM Abiy. They recycle the same tired and baseless rumors and allegations. “Abiy is a woyane puppet. Woyane raised him. They control him. He is doing their dirty work. Woyane is so cunning and clever they have brainwashed him into becoming the Ethiopian version of the Manchurian Candidate. He is a woyane sleeper agent. He is all talk, no action. He travels so much, when will he get anything done?” Blah, blah…

If the holier-than-thou forces of the Dark Side arrayed against PM Abiy could support their allegations with any evidence of word or deed, I would be on their side pointing an accusatory finger at him. But they do not have a shred of evidence to support their accusations.

My personal challenge to the forces of the Dark Side is this: “Put up your evidence against PM Abiy or shut up.” Stop your politics of personal destruction!

Let me make myself clear. Griping, grousing, bellyaching, teeth gnashing, demonizing, scapegoating, moaning and groaning is NOT evidence.

I would normally ignore the ignoramuses of the Dark Side who repeat baseless accusations and allegations like a broken record. But I can’t because I am mindful of Goethe’s admonition, “There is nothing more frightful than ignorance in action.”

I never fear the power of knowledge, but the power of ignorance I hold in great fear. Ignoramuses are like a bull in a china shop. They destroy everything good around them.

Ignorance is not an empty mind waiting to be filled with knowledge. The ignorant mind is filled to the brim with hate, suspicion, self-doubt, revenge, animosity and jealousy. There is no room in the ignorant mind for facts and evidence.

What makes ignorant people dangerous is that they believe whatever they know is all there is to know. They don’t ask questions. They don’t gather evidence. They don’t think critically.

Ignorance is a contagious disease. It is a pathogen that passes from one human to another like influenza. The ignorant prey on the minds of the vulnerable, the confused, the desperate, the powerless and the excluded. They don’t know they don’t know, so they assume. As they say, when you assume, you make an ass of you and me.

The funny thing to me is that the forces of the Dark Side can’t hold a candle to PM Abiy. Except for gripes and empty criticisms, I have not seen anyone of them stand up and give PM Abiy a run for his money. If his critics are so sure that they can do a better job, why don’t they show us their road map for democracy in Ethiopia, their draft for constitutional revision, their plan for economic recovery as the country is mired in a hard currency crisis and decline in direct foreign investment.

If they have a plan that will restore economic prosperity, ensure respect for human rights, institute democratic and electoral reforms in less than 30 days, which is what they expect of PM Abiy, I will switch to their side in a New York minute.

I believe the real reason the forces of the Dark Side are after PM Abiy is because they are afraid he will succeed against all odds. If he can come out of nowhere literally and command so much respect , confidence and admiration, he will likely succeed in his aspirations for good governance, anti-corruption efforts and promotion of peace and reconciliation. If he succeeds, the forces of the Dark Side at home and abroad are doomed. Their dreams and ambitions for power are kaput, gone, dead. They will no longer be able to divide and rule. They can no longer use ethnicity and religion as wedge issues. It’s game over for them.

So, all the opposition against PM Abiy by the forces of the Dark Side is based on unfounded assumptions. They assume and so make an ass of you and me.

The need for PM Abiy to properly message Diaspora Ethiopians  

PM Abiy should properly message Diaspora Ethiopians by listening to their concerns and issues. In the few weeks he has been in office, he has done an outstanding job of reaching out to Diasporans. But there are many in the Diaspora silent majority who are being confused, misled and bamboozled by the forces of the Dark Side. Every day they are bombarded by false and misleading information that is creating doubts and suspicions in their minds about PM Abiy’s ideas and motives.

Just to take one recent example. They tell me that they have “heard” PM Abiy’s invitation to Diasporans to return home is actually a woyane trap. It is a trick to bring in unsuspecting and naïve Diasporans back into the country and spring the trap door shut on them as soon as they  present a real challenge. They say PM Abiy has offered no guarantees for their personal safety. They say it makes no sense to return while the state of emergency is in effect because they could easily be victims of the so-called command post.

They tell me there are actually two governments in Ethiopia, the civilian one headed by PM Abiy and the “real” command post government controlled by others. They say the command post government will not let PM Abiy do anything major and will obstruct all his reform efforts. The command post is jailing people secretly even without PM Abiy’s knowledge.  The command post government just wants to buy more time using PM Abiy as their front man. They say as long as the anti-terrorism law is on the books, they can never be assured of their personal safety.

I have no answers for these concerns. I am sure there will be clarifications in due course.

My sense is that the forces of the Dark Side will attempt to exploit this to their advantage and antagonize, discredit and delegitimize PM Abiy in the eyes of Diasporans and turn them against him.

That’s is why I believe it is important for PM Abiy to properly message Diaspora Ethiopians. He must, if possible, live message Diaspora Ethiopians on social media or other technologies.

PM Abiy fighting Diaspora pessimism, cynicism, defeatism… with a strong live message of optimism, enthusiasm, communitarianism and idealism

PM Abiy can say or do nothing to satisfy those on the Dark Side.

But I wish to strongly advise him not to underestimate the forces of the Dark Side in Ethiopia or in the Diaspora. They are “out to ambush him”, as Prof. Mesfin said.

I know (I am not guessing) they are coordinating to build an anti-PM Abiy momentum which they hope will gather steam as the months wear on. PM Abiy should heed Sun Tzu’s strategic advice, “He who exercises no forethought but makes light of his opponents is sure to be captured by them.”

I am amused by the game of psychological attrition they are planning to play.

It is said that “nothing travels faster than the speed of light with the possible exception of bad news.”

The forces of the Dark Side hope to use the strategy of spreading little bits of bad news every day to belittle, undermine and discredit PM Abiy. They are banking on the malaise of fatalism, group think and herd mentality among many Ethiopians, particularly in the Diaspora to get the job done.

In my capacity as a human rights defender and campaigner, I communicate in a variety of ways with Ethiopians from all walks of life. The forces of the Dark Side are toiling away to create ambivalence about PM Abiy through negative reporting. Many people tell me that having seen and heard PM Abiy and are impressed by his palpable integrity and sincerity. He speaks of unity and Ethiopiawinet. He does not speak like a politician but an abused citizen. He uses language never heard of in the Ethiopian political landscape.

“So, what is the problem”, I ask.

They tell me. “You don’t know. You can’t trust him. The woyane raised and trained him. He is their Trojan Horse. He is woyanes’ ace in the hole. One even used an old Ethiopian aphorism to be dismissive. ‘Afu kibe, lebu chube.’ He is silver-tongued with a dagger in his heart. Another said, “yalteretere temenetere.” He who failed to be suspicious got himself wiped out.

I cannot understand such bizarre reactions. Truth be told, I have often wondered on which planet these people spend most of their time when they are not on earth.

As a political scientist, I have had opportunity to study the effects of negative political advertising. I consider the rumor mongering and dissemination of bad news by the forces of the Dark Side a form of negative political advertising.

Political psychologists observe negative political advertising works. Some suggest humans may even be hardwired for negative stimuli originating in our evolutionary history when our survival was constantly threated by predators. There is empirical evidence to show that most people give more attention to and exercise greater retention of negative or bad information and experiences than positive ones.

My anecdotal observation is that many Ethiopians I have interacted with are afflicted by fatalism (belief things are predetermined and human beings are powerless to change them). They tend to express an attitude of resignation about the future and even the inevitability of something always going wrong. The feel completely powerless and are paralyzed from taking action. They give it all to God to do it for them.

Such fatalism feeds on negativity and cynicism and has a disempowering effect. Suspicion and distrust become the fertile ground upon which the forces of the Dark Side can plant animosity and opposition against PM Abiy.

Ignorance I believe is the source of suspicion. We fear what we do not know and therefore we suspect everything will end up in a disaster.

Former U.S. Defense Secretary once said, “There are known knowns; there are things we know we know. We also know there are known unknowns; that is to say we know there are some things we do not know. But there are also unknown unknowns – the ones we don’t know we don’t know.”

For many Ethiopians afflicted by fatalism, they know all there is to be known and if there is an unknown, it is to be feared because the unknown always means unknown danger and doom.

PM Abiy’s message should answer the question: Is the Ethiopia glass half full or half empty?

I must speak the truth. Fatalism is a way of life for many Ethiopians I have observed in the Diaspora. Many see the Ethiopia glass as half full.

Many of the folks I talk to have a general tendency to think, feel and behave as if things will always go wrong in Ethiopian politics specifically. They don’t see the potentially great opportunities that could come from PM Abiy’s term in office. They only see dangers and pitfalls in what he is doing or planning to do. As a result, they have little hope for the future of Ethiopia.

To some extent, such an outlook may be understandable given the decades of abuse of power and bad governance. But such an outlook also becomes an obstacle, when a real opportunity for good governance and change appears. As I have previously observed, Ethiopians never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity.

PM Abiy has done an outstanding job inspiring optimism in the future. He exudes confidence and inspires others to be confident of Ethiopia’s and their own futures. He has been careful not to be over-optimistic and make reckless promises. In fact, he has stated on many occasions what he can and cannot do and his own limitations. He has tried to promote a can-do spirit in the people and challenged the younger generation to develop a spirit of volunteerism and disciplined work ethic.

But he must be proactive in messaging Diaspora Ethiopains to be hopeful about Ethiopia’s future.

The forces of the Dark Side are waging a campaign to show Ethiopia is half full and PM Abiy will completely empty it out if he remains in office. He must be able to craft a positive and optimistic message to transform those who have become habitual pessimists and whose knee-jerk reaction is to respond negatively even to positive developments by always finding fault and doubt.

Pessimism is the flip side of the fatalism coin. It is a destructive attitude. It makes people passive and powerless. It is paralyzing. It prevents them from making efforts to improve things. Pessimism always ends up in defeat and in accepting things, however bad, as they are.

PM Abiy should heed Dr. Martin Luther King’s advice. “Darkness cannot drive out darkness; only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate; only love can do that.”

The forces of the Dark Side cannot be driven out by darkness. They can only be driven out by the forces of the Light Side or simply The Force.

The Force consists of 75 million young people. The Force of those who have been deprived of justice and equality is before him. The Force is all around him.

PM Abiy must proactively engage Diaspora Ethiopians.  The Force is behind him. The momentum is on his side. The young people, 75 million strong, are behind him. The international community is behind him. Former U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs twitted him a message, “Do not be reluctant to take bold steps toward democratic reform. The international community is behind you.”

We in the Diaspora are behind him. He must tell us everything as it is. He must tell us his hopes as well as his fears. He must tell us what he can and cannot do. He must us how we can help him succeed and what will likely happen if he fails.

He must tell us and all Ethiopians, as did Mandela the people of South Africa, that the road to freedom is long and hard and when we climb a great hill, we will find out that there are more hills to climb.

So, what should be his message of climbing the hills and mountains of problems Ethiopia faces. He should repeat Dr. King’s counsel to us:  “If you can’t fly, then run; if you can’t run, then walk; if you can’t walk, then crawl; but whatever you do, you have to keep moving forward.”

We have to keep moving forward because going back to the days of tyranny are not an option. Onward to freedom. demoracy and human rights.

We must all keep moving forward and climb the great hill and the little ones too.

The power of optimism- PM Abiy keeping his head pointed to the sun, and not the Dark Side

In one of his town hall meeting with members of the business community, PM Abiy asked that business people and Diasporans should do everything they can to improve the image of Ethiopia internationally.

Indeed, he is today the public image of Ethiopia. As such, he must continue and intensify his own efforts to project an image of optimism, hope and success about Ethiopia to the world.

When it comes to optimism, PM Abiy could learn from Mandela:

I am fundamentally an optimist. Whether that comes from nature or nurture, I cannot say. Part of being optimistic is keeping one’s head pointed toward the sun, one’s feet moving forward. There were many dark moments when my faith in humanity was sorely tested, but I would not and could not give myself up to despair. That way lay defeat and death.

Mandela also said, “If you want to make peace with your enemy, you have to work with your enemy. Then he becomes your partner.”

I believe Prof. Mesfin had Mandela in mind when he recently wrote in an Amharic commentary, “In my estimation, those who are expressing bitter opposition against him could be transformed into becoming his supporters.”

PM Abiy must be a fundamental optimist like Mandela.

Electronic Town Hall for the Ethiopian Diaspora?

The forces of the Dark Side are spreading rumor that PM Abiy is coming to the U.S. There is no evidence to support that rumor. It is highly unlikely he will take a trip across the ocean to meet Diasporans with his plates full in Ethiopia.

But thanks to modern technology, he can meet in cyberspace at the time of his choosing. There are various alternatives and technologies to directly engage Diaspora Ethiopians. Beyond outreach calls, PM Abiy could have a conversation with Diasporans just like the ones he has been having in various parts of Ethiopia over the past few weeks.

PM Abiy can repair the disconnect between Diasporans and political process in Ethiopia. He can address the cynicism that is preventing some of us people from being engaged. He can engage them in meaningful discourse and convince us to return home and participate meaningfully in the political life of the country or contribute from where ever we may be. He can listen to our concerns, answer our  questions and share his own concerns and issues with us. It will be a give and take process.

A discussion agenda could be prepared in advance. I would recommend the dialogue to occur in two parts: an exchange of concerns and issues and a discussion of solutions.

The electronic town hall will not be a finger-pointing, teeth-gnashing, bellyaching or recrimination session. It will be a forum for constructive discussion and solution-seeking. Properly planned, such an electronic town hall could produce carefully thought out action plans, policy papers and recommendations. But I get ahead of myself…

So, in the spirit of my last commentary, I ask PM Abiy what the Ethiopian Diaspora could do for him and he for them.

I offer to coordinate for PM Abiy an electronic town hall for Diaspora Ethiopians. I will even offer myself as a moderator. But anyone the PM chooses to moderate will be perfectly fine with me. It does not matter to me who sets up the electronic town hall as long as it gets done.

I say to PM Abiy, like we say it in America, “Let’s git ‘er done!”

I remind PM Abiy his words about Diaspora Ethiopians, which I share wholeheartedly, “You can take an Ethiopian out of Ethiopia, but you cannot take Ethiopia out of the heart of an Ethiopian.”

PM Abiy should know all Diasporans have Ethiopia on our minds just like Ray Charleshad “Georgia on his mind”. Paraphrasing Ray:

… Other arms reach out to me; /Other eyes smile tenderly.
Still in peaceful dreams I see, /The road leads back to you.
I said, Ethiopia, oh Ethiopia/
… no peace I find. Just an old sweet song keeps Ethiopia on my mind.

(Thanks Teddy “Afro” Kassahun!)

Were I asked if I considered myself and optimist or pessimist, I would simply say, “Try going stronger than ever after nearly thirteen years of unrelenting struggle for human rights in Ethiopia being a pessimist!

Were I asked if I believe Ethiopia’s cup is half full or half empty, my answer is simple.

“My cup runneth over.”

May the Force be with PM Abiy and all of us who wish only the very best for Ethiopia!

Ethiopiawinet today.

Ethiopiawinet tomorrow.

Ethiopiawinet forever.

Messay Kebede

In posted interviews and write-ups as well as in informal discussions, the debate is raging between supporters and detractors of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. Among the detractors, we find supporters of the TPLF openly accusing Dr. Abiy of reversing Ethiopia’s existing political order and ideological direction. We should ignore them, were it not for their alarmist message surreptitiously calling for some kind of coup de force against the newly elected leader. Most interesting, however, is the position of those who criticize the Prime Minister for doing nothing more than empty talks, with little or no will to implement them. Among this group, some go further by adding that the empty talks are a deliberate and concerted attempt to demobilize the popular uprising by false promises designed to buy time for the EPRDF to reorganize and consolidate itself. There is a third much larger group that speaks of Ethiopia’s engagement in the path of difficult but inevitable reforms following a notable decline of the TPLF’s hegemonic position.

My own assessment of the situation leads me to adopt a different position. I do not share the optimism of the third group, not because I am suspicious about the authenticity of Dr. Abiy’s reformist commitment, but because I do not believe for one moment that the hegemonic position of the TPLF has declined. We can speak of setback, not of an inevitable and irreversible loss of power. To the extent that I do not question the authenticity of Abiy’s reformism, I equally disagree with those who reduce his speeches and promises to empty rhetoric.

I maintain that the characterization of the speeches as hallow promises is misguided for the reason that they challenge and in some way reverse the ideological stand of the TPLF. In addition to renewing the government’s commitment to Ethiopian unity, the speeches alter the Woyanne reading of Ethiopian history, notably by moving the perception of Ethiopia as a culprit to that of survivor thanks to the sacrifices paid by all its people. Hailing Ethiopia and its unity in this fashion after a quarter of century of systematic debasement and poisonous divisive policy is not just talk; it is rebirth, resurrection. Moreover, traveling to the various regions and making speeches that raise hope and renew national unity are for now the only game at which Abiy can beat the TPLF. In these speeches, he presents himself as a committed reformer and a leader who can listen to the people instead of putting a leash on them, thereby increasing his legitimacy and his indispensability. The speeches are like campaign promises, with the difference that the outgoing government is not willing to abide by the rules.

Evidently, critics are right when they demand concrete reforms, which can only begin by the lifting of the state of emergency. But where they are wrong is in their appreciation of the situation. Strange as it may seem, Abiy is blamed for the lack of concrete reforms even as everybody knows that the real culprit is the TPLF. Blaming Abiy would make sense if he promised reforms but at the same time blocked their implementation. Such is not his case. Even though he was elected Prime Minister according to the very rules of the EPRDF, the most influential member of the coalition, namely the TPLF, refuse to recognize the powers invested in the prime minister by the Constitution, of which it is––need I remind––the chief architect. Take the case of the previous Prime Minister. We criticized Haile Mariam Desalegn, not because we thought that he had real power like his predecessor, but because he became the spokesperson of the TPLF but without the power. With Abiy, we have a dissenting Prime Minister whose reformist agenda is now blocked by the TPLF, which it can do––oh, cruel irony––only by going against its own Constitution.

Hence my position: the present situation of Ethiopia is neither one of imminent reform nor the preservation of the status quo, disguised or otherwise. It is best described as a situation of bicepalic government, as a result of which the country is pulled in two different directions. One may question the accuracy of the description: the idea of a two-headed government does not sound accurate in view of the fact that the TPLF holds a power system unmatched by that of the Prime Minister. Where one head is much smaller than the other, there is in effect only one government.

The objection overlooks a major factor, namely, the extensive power that the Constitution grants to the prime minister. Among other things, it is said that the prime minister is “the Chief Executive, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and the Commander-in-Chief of the national armed forces.” Even a superficial look at the Constitution is enough to show that the whole structure and component parts of ethnic federalism cannot operate without a prime minister invested with extensive power. He/she is to the federated ethnic groups what the conductor is to a symphony orchestra. As such, the prime minister is altogether the unifier, organizer, and exclusive leader of the Ethiopian state. Given this extensive role, any marginalization of the prime minister entails malfunctioning at all levels of the government. It is because the system works only if it has one uncontested and powerful leader that the government of Haile Mariam was not only besieged with so many problems, but also proved incapable to deal with them.

Imagine what will happen if the prime minister wants to take the country in a different direction while another part of the same government is trying to block it. Either the opposing pole will have to mount a coup d’état or it will be dragged willy-nilly by the other pole of the government. Doubtless, the possibility of a coup is quite reel, but it will have dire consequences for all the players and the country as a whole. The popularity of the Prime Minister and the hopes he has raised are now a fact of Ethiopian political reality. His removal harbors the risk of triggering a chaotic situation of massive uprisings that no state of emergency can cope with, thereby plunging the country into an uncertain and uncontrollable future. The only win-win way out for most people, including for many of those who support the status quo, is the path of gradual reforms.

In light of the defining feature of the situation, what we need to do is also clear enough. It is not to count the failures of Abiy in the hope of exposing his powerlessness or his hidden agenda. That his constitutional power is curtailed, we know it. As to his hidden agenda, the assumption completely overlooks the disparity inherent in the government, notably the fracture in the ideological makeup of the regime. A conference recently held in Addis Ababa rightly noticed that the election of Abiy seems to trigger a shift from revolutionary democracy to more liberal principles. Consequently, in a situation defined by poles pulling in different directions, our question must be what we need to do to tip the balance in favor Abiy and the reformist group. The answer is obvious: the struggle must continue, for only thus can we show that there is no other solution than the path of reform. The continuation of the struggle demonstrates to TPLF members that the best they can do for themselves is to follow Abiy because the implementation of reforms, and that alone, can abate the expression of discontent and prevent the reaching of a situation of complete breakdown.

By PSCU, NAIROBI, Kenya, May 8

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed visited students attending a mentorship programme at State House, Nairobi, where he fielded questions on leadership and his views being one of Africa’s youngest leaders.

The Ethiopian premier, who was on a State Visit to Kenya, and his host President Uhuru Kenyatta dropped in at the students’ residence without prior notice.The President and the PM had finished a bilateral meeting and were expected to attend a luncheon hosted in honour of the Ethiopian leader and his delegation but instead, they headed to the building hosting the students undergoing the Pupils Reward Scheme (PURES) programme.

The two leaders fielded questions on leadership from the 54 students who are form ones from various national schools within the country.

The Ethiopian Prime Minister and President Kenyatta called on the youth to be patriotic and work hard to rise to leadership positions in future.

PM Abiy said he was impressed by President Kenyatta’s mentorship programme, saying it was a noble idea that deserved to be emulated by other African leaders.

“What my brother is doing here is amazing, by the way. I like this initiative. Nobody is doing it in Africa, you guys are lucky,” said the visiting Ethiopian leader.

Asked about challenges he is facing as one of the youngest leaders in Africa, the Ethiopian Prime Minister said, both the current and past leaders have to work together to achieve the desired development for their respective nations.

“To build a house, if someone builds a foundation, the next person must add another block so as to see the house finished. So in Africa, we have to connect both yesterday, today and tomorrow so as to realize this vision,” the Ethiopian PM told the youngsters.

He commended President Kenyatta for coming up with the PURES programme, saying it would go a long way to develop leaders who would mature and continue with the good work of building a strong nation.

The PM observed that Africa has faced a myriad of challenges due to lack of mentoring leaders who would continue with the vision the founding fathers had.

“If existing leaders are giving help to the next generation, an emerging Africa will continue. The problem we have in Africa is all existing leaders do not appreciate those who are exiting, that means history, and they also don’t want to invest on emerging generation like you,” he said.

He said current leaders need to invest in mentorship programmes which would be used to raise competent leaders to carry on with the vision of integrating Africa.

“Our dear brother is doing an amazing job. He is investing in you. I hope we will have many leaders out of this group and through practising, learning about tomorrow and visioning about tomorrow’s generation. Also thinking about yesterday and what our fathers did through this process, Africa will realize the great vision through integration and grow like other continents,” said the Ethiopian Prime Minister.

Asked what else he would do apart from being the Prime Minister, Dr Abiy said he would be a university lecturer where he would impart knowledge to the youth.

President Kenyatta challenged the student to work hard and achieve the best in whatever field they might be involved in, saying that is part of nation building.

“Whatever you do, do your best. Whatever you become, make the best out of it. Be it you want to become President, Prime Minister, engineer or teacher, just be the best,” said President Kenyatta.

The Pupils Reward Scheme (PURES) is a mentorship programme under the Presidency.

President Kenyatta and First Lady Margaret Kenyatta launched it in early 2015. Besides mentoring the students on the need for hard work and choosing their careers wisely, the programme cultivates leadership skills and gives them an opportunity to share experiences on national values such as integration and ethnic harmony in diversity.

VOA News

Demonstrators have taken to the streets in at least a dozen southern Ethiopian towns this week to protest the federal government’s renewal of a license for a mining company that they say jeopardizes local residents’ health and economic well-being.

The protesters, in the restive Oromia region, criticize a 10-year license for Mohammed International Development Research and Organization Cos., or MIDROC, to continue mining gold at a site near the town of Shakiso and the Lega Dembi river.

The demonstrations followed the April 27 report of the license renewal for MIDROC, which has operated the mine since the late 1990s. The company is owned by African-born billionaire Sheikh Mohammed Hussein al-Amoudi, detained since November in what Saudi Arabia calls an anti-corruption sweep.

“Demonstrators are very angry. They are blocking roads and demanding change,” Dulacha Lafe, administrator for the local Goro Dolaa district, told VOA in a phone interview on Monday, when the protests began. He said local authorities “understand and agree with their concern. However, we don’t have the power to solve the problem. [The] Oromia regional government and the federal government should help us out. The license should not have been renewed at all.”

Some high school students skipped classes this week to join in the anti-mining protests, which have erupted periodically over the years. A Shakiso resident, who asked VOA to withhold his name out of fear of retaliation, said Friday that some students “were beaten because of protesting and asking for their constitutional rights.”

Abdu Kadir, an inspector for the local Guji district government, told VOA: “Some schools have been closed for a few days, and today students are back in class. Nobody is arrested or anything.”

Chemicals blamed for ailments

Protesters contend that chemicals used at the mine contaminate the water and air, sickening humans and animals with everything from respiratory illnesses to miscarriages, birth defects and disabilities.

“Mothers are having miscarriages every single day,” Abebech Elias, a health care provider from the Shakiso area, told state-owned Oromia Broadcasting Network in a report that aired Tuesday. “I am not seeing this in other places, only around the mining site.”

Also in that report, MIDROC’s environmental protection expert, Ahmed Mohammed, said the company used chemicals including hydrogen cyanide. “[E]ven a small amount” of hydrogen cyanide “can contaminate water and can cause serious consequences,” he said. He did not specify the amounts used in MIDROC’s operations, nor what safety precautions, if any, the company had taken.

MIDROC did not respond to VOA’s attempts to reach it by phone and via its website.

The website MiningFacts.org explains that cyanide, “in the form of a very dilute sodium cyanide solution, is used to dissolve and separate gold from ore. … Cyanide is toxic in large doses and is strictly regulated in most jurisdictions worldwide to protect people, animals and the aquatic environment.”

Local residents are concerned not only about health but also economics, said Galchu Halake, a community leader and one of the protesters in Arkalo town.

“They want the license to be revoked since the company has been mining gold for export without contributing to the local economy or the society’s well-being,” Galchu said.

Bacha Faji, a spokesman for Ethiopia’s Ministry of Mines, Petroleum and Natural Gas, said the renewed contract’s terms direct a share of the company’s earnings to local communities.

“Two percent of the income the company generates will go to locals,” Bacha said in an interview with the BBC this week. He said that decision followed a government investigation “into what the company was doing for the past 20 years” and factored in local grievances.

Those include concerns about mining-related environmental degradation, health risks, displacement of housing and “the failure to hire local labor,” the international organization Human Rights Watch noted in a 2016 report.That report focused on Ethiopian security forces’ crackdowns, including “the killings and mass arrest of protesters” over gold mining and other issues.

In April 2016, Badada Gelchu was shot and killed at his home in Shakiso after participating in demonstrations against the gold mine. His family told VOA then that security agents “went to his house and killed him, accusing him of organizing the protests in our area.”

Skeptical of deal

Addisu Bulala, a leader of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress party, expressed skepticism about MIDROC’s renewed license. Speaking with VOA by phone, he mentioned televised reports showing children with deformities allegedly linked to contaminants from mining.

“Until today, there’s been no compensation, no change. … No one is charged for crimes committed” involving environmental pollution, Addisu said. “This is basically selling the community for dollars. Our party is concerned deeply, and no responsible government would allow this.”

Oromia regional officials are “not accepting” the federal mining ministry’s licensing decision, said Negeri Lencho, spokesman for the regional government. “Even if the [ministry] says it conducted an investigation, we have no idea of the findings. They did not share the results. It is disrespectful to us and our people. … They admitted the lack of transparency and agreed to figure this out together.”

Negeri said the regional government was conducting its own investigation into MIDROC’s mining practices and environmental impact.

“We want our people to understand that, as a regional government, their concerns and questions are ours, too,” he added.

Ethiopia still is under a state of emergency imposed in February after the surprise resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn. His successor, Abiy Ahmed, confirmed in April, is the country’s first prime minister from the Oromo ethnic group, which has long sought equal representation in government.

^{Contributors to this report include Namo Dandi, Tigist Geme, Sora Halake and Tujube Hora of VOA’s Horn of Africa service.}

Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban

The Ethiopian government on Tuesday confirmed deadly clashes in the Kenyan border town of Moyale in Oromia regional state but the Command Post administering the February 16 State of Emergency said it had to do with movement of illicit arms.

Earlier reports based on account of residents said the violent exchanges were due to inter-ethnic disagreements between the Oromo and Garre ethnic groups. The clashes took place on Sunday May 6, 2018.

For their part, Oromo activists and other media outlets claimed that it had to do with activities of the Liyu Police, a militia affiliated to the Ethiopia-Somali government.

“People were killed and injured due to the conflict that occurred in the town of Moyale, according to the Command Post,” state-affiliated FBC reported on Tuesday.

By virtue of being a border town with Kenya, the latest incident saw a number of people fleeing the Ethiopian side into Kenya, scenes similar to the aftermath of a botched military offensive that killed nine people in March this year.

“Security forces have now put the situation under control and efforts were underway to arrest perpetrators of the attack,” the Command Post added.

As part of the efforts made to control illegal movement of firearms, the Command post intercepted 142 kalashnikov rifles, 88 pistols, 11 hand grenades, and 17 old model rifles in the month of April alone, it said.

A per the order of the government, security forces are disarming illegally armed individuals and this will continue in other areas where a study was conducted, the statement noted.

At the summit and beyond, expectations on Ahmed’s shoulders are high.

by Nanjala Nyabola

“This new guy – he’s a good guy. Very good brain. Now everything in Ethiopia is going to be OK”.

My taxi driver Daniel offers up this unprompted insight as we zip through the streets of Addis Ababa, letting me in on the sentiment around the unprecedented year Ethiopia had.

The “new guy” is Dr Abiy Ahmed, the recently selected chair of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPDRF), the coalition that has been ruling Africa’s second-most populous country for 27 years. At 42 years old, Dr Ahmed is not just the youngest Ethiopian prime minster ever, but also the first from the Oromo community, the largest ethnic group in the country. For Daniel and others who offered their unprompted opinions, Dr Ahmed not only offers respite from nearly two years of political and social upheaval that threatened to undo Ethiopia altogether, but the hope of a more inclusive and democratic Ethiopia.

Earlier in the week, Dr Ahmed offered the keynote address at the Tana High Level Forum on Peace and Security in Africa, an annual event held in the resort city of Bahir Dar, the State Capital of the Amhara region. Similar to the Davos World Economic Forum, the event brings together current and former political and academic leaders on the continent for an informal dialogue on enhancing peace and security on the continent. At the margins of the summit, hundreds of bilateral meetings between regional politicians, Addis Ababa’s vast diplomatic corps and numerous international organisations make this one of the more significant networking events at the continent.

Bahir Dar was a stopover for Dr Ahmed in the midst of a whirlwind tour of Ethiopia, uneasily calm after years of intensifying unrest that implicated three of the country’s largest regions – Amhara, Oromia and the Somali region. The prime minister arrived at the forum after visiting Gondar, a historical town known for its 15th and 16th century churches and distinct orthodox Christian crosses that was the epicentre of many protests in the previous two years. By the time Ahmed arrived in Bahir Dar, internet access in the town had only just been restored after a nearly two year shut down.

The air in Bahir Dar was electric with anticipation of Ahmed’s arrival, with everyone waiting to hear what he has to say. “He’s very young,” said one driver, “but he’s very clever. He is [a] doctor, you know?”

At the summit and beyond, expectations on Ahmed’s shoulders are high. Both Amhara where the forum is held and Oromia where Dr Ahmed is from have seen intense political upheaval that analysts argue may have broken Ethiopia altogether. It began with an ambitious plan to relocate poor residents of Oromia to facilitate the expansion of the capital Addis Ababa. As there would be no compensation for those displaced, a cycle of protests and state oppression began in Oromia, culminating in the alleged massacre of over 500 people at the Ireecha or Oromo New Year celebrations in 2016. Similar protests in the Amhara and Somali region soon began as a cry for greater political representation for groups, triggering unprecedented changes in the country’s leadership. Final numbers are unclear, but the Addis Standard alleges that hundreds have died and at least one million Ethiopians have been displaced in the chaos.

In contrast to earlier speeches in parliament and at various stops on his tour, at the summit Dr Ahmed’s speech did not touch on Ethiopia’s political flux, but the symbolism of his visit is unmissable for Ethiopian watchers.

Outside Ethiopia, Bahir Dar’s most famous son is Eskinder Nega, a journalist who had, until March, been in prison for seven years because of his criticism of the EPRDF regime. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, Nega was at one point the longest held journalist in the world and the recipient of numerous awards recognising him as a prisoner of conscience.

Nega’s treatment over the last three months is symbolic of the uncertainty within the EPRDF as to how Ethiopia will be moving forward: that the country seems eager to embrace the new possibilities of freedom but apparently unsure of how to do things differently. In February 2018, Dr Ahmed’s predecessor, former Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn unexpectedly announced the release of Nega and hundreds of other political prisoners. The announcement was at first met with scepticism and then unbridled joy as it seemed that years of advocacy was finally bearing fruit. Since he assumed power in 2012, Desalegn, a deeply religious engineer, was expected to merely continue the EPRDF’s history of suppression and state violence, not to carve out a political path for himself as an individual. In fact, in news media outside Ethiopia, the announcement was perhaps the first time Desalegn was discussed as an individual and not as the head of an amorphous, bloody political machine.

Ethiopian news outlets quickly backtracked on the announcement, insisting that Desalegn had been misquoted and that only some political prisoners would be released. But the announcement seemed to prompt a leadership crisis in Ethiopia, particularly as it was soon followed with the announcement of his resignation. Then, silence, as the internal machinery of the party retreated and regrouped. From an analytical perspective, we expected a small blip – it would soon be business as usual in Ethiopia – only for Desalegn to once again order the prisoner’s release and then actually resign.

For Ethiopians, Ahmed’s identity and intelligence, as well as the unprecedented changes he has overseen since taking office on April 2, suggest that change is imminent.

Barely a month after his release, Nega and other journalists attending an informal gathering at a private residence were arrested and sent to the infamous Maelekawi prison. Even while footage of Ahmed giving a stirring speech in parliament promising a new Ethiopia remained fresh, distressing images of the detainees in cramped cells quickly made the rounds on social media. The opprobrium and disappointment was quick – was everything that Ahmed promised a lie?

In fact, it was yet another symptom that after 27 years in power, the EPRDF had developed an internal modus operandi that didn’t necessarily require the participation of the sitting leader to keep moving. Although no effort was made to disguise the fact of their arrest, after another two weeks, Nega and other journalists were released and according to local media, Maelekawi was closed for good. Yet two days before the Forum, Nega was scheduled to fly to New York to receive an award from Amnesty International and Ethiopian activists allege that his passport was confiscated and he was denied travel, only to have it permitted less than 48 hours later.

None of this is discussed in the public discussions at the forum, even though it is held while a state of emergency is still in place and in the context of a policy of absolute candour. In fact, the public winner in the race for diplomatic access to Ethiopia’s new leader is Omar el-Bashir, the president of Sudan indicted for crimes against humanity at the International Criminal Court, who jetted in for the summit but barely attended. There were quiet meetings between the two men, perhaps to establish diplomatic channels in the face of an increasingly complex relationship. Ethiopia’s relationship with joint neighbour Eritrea remains hostile – they share the most militarised border on the continent, even while Eritrea and Sudan have warm relations. Yet the recent upswing in base building by foreign countries like China, France and the US, particularly in neighbouring Djibouti and Somalia has created an unexpected common cause between the two countries. Also, tensions between Egypt and Sudan over a shared border and the use of the waters of the Nile – which rises in both Ethiopia and Sudan – increase the need for diplomatic coordination between Ethiopia and Sudan. Bashir is the only other sitting African leader at the forum, signalling an urgency to connect with Ahmed at the seat of the African Union, a partner of the Forum.

Some of these issues do make it onto the discussion, in an unexpected way. Desalegn is an unmissable figure, not least because of his staggering height and distinct moustache. When he speaks, he offers some of the most unambiguous defence of human rights on the continent and suggests that the militarisation of the Red Sea should be a security priority for the African Union at a session that periodically drifted into empty, bureaucratic jargon. Despite Ethiopia’s reputation for suppression of the public sphere, he eloquently makes the case for a robust response from the AU to ongoing crises in the region. At the end of the forum, young staffers from the hotel scramble for selfies and handshakes and although he still has security, Desalegn allows them to approach and smiles broadly for all the cameras.

Where has this guy been since 2015?

Desalegn declined to comment for this piece but his affable, congenial presence at the Forum suggests that he may be positioning himself for an elder-statesman role, similar to that played by the Forum’s outgoing chair, former Nigerian President Olesegun Obasanjo. In a region beset by leaders increasingly reluctant to peacefully concede power, his decision to resign allows him to easily leap over the admittedly low bar of what constitutes good governance in East Africa. He has already received the Ethiopian Medal of Honour – the highest civilian honour in the country. However, of Ethiopia’s well documented economic growth, Daniel the taxi driver told me “buildings, buildings everywhere in Addis Ababa but we cannot eat buildings!” Apparently, Desalegn resigned just as Ethiopians had finally had enough of economic growth without meaningful progress.

Meanwhile his successor carries the weight of knitting together a country that, despite breakneck economic growth and pride of place on the continent’s political hierarchy, was careening towards revolution. For Ethiopians, Ahmed’s identity and intelligence, as well as the unprecedented changes he has overseen since taking office on April 2, suggest that change is imminent.

In one plenary session at the Forum, Nigaria’s 80-year old former President Olesegun Obasanjo chastised a pair of young men who had been offered a chance to address the forum as a prize for winning an essay competition. “You cannot speak for your country,” he insisted, “you can only speak for your colleagues. Wait your turn!” Ironically, a 42-year-old former soldier with a PhD in Peace Studies who refused to wait his turn is now responsible for fundamentally reforming the country where he was speaking.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

INSIDE STORY

Can Ethiopia’s new leader bridge ethnic divides?

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Nanjala Nyabola

Nanjala Nyabola is a political analyst and the author of the forthcoming book “Digital Democracy, Analogue Politics”.

Protest in Adola town on May 08/2018

Liyat Fekade / AS

Addis Abeba, May 09/2018 –  Ethiopia’s Ministry of Mines, Petroleum and Natural Gas (MoMPNG) said it cancelled recently renewed controversial license of MIDROC Gold, the largest gold mine in Ethiopia after protesters took to the streets for the last ten days.  Today’s decision by the ministry followed the killing of two protesters yesterday by the Oromia regional state’s security forces in the town of Shakiso in Guji zone of the Oromia regional state in southern Ethiopia.  A third, businessman named Shakiso Guta was also killed by security forces while driving to the city of Adola, according to activists.

The ministry renewed the license for Ethiopia’s largest gold mine owned by MEDROC Gold and is located in Lege Dembi, Shakiso Weredas of Guji zone in Oromia regional state, around two weeks ago.  The protests  erupted last week in Shakiso and Adola towns and their environs following news of the renewal of the gold mine’s license for another ten years by the Ministry .The license has been suspended last year after similar protests erupted.

Several subsequent media reports, including one by the Oromia Broadcasting Network, and the BBCAmharic service revealed grave health crisis among the community including birth defects, respiratory problems and miscarriages, which the locals blame were caused by the gold mine’s two decades discharges of toxic substances including, cyanide.

Residents of Shakiso, a town in Guji Zone, #Oromia Region in southern #Ethiopia, complain of various sufferings: from birth defect to gradual disability, due to toxic waste of cyanide coming from Lega Denbi gold mine, owned by #MIDROC of Sheik Al-‘Amoudi https://t.co/RKrjWRlYIj pic.twitter.com/mm7SdHbl3I

— Addis Standard (@addisstandard) December 11, 2017

The ministry said the license will remain suspended until after an independent study involving several stakeholders is conducted in to the allegations of the health crisis. Over the weekend, Motuma Mekassa, who was the minister of MoMPNG when the license was renewed and who is currently the minister of defense, went to the area to discuss with the locals about their concerns. But the meeting ended without results.

Last week, Dr. Negeri Lencho, communication head of the Oromia regional state, said that “any investment should be there to  help the people, not hurt them.” He also said the regional government will not work against the demands of the people.

Good AM #Ethiopia!
Dr. Negeri said this in response to the ongoing public protest in #Guji Zone after the fed. gov renewed MIDROC Gold’s license. The people living in the area are suffering a health crisis, including severe birth defects, caused by the gold mine’s use of cyanide pic.twitter.com/ZjDa1wJyJV

— Addis Standard (@addisstandard) May 2, 2018

MIDROC Gold was established in the late 1990s by Sheik Mohammed Al-Amoudi, the Ethiopian born Saudi billionaire currently imprisoned in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. MIDROC contributed 98%  of the share while the government owned the remaining two percent share through Ministry of Finance & Economic Development (MoFED). MIDROC then took a 20-year concession under registered license name of ‘Midroc Lege Dembi Gold Mining’ for a US$172 million and started production and export in 1998. According to information obtained from its website in the first ten years of its registration the company has extracted 34,000kg of gold from the site and  earned about US$500 billion.

AS

ESAT Daily News Amsterdam May 09,2018

By Dr Yacob Haile-Mariam

While we may cautiously rejoice over the new day that has dawned on Ethiopia in recent months with tantalizing promises, we unfortunately cannot say the same thing about Eritrea. Nonetheless we cannot wait until Eritrea is on the same keel with Ethiopia in matters of democracy and other elements which characterize each of the two countries.

It is now a common knowledge that the two fraternal countries Ethiopia and Eritrea have been marooned in no war no peace quagmire. While this situation may be preferable to the possible slaughter of tens of  thousands of young men and women in a useless war, it is nonetheless a situation which cannot  be sustained for long. It may explode into a conflagration any day without notice. It is therefore absolutely necessary to come to some sort of negotiation and settlement without  delay.

In this effort to restore peace kudos is due to the Ethiopian Prime Minister Dr. Abiy for initiating a call for peace which we hope and pray his counterpart President Isayas will reciprocate with similar gesture. It is our fervent hope that the two leaders will totally expunge war as a means for settling conflict between the two fraternal peoples. It is incumbent on all Ethiopians to encourage and support our Prime Minister (my first time in my life to say my Prime Minister) in his effort to bring about peace between these two countries whose destinies are inextricably  intertwined not only by blood but also by geo-political realities prevailing in the region. After all

both are referred to as by some protagonists as “habash”  followed by poisonous reptile.  It is our hope that Eritreans will also stand up and be counted just as their Ethiopian counterparts in favor of peace and brotherhood.

Congratulations is due to the young and not so young people at home and abroad who in recent years have taken up peace and reconciliation as the the only way  out  of the quagmire the two countries have been plunged   into by myopic leaders who could not see beyond the tip of their noses. In this effort I am tempted to mention the indefatigable Prof.Tesfatsion Medhane who from day one has been struggling to bring these countries closer together despite the fact that  so many  anti unity forces were stacked against him.

The dangerous stalemate existing now is the consequence of involving foreigners in the mediation and settlement of the conflict following the 1998-2000 war which claimed  the lives of tens of thousands of young people on both sides. The Algiers Agreement which was brokered by a longtime enemy of Ethiopia Abdelaziz Bouteflika who worked all his life to the dismantlement of Ethiopia in fact widened the chasm instead of closing or narrowing the  gap and bringing them closer. The Agreement and the decision of the Border Commission established by both Eritrea and Ethiopia never addressed vital issues such as giving Eritreans  free access to the vast Ethiopian market and allowing them to  invest in Ethiopia if they wished. The greatest lacuna in the Agreement and decision was however the failure to address Ethiopia’s right of access to the sea through its own port of Assab. While Ethiopia pays more than two billion dollars a year  to Djibouti for port services and its security is always under threat any  agreement for durable peace without addressing the issue of Ethiopia’s access to the sea through its own port is  indeed a pipe dream because no country willingly subjects itself to be asphyxiated within a walking distance to the sea. Ethiopia has the dubious distinction of being the largest landlocked country in the world with the shortest distance to the sea.

The Border Commission indeed delineated the border assigning Badme to Eritrea as per the agreement between Ethiopia and Italy. However Badme had always been under the Ethiopian administration, the people paying tax to the Ethiopian authorities, being represented in the Ethiopian Parliament and  Italian  or Eritrean Government never contesting Ethiopian ownership. Under these situations Eritrea is interdicted from raising the question of ownership  under the legal theory known as “effectivite’” which means one cannot lay a claim to anything it had abandoned for a long time and it has been under use by another person with the knowledge of the original owner. The lawyers representing Ethiopia never raised the matter and therefore the Commission awarded Badme to Eritrea. This is just one example among many where Ethiopia gave away its rights because of poor representation of Ethiopia at the Commission.  The Commission as per the Algiers Agreement was required to delineate and demarcate the border between the two countries. This meant drawing lines on paper showing  the border and planting border markers such as pillars.However Ato Isayas kicked out the UN Peace  Keeping Force which was entrusted with the enforcement and supervision of the work of the Commission. The Border Commission fearing for its safety  followed suit and packed and left the area without demarcating the border as was required by the Algiers Agreement.Therefore the assignment of Badme to Eritrea is not a done deal yet even by the reckoning of the Border Commission.

For lasting peace and for restoring the brotherhood that existed between Ethiopians and Eritreans the Algiers Agreement and the decision of the  Border Commission should be scrapped and denounced by both parties. The Agreement and the Border Commissiondecision were based on illegal colonial treaties which the UN abrogated in 1947, Italy renounced them after its defeat  in war and Ethiopia cancelled them in 1952 by Order 6/1952 published in the Negarit Gazetta. Therefore the Agreement and the Border Decision are ab initio illegal and therefore  null and void. In addition equality of arms between the two countries did not exist as nobody represented Ethiopia’s interest in earnest. In fact Ethiopian representatives objected to the assignment of Tsorena to Ethiopia and forced the judges of the Commission to award it to Eritrea.

Finally Eritrea and Ethiopia should not seek external mediators for settling the conflict they are mired in now. This is a quarrel within a family and as such should be settled by elders and intellectuals of the two countries who  traditionally are quite adept in settling conflicts. While I have full confidence in our Prime Minister I hope Ato Isayas realizes that this is hopefully  a new day in Ethiopia where the interest of the country reigns supreme as opposed to parochial ethnic interest which has been leading our country down a dark alley.

The writer, Dr Yacob Haile-Mariam, can be reached at yacobhm@gmail.com

NY/NJ Ethiopians Task Force

In Amharic, the national language of Ethiopia, “Andargachew” is equivalent to “unify them.” Andy is a beloved hero to millions of Ethiopians who believe that he risked his life fighting to free them from the shackles of a minority regime that established an apartheid-like system designed to control the majority and loot the country. He was determined to sacrifice his life to fight for liberty because he was selfless, caring and passionate about his country and was troubled by deteriorating human rights conditions.Andargachew Tsige, or as many refer to him, “Andy,” left his beloved wife, Yemi, and his three beautiful kids and went back home from London after the fall of the military regime in 1991. He was hoping to participate in the political process and help his country move forward. Soon after, he was stunned by the ignorance, arrogance, recklessness, corruption and brutality of the TPLF leaders that took power, brokered by donor nations including the US and Britain. With a continued hope to bring a democratic system, he joined his compatriot, professor Berhanu Nega, in the Coalition of Unity and Democracy party and participated in the election of 2005, where Ethiopians unequivocally rejected the regime. In a twisted turn of events, he and his friends were thrown into jail by the TPLF for winning elections and the TPLF remained in power illegally via imprisoning, torturing and killing Ethiopians.

While the TPLF crew spent years in the jungle fighting the military junta in the name of freedom, Andy witnessed the fact that they had no clue about freedom. That observation prompted him write a book entitled, “ነጻነት የማያቁ የነጻነት ታጋዮች”, which translates to, “The freedom fighters who have no clue about freedom.” Indeed, TPLF leaders do seem to think like the pigs in animal farm, who thought that if the pigs get all the food and live a good life, then every other animal should be ok. Ethiopians know that the TPLF era is full of restrictions to free press, freedom of expression, freedom of movements, etc. The only thing that became free under the TPLF is death, torture, displacement, corruption and deplorable living conditions for millions of citizens.

As they have tried every peaceful way of protest, Andy and his friend Berhanu Nega understood the motives of TPLF leaders very well. They understood early on that the TPLF will try to strengthen its divide and rule, it will move on to strengthen an ethnocentric regime where the Tigres dominate the economic, political and military power in the country. That was not acceptable to Andy and his friends, and they were determined to give their lives to fight for Ethiopians and their beloved country. They were determined to stop the madness of a minority regime via any means necessary, including political, diplomatic and arms struggle. That was why Andy and his compatriots came together and established the now populous freedom fighting group “Ginbot-7,” which later became “Patriotic Ginbot-7.”

Since its establishment “Ginbot-7” has been a formidable challenge to the TPLF. Along with other politicians and activists, Ginbot-7 leaders were instrumental in exposing TPLF atrocities and the TPLF’s extreme corruptions, including TPLF owned businesses, to the world. They were instrumental in educating Ethiopians in and out of the country about the ill wills of the TPLF regime. It is no secret that corrupt TPLF leaders fear these guys. The TPLF will do anything to stop them. That was what happened on the 23^rd of June 2014. The TPLF payed millions of dollars to officials of another corrupt government, “Yemen,” to abduct Andy from the airport while he was on transit. Even though they were able to abduct Andy, one thing the TPLF did not realize at the time was that it was already too late for them, as Andy has created a movement that is determined to teach the looters the meaning of real freedom.

The sad thing is that those TPLF leaders that are despised and known by most Ethiopians as killers and looters are enjoying the wealth they have taken from poor Ethiopians while the real Freedom Fighter, “Andy,” is languishing in prison. It is not fair to keep the real freedom fighter in prison, while the ones who fought to loot are at large.

We demand that Prime Minster Abiye Ahmed release our hero, Andargachew Tsige, ASAP. Andy deserves his freedom, Andy deserves to be with his family, and more than ever, Ethiopians need Andy to help them defeat the TPLF and obtain freedom and democracy.

Free Andargachew Tsige

Down with the TPLF and Long Live Ethiopia

NY/NJ Ethiopians Task Force (www.ethionynj.com)

Eskinder Nega and Bekele Gerba Conversation about the Current Situation in Ethiopia

May 9, 2018 (KHARTOUM) The Sudanese government has regretted statements attributed to the Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shukry blaming the failure of recent meeting over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) on Sudan and Ethiopia.

The three countries held a technical meeting including irrigation ministers and experts in Addis Ababa on 5 May to discuss their difference over a report by French consulting firms over the GERD impact on the water shares of the downstream countries.

On Monday, Shoukry said the meeting failed to reach an agreement over the technical report because Ethiopia and Sudan maintain their rejection of the report.

In a press release on Wednesday, Sudan’s Ministry of Water Resources, Irrigation and Electricity said the only objective of Addis Ababa meeting was to agree on a methodology to raise inquiries to the consultant on his introductory report.

It pointed out that the meeting was concluded in a positive atmosphere after Sudan has submitted an integrated proposal to reach an agreement, saying the three countries accepted to consider the proposal and respond within one week on whether or not to adopt it as means to overcome the deadlock.

“Accordingly, the three countries agreed to hold a meeting for the irrigation ministers and the technical committee in Addis Ababa within a week to complete the methodology of raising questions to the consultant and then presenting the results to the extended meeting, which brings together the irrigation ministers, foreign ministers and heads of intelligence from the three countries” read the press release

The press release stressed Sudan’s firm position that efforts should be made to complete the agreed impact studies, wondering about the role Khartoum has played in the failure of the recent meeting.

According to the press release, Sudan renewed awareness about its clear position on the GERD, underscoring “deep faith that informed scientific understanding and sincere cooperation and respect for others is the only way to overcome all challenges” pertaining to the Ethiopian dam.

Sudan warned that casting doubts on the positions would only undermine trust and deepen differences among the peoples of the three countries.

It is noteworthy that the introductory report determines the steps that would be undertaken by the consultants to complete the studies on the ecological, social and economic impact of the dam as well as the options for filling and operating the dam lake.

In September 2016, French engineering consultancy Artelia and BRL groups have been selected to undertake the dam impact studies. The U.K.-based law firm Corbett & Co was selected to manage the legal affairs of the tripartite committee.

The multi-billion dollar dam is being constructed on the Blue Nile, about 20 kilometres from the Sudanese border, and has a capacity of 74 billion cubic meters, and is expected to generate electrical power of up to 6,000 megawatts.

Egypt is concerned that the dam could reduce its quota of 55.5 billion cubic meters of the Nile water, while the Ethiopian side maintains that the dam is primarily built to produce electricity and will not harm Sudan and Egypt.

(ST)

By Bezane Belachew Boru

Translator’s note: This is a chilling TPLF secret that was leaked to the public. The information was originally posted in Amharic language in one of the Ethiopian opposition websites in Diaspora. I decided to translate for any interested no-Amaharic speakers to get to know what goes on in TPLF lead Ethiopia.

This information was leaked a day or two before the deadly attack on the Ethiopians Nuer Community in the western Ethiopia on 15/04/2016 that left nearly 300 people dead and over 150 children abducted and taken to South Sudan.  This leaked information gives a strong hint to the possible presence of the TPLF hidden hands in the attack as it draws a parallel by revealing a similar plan as it was discussed in the secret meeting the possibility of organising a Muslim extremist group from North Sudan to cross the border into Ethiopia and stage an attack on the Welkait communities in Gonder under the cover of a border conflict.

 After reading this highly revealing information any one will come out struggling with him/her self whether to believe it or not. Translation from Amharic into English;  here it goes below:

Exposing the secretly held meeting by the TPLF in Mekele city with the aim of creating clashes between Ethiopian communities on racial and religious divides.

April 17, 2016

The meeting in Mekele had made the evaluation of the shocking and secret campaign conducted so far to ensure clashes between communities on racial and religious divides. The meeting attended by the high ranking TPLF officials Mr Tekleweyny and Mr Abay Woldu as well as the Tigray bureau security head Mr Zeneb Hadush as leaders in attendance with few other very loyal cadres was conducted before yesterday (13/2008 EC)[12/04/2016] in Mekele city. What was discussed in the meeting was leaked by an Adigrat born Mekele resident in order for the information to reach the Ethiopian people and the wider world urgently. I have produced the information the guy has shared with me as it appears below as it is without any amendment what so ever.

The informer is a TPLF member who got the information directly from a close friend who was one of the participants in the secret meeting. The information my dear friend provided me this evening indicates the demise of TPLF which is manifest in the fact that the secret of their meeting reaches the public before they step out of the meeting room. He said nothing is more of an indicator of a rotten and disintegrating government than this. As my gratitude goes to my dear fellow Ethiopian for he said his love for his country comes ahead of anything else and said his wish for all Ethiopians to be aware of  TPLF’s sinister plan before hand in order for us to get rid of TPLF sooner than later.

The TPLF secret meeting held on (April 13,2008 EC) [12/04/2016] has amazingly deliberated on an elaborate plan of bringing the survival of our country to an end thru a racial and religious based conflict and clash on a wider scale. The main goal of the meeting was to evaluate the achievement of the previous operation and to figure out the best way forward for the next round operation with improvements based on the previous experience.  The directive for the meeting came from Addis Ababa directly from Abboy Sibahat Nega and Abay Tsehaye. Towards the end of the meeting Abay Tsehaye had called from Addis to give a strict instruction that was announced to all attendees loudly on a purpose set high volume. I will come to the message in the instruction at the end of this letter.

As the meeting evaluated the last 7 months organized conflict very many points were raised as short comes and failures. Lack of strict loyalty from some of our cadres and the suspicious nature of the public to some degree towards our operation were cited as main shortcomings.

The operation has been more or less successful but the fact that the members of the public has pointed fingers at us after every operation has been its measure failures. For example the attack on the Anwar Mosque was done in such a way that the Muslim community were suspicious of us and for that reason it was not successful in achieving the intended target. In relation to the Oromo protest the burning of churches achieved success in one church which was burned down by the local extremists but all the rest burned by our cadres were subjected to suspicion by the public. On the other front regarding the racial clashes between the Kimant and the Amaharas, our reliable cadres have revealed that the Ethiopian people have widely believed the presence of government hand in it. This fact shows how our non-Tigrian cadres are involved in the action not out of loyalty but for material self-interest. Apart from the Amhara and Kimant conflict in Gonder, in certain parts of Oromia except partial attacks against the Amaharas, rather in a way we never expected, the Amaharas were seen getting protection from Oromo elders and for that reason we dare not say it was a success.

In spite of all that the operation has caused fear, stress and tension to prevail thereby ensuring mistrust and non-cooperation and in that regard it was extremely successful in achieving the indented result. For this reason apart from causing economic deficit and daring confrontation against the government the protest in the wider parts of the country has been effectively rendered fragmented and impact-less in effecting revolutionary change.

In addition to this particularly bomb and arson attacks on university campuses the government has been highly suspected in nearly all of it to the extent that members of the public has been openly discussing it in tea-rooms and pubs fearlessly in the presence of our cadres. And this besides being a big shame to us it also poses a direct threat to our very existence. Furthermore, this daring stance from the public will make our cadres fearful and subject our future mission to more suspicion making it mandatory the need for involving loyal and determined cadres in our future missions. Alternatively the cadres who conduct such unqualified action crippled by fear should be rooted out urgently. However since the protest remains a measure threat to the government the operation must continue by closing the loopholes and reorganising the approach to the highest standard possible.  Since it is our key principle we have to achieve it with determination and loyalty.

For example the issue of Welkait stands for us at its outmost serious point; since their grievance has a constitutional backing it has attracted different media coverage making it difficult for us to attack but we are trying what we could by blocking telephone contacts and other communication networks. Since the local people are very bold and determined, they could easily lead us into a big crisis thru war had they not been waiting to hear the decision of the federal council. Because of this we have no option apart from delaying the decision as we carry out a mature work [secret plot]. But as we conduct this operation in Welkait, since the Christian and Muslim communities live in absolute harmony trying to create a conflict between them could result in total crisis. But by taking the local situation into account, this operation should be conducted urgently.

Since the people are behaviourally highly suspicious, to avoid suspicion, given the Christian majority among the locals, it is possible to infiltrate armed extremists from North Sudan as if they have border issues besides involving the locally available Tigreans coupled with the participation of the armed forces by taking minimal strategic risk aided by the media coverage it is possible to control the situation until a lasting solution will be found. As the grave of TPLF will be dug in Welkait not in Mekele urgency and sensitivity of the situation requires the operation to be conducted without delay in a way that has taken all the factors into consideration and beyond any suspicion.

Even now the conflict and clash must be urgently made a reality between Muslims and Christians, different Christians and Protestants, between Muslims and Protestants as well as different tribes. With regards to tribes, the clash has to be between the Amharas and Oromos, between Oromos and Somalis, Somalis and Affars, between the Affars and Djibouti Affars along the border, between the Gambellas and the South Sudan communities along the border, between the Oromos and Southern communities. It should be staged between the said communities by looking for different issues which can trigger clashes widely in order to stop them from pointing fingers at the government and rather beg the government for mediation.

As the meeting drew to an end with about 40 minutes left Mr Abay Tsehayes call came in and had to be released loudly for all attendees to hear it clearly. On the phone his strict instruction went, “I was listening on internal line to the national agenda you were discussing” then he went on, “even in some Tigrean regions where there are some resistance grumbles the operation will be conducted; here after there will be no flinching back; this was followed by a clap from two very loyal cadres before all the rest joined in by clapping out of fear.” This was all that was said in the meeting.

At this point anyone who chooses to focus on tribal differences should be TPLF or one unwitting accomplice in their actions. I urge all Ethiopians to take the outmost care and plan to give them an Ethiopian centred response. We should defeat TPLF with a united force without any delay. This does not mean we should stop talking about our tribe or being organized along that line.  Our tribal identity should be a security to our Ethiopian nationality as long as being Ethiopian in turn remains a security to our tribal identity. Apart from this any fabricated history and conflict that focuses on our tribal and religious difference will be our peril. Peace and God may be with all of you.

Failure and death to TPLF and victory to our country that has to live in disgrace. God may watch on Ethiopia!!!

– There has been a lot of excitement among international gem dealers about the discovery, particularly because many of the Ethiopian stones do … Read more….

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11 May 2018

Ten years after an outbreak of horrific xenophobic violence claimed 60 lives in South Africa, refugees and migrants are still facing daily discrimination and living in constant fear of physical attacks, Amnesty International said today.

On 11 May 2008 a Mozambican national, Ernesto Alfabeto Nhamuaye, was beaten, stabbed and set alight in a brutal killing which set off a chain of violent attacks against migrants and refugees in South Africa.

“The violence that spread across South Africa in 2008 should have been a wake-up call for the government, underscoring the catastrophic consequences of its failure to root out hatred against refugees and migrants. But 10 years on, refugees and migrants still feel the echoes of that terrifying period,” said Shenilla Mohamed, Executive Director of Amnesty International South Africa.

“Ongoing xenophobia in South Africa is compounded by the failed criminal justice system, with many cases remaining unresolved, which allows perpetrators to attack refugees and migrants with impunity. There has been a marked failure to bring those responsible for the 2008 attacks to justice, emboldening future attackers and leaving refuges and migrants in a constant state of fear.”

Since 2008 there have been numerous outbreaks of violence against refugees and migrants in South Africa.

On 7 June 2014, violence erupted in Mamelodi, a township northeast of Pretoria, resulting in attacks on shops owned by people of Somali origin in and around the township over a period of six days costing lives and livelihoods. Amnesty International noted the police’s failure to respond to the attacks at the time.

In April 2015 another Mozambican national, Emmanuel Sithole, was stabbed to death in Alexander township in Johannesburg. His murder was captured by South Africa’sSunday Times photographer, James Oatway, who happened to be in the township at the time.

In the same month, widespread attacks against refugees, migrants and their businesses were recorded in Durban, Kwa-Zulu Natal. At least four people were killed while many others were seriously injured, shops looted and more than 1000 people displaced in the province.

On 24 February 2017, residents of Pretoria took to the streets protesting against high inequality, poverty and unemployment, which they blamed on refugees and migrants. The protests were accompanied by confrontations and violence.

In some cases, xenophobia has been fueled by the hate-filled rhetoric of South African authorities.

For example, in December 2016, the Executive Mayor of City of Johannesburg Herman Mashaba labelled foreign nationals living in Johannesburg “criminals” who had hijacked the city. He blamed them for the high levels of crime in the city.

Amnesty International is calling for thorough investigations into all outstanding xenophobia-related cases, with access to reparation for all the victims who have suffered discrimination and attacks. The perpetrators must be brought to justice in order to break the cycle of violence.

Background

South Africa has experienced violence with xenophobic undertones for decades, but in recent years there was an escalation in scale and intensity.

In its 2008 report, South Africa “Talk for us, please”: Limited options facing individuals displaced by xenophobic violence, Amnesty International highlighted serious flaws in the government’s response to the violence. The organization, among others, recommended that the government takes all appropriate measures to bring those responsible for the xenophobic attacks to justice.

For more information or to request an interview, please contact:

Mienke Steytler, Media and Digital Content Officer, Amnesty International South Africa: +27 11 283 6000 (office) or +27 (0)64 890 9224 (mobile);mienke.steytler@amnesty.org.za

Read….Public Document 

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