After almost three years of deadly, sporadic crises, 2018 brought signs of much-needed change to Ethiopia when the government announced in early January that it would release many jailed journalists, politicians and protesters. But instead of opening up, Africa’s second-most populous country has returned to a formal state of emergency following the surprising resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn on Feb. 15. With an emboldened opposition, and divisions within the ruling party, Ethiopia now faces more uncertainty.
The chaotic chain of events underscores the difficulties for the ruling coalition, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front, or EPRDF, in trying to manage reforms now that long-simmering discontent has developed into a formidable protest movement. Demonstrators mainly from the Oromo ethnic group, Ethiopia’s largest, have steadily proved their influence on national politics. If their demands aren’t met in the next phase of this turmoil, unrest may intensify.
The first question for the four-party EPRDF is whether to elect an Oromo prime minister to succeed Hailemariam. That would most likely be Abiy Ahmed, the new chairman of the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization, or OPDO, the largest party in parliament. A 180-member council of the EPRDF, split equally between its four parties, will reportedly meet later this week to start deciding on the next leader. Other possibilities include two experienced EPRDF operators: Hailemariam’s replacement as the head of a multiethnic southern party, Shiferaw Shigute; and Demeke Mekonnen, the deputy prime minister and chairman of the EPRDF’s Amhara party.
After the EPRDF was slow to implement the conciliatory prison releases, the mood changed in February. Dissidents were freed, but protesters in Oromia, the largest of Ethiopia’s nine ethnically based regions, ordered a three-day strike that choked the capital, Addis Ababa. Similar actions, sometimes accompanied by violence, have been a feature of anti-government protests by Oromos since 2015. They allege that they are marginalized and exploited in an undemocratic system directed by the Tigrayan Peoples’ Liberation Front, or TPLF, which is part of the EPRDF and represents the Tigrayans, who make up less than 10 percent of Ethiopia’s population of some 100 million.
In the midst of the strike, the authorities released Bekele Gerba, a revered Oromo opposition figure and advocate of nonviolent protests. Two days after Bekele walked free, Hailemariam handed in his resignation, citing the political crisis and a desire to be part of the solution. This created the impression of a government that was about to collapse. That probably contributed to ministers approving a decree for a state of emergency, the second since 2016, which suspended constitutional rights such as freedom of assembly and granted power over regional security to the federal government, including the military and spy agency commanded by TPLF officials. The state of emergency probably forestalls political reforms for at least six months, focusing attention on the contest to replace Hailemariam.
While decades in the making, Ethiopia’s crisis accelerated when tensions burst into anti-government protests in Oromia in November 2015, months after the EPRDF and its allied parties swept an election, winning all the seats in the federal parliament. Though often fed by local grievances, the protesters rallied around opposition to a development plan for Addis Ababa and surrounding areas, which critics said would unjustly displace more Oromo farmers. The movement also drew on resistance to alleged minority rule by the TPLF, which critics say has amassed too much power, on top of longstanding complaints of Oromo subjugation at the hands of the Amharas and Tigrayans.
Civil unrest continued in Oromia in the first half of 2016, with protesters often blocking roads and sometimes torching government offices and private farms and factories. Security forces responded ruthlessly, killing perhaps over 1,000 people nationwide, and detaining many more. It wasn’t limited to Oromia. In the state of Amhara, police responded with gunfire when the minority Qimant people demanded greater administrative rights, and there were similar incidents in the multiethnic south. A territorial claim in northern Amhara led to the targeting of Tigrayans, and similar hate crimes occurred in another part of the region last month.
Following a particularly violent week in Oromia, a draconian state of emergency was enacted in September 2016, subduing the protests. Yet within weeks of its removal 10 months later, there was another schism, as militants in the region of Somali, on the border with Somalia, intensified border attacks on Oromo, leading to reprisals against Somalis in some Oromo towns. The conflict likely had a number of causes, including territorial disputes exacerbated by drought, an ambitious Somali region president and a struggle for control of smuggling networks.
Activists claimed TPLF operators used the Somali region’s special police to provoke discord in a repetition of longstanding allegations of divide-and-rule tactics against the party. But given the scale of massacres and mass displacement, it seems unlikely that anyone with a stake in Ethiopia’s stability would orchestrate such destabilization. Ultimately, the conflict exposed the weakening of central control and the dangers of a growing rivalry between unshackled regions.
The backdrop to these problems is the 23-year-old federal system that divides Ethiopia into territories based on ethno-linguistic identities. Some Ethiopians reject what they term a divisive TPLF-controlled structure, while others demand a greater degree of self-government, or complain that the EPRDF’s central authority and the TPLF’s steering of it undermine regional autonomy.
The latter has been the issue in Oromia, where activists allege that resources were exploited by non-Oromo investors. Oromia’s unrest resulted in an assertive regional government headed by the OPDO’s Lemma Megersa, Abiy Ahmed’s ally, which borrowed from the opposition narrative and advanced assertive policies, winning the support of protesters.
In recent years, the EPRDF, which prioritizes economic gains over political freedoms, has tried to deal with problems by purging inadequate and corrupt leaders. Yet factionalism remains, with the risk of further fragmentation. If the EPRDF elects Abiy as the next prime minister, it would appease protesters and quell dissent. But it may also worry hard-liners, who could view it as rewarding civil disobedience.
Even if Abiy were at the helm, reform would be difficult, and Ethiopia’s federation may face greater tests. EPRDF doctrine insists the system is democratic as it empowers minority groups. An admission by the government that ethnic federalism is a driver of conflict would be a concession to opponents who say the system prioritizes the rights of ethnic groups at the expense of national unity.
The development model championed by the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who ruled from 1991 to 2012, has made notable economic achievements through centrally driven investment, infrastructure building and poverty-reduction efforts, which are underpinned by a strong security apparatus. Rather than abandon the approach to cater to regional demands, many EPRDF leaders want it to continue until Ethiopia is a middle-income nation. So both centralization and greater autonomy face roadblocks.
In order to achieve Meles’ vision—or to maintain control, as opponents would say—there is paradoxically a need for the TPLF to loosen the reins to accommodate challengers. But that would trigger fears of more targeting of Tigrayans as concessions are read as vulnerability. One possible way forward is to grant the parties within the EPRDF more control over regional affairs and federal ministries, but with few alterations to the overarching economic and security system. This would, however, hardly satisfy those clamoring for deeper change.
For an emboldened opposition, the same challenges will remain unless the EPRDF is further weakened, or a future government can usher in reform. Despite the upheaval, opponents face a familiar task in competing in local elections set for April, when more than 3 million EPRDF-controlled seats are up for grabs. To press for changes, the opposition must compete at the grassroots, but restrictions on organizing and financing make activism difficult. If the hopes placed in the reformist ambitions of the OPDO are not rewarded, then the protests that have successfully disrupted EPRDF rule will probably resume, leading to further waves of fatal suppression.
How Ethiopia Influenced Izzy Bizu’s Viral Pop Hits
At just 23-years-old, British-Ethiopian singer-songwriter Isobel Beardshaw, better known as Izzy Bizu, has already shared the stage with music’s finest including Sam Smith and Coldplay.
While her talents behind the mic seemingly fell on her lap, it was through her Ethiopian roots that she fully discovered her unique, acoustic sound. What started as a mere outlet to escape the struggles of boarding school has now become a dream come true.
But music wasn’t always the goal. Izzy Bizu’s career goals first began with animals. Although she wanted to be a vet, she soon learned the difference between hobbies and passions. At the age of 15, she auditioned for a teenage girl-band, singing “Beautiful” by Christina Aguilera. Just one week later, she was in the recording studio.
Fast forward to 2018, Izzy’s debut album, A Moment of Madness, has clocked in over 225 million global streams and her hit single “Diamonds” sits at the #11 spot at Urban AC radio. If that’s not enough, she still manages to find time to travel back home and give back to the communities in Ethiopia.
How would you describe your sound?
Soulful, raw, rhythmical, reminiscent.
Tell us about your Ethiopian background and how it plays into your music.
My mum is Ethiopian, and we often spent holidays there when I was younger. The country is incredibly beautiful and spending time outside of the city allowed me to escape into another world. And I’m sure this played a part in my love of poetry and writing.
Ethiopians also love to dance. There was always music everywhere, which also had an impact in my love and appreciation of music. I also feel because of my mixed heritage that I am a bit of a world traveler, and this also plays an important part in my lyrics and how I see the world.
Heroes and heroines of Ethiopia are freed from terrorist prisons. Thanks to young and vibrant Ethiopians. After twenty seven years of contemptuous, time has come for TPLF’s downfall. What would be next?
While thousands are still in prison, hundreds were freed in the past few weeks. To begin with, they have not committed the slightest crime to have them sent to imprisonment. They are advocates of freedom, justice, democracy, and free and fair political systems, and religious autonomy. They would have been appreciated had there been a candid democratic government. The matter of the fact, Ethiopia has neither a true government nor a leader for twenty seven years. This seems a cumbersome statement but here are four reasons the Tigray People Libation Front’s inherent characteristic that defines it is unprincipled government:
1. Terrorism: individual, group or government deliberately employs violence against civilians creating fear and terror to achieve financial, political, and religious ambition.
2. Fascism: authoritarian, tribal, dictatorial regime eliminates its opponent by force to control economy and power.
3. Mafia: criminal organization that make money illegally by threatening others. Or an organized group of people that employ force to make money illegally and unfairly.
4. Eugenics: inhumanly control segment of population from breeding by method of sterilization. Nazi Germany used against Jewish. In the past 27 years, Tigray People Liberation Front employed against the Amhara population. The current director of WHO was a Health Minster in Ethiopia when such immoral conduct had taken place.
The above statement is just an overview to describe TPLF’s atrocities and criminal activity against the population. TPLF employed these schemes to control the people’s right. The declaration of State Emergency is part of the scheme to extend the life of TPLF to commit more genocide. The United Nations, in particular human rights watch has an obligation to bring Tigray People Liberation Front and its supporters including those living around the world to the court of justice on the basis of genocide. It is irresponsible to be quietly ignoring such high scale genocides committed by TPLF against the people of Ethiopia. Retrospectively, Rwanda’s genocide could have been stopped short, but the international community did not heed. Ethiopians are appealing to international community for several years but no attentiveness. TPLF’s terror scheme is not limited to only for democracy activists, the Waldiba monks, priests, and Muslim leaders’ imprisonments, and local tribes, and natives were exterminated from their lands. TPLF goes beyond its territory to silence its opponents by kidnaping; Andargachew Tsige still in captive is a good example.
For all these years, TPLF has never conducted itself what a government ought to be. Essentially, a leader has a defining character to satisfy a role of leadership; to mention few, he or she must first have a strong love of a country and able to unify its people.
Additionally, a leader ought to be nationalistic, not entangled in trivial tribe activism. Above all, a leader strongly defends and preserves the interest of the country. These are absent under TPLF’s leadership. This attest, despite of Col. Mengistu’s cruelty, today people prefer him over TPLF. Most recently, however, thanks to Lemma Megersa and Abiy Ahmed’s group to raising high up once again a sprite of Ethiopia bent on to unify the people. They broke the backbone of TPLF’s indoctrinations including the ethnic politics. Not only that, they dismantled ethnic political activism. There is a strong feeling among the population; Ethiopia has given birth to lions. The credit ought to be for young generation of Ethiopians once regarded by society as hopeless in comparison to previous generations. They are earth shaking young generation without limitation to only the “mountains”.
Having said these, the imprisoned freedom advocates have been through extreme, and painful physical tortures and mental anguishes, and lost their livings, families are dysfunctional, love ones are either dead or misplaced, they lost their jobs though they are freed from captives. They should be paid restitutions to reinstate their lives. Money to compensate the freed prisoners must come out of TPLF’s bank accounts. After all, TPLF has accrued wealth through corruptions, and illegal networking companies it has established inside and outside the country.
Now, where is the country heading? A choice is still remains on the hands of TPLF. For the best interest of its own people and a country, with no further delay, a transitional government must be stablished. TPLF must realize that to wish to reorganize for repositioning itself to govern Ethiopia is impossible. It is a dead end. People have demanded, they do not want to see TPLF. “Down! Down! TPLF!” the answer is simple, TPLF must exit, there is no other way around to stop the revolt.
Note that the ruling organization which called itself “EPRDF” is an aggregate of four ethnic groups, and it is not a political party, with the exception of Amhara (represented by Tigrayens) the rest three are represented by its corresponding ethnic representatives, though it is a fake aggregates that is fully controlled by TPLF.
What would be next? It is dismaying that no viable political parties yet to be formed in the country. One reason is that TPLF had made sure no political party to be stablished in the country. Secondly, individual political organization is fractured, unable to form unified political party. Though, there are some political organizations, they have no obvious blueprint how to formulate a political system to govern the country.
The lasting peace and prosperity would only be possible by establishing a formidable democratic government. All stakeholders must join forces to better the lives of every Ethiopian. The necessity of establishing transitional government is overdue, nevertheless, it maybe for a better to come. I believe civic organizations must lead a transitional government, with representatives from political groups with a mandate for one year to transfer power to a democratic elect party.
As the ruling party plans to elect a new Prime Minister in a few days; more shocking information is coming out on the identity of lead Oromo candidate Dr. Abiy Ahmed; including some that has sent the whole current TPLF system of ethnic-federalism upside down.
Several renowned Oromo journalists and Oromo activists have already praised Dr. Abiy Ahmed, the new leader of the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO).
Oromo activist Dr. Awol Kassim Allo labelled Dr. Abiy as “the only Oromo candidate for PM.”
The Editor of popular Oromo website Opride.com, Mohammed Ademo, gave Dr. Abiy his full support, predicting that “appointing Ethiopia’s first Oromo prime minister could appease protesters.”
Many Oromos on social media also view Dr. Abiy as their future leader, with some calling him “Oromo liberator.” Even the renowned Oromo activist Jawar Mohammed told his 1 million+ Facebook followers to forgive Abiy’s surprising absence during the State of Emergency voting session last week, because Abiy is Oromo.
Virtually millions of Oromos and foreign observers have openly advocated for the premiership of Dr. Abiy Ahmed; as a way “to give a voice and representation to OROMO people.”
As expected, after several years of ethnic-politics being institutionalized in Ethiopia by the TPLF regime, nobody is surprised that so many Ethiopians have adopted such an ethnocentric and narrow world view.
But the big surprise is that OPDO’s Dr. Abiy might actually be more of an AMHARA.
According to his official profile and background info, Dr. Abiy is reported to have Amhara ancestors, with his mother described online as “Amhara Christian.” His name “Abiy” (also spelled Abey) is an Amharic name; and some of his former colleagues have reportedly suggested that he sees himself as an Amhara culturally, but as an Oromo politically in order to join the OPDO. In reality, based on his ancestry, Dr. Abiy seems to be no more Oromo than Emperor Menelik (whose mother was also Oromo.) In fact, Emperor Haile Selassie (whose father was half-Oromo and whose mother was full-Oromo from Wollo) is actually more Oromo than Dr. Abiy Ahmed will ever be.
This is not a new dilemma inside OPDO, because Oromo extremists have for years complained about the genuine “Oromoness” of most members of OPDO, including OPDO co-founder Aba Dulla. In the early 1990s, many Oromo hardliners often said OPDO is filled with half-Oromos (including those with Amara, southern, Somali and Tigrean ancestry.) This was a big problem for OPDO for two decades.
However, in this historic year of rising Oromo nationalism and Oromo revolution, it is truly ironic that Oromo activists worldwide want to give the KEYS to their movement to an Amhara.
After so many innocent Oromos died in the streets of Oromia the last two years; if the best leader that Oromo nationalism can produce is an Amhara: then what does this really say about where we are as a nation? What does this say about the concepts of ethnic self-rule and ethnic self-determination? What does this say about the useless ethnic boundary referendums that have caused endless ethnic bloodshed between OPDO-led Oromia and regional states like Somali and SNNPR?
After-all, one of the reasons why hundreds of Oromos and Somalis died last year, and millions became internally displaced refugees was because of the tribalization of land since the 1997 referendum. After that land redistribution scheme, 340 zones out of 420 zones were awarded to Oromia, leading to the homelessness and disenfranchisement of Somali-Ethiopians. Similar ethnicization of land has brought so much suffering to millions and divided our country. If all these crisis and ideological bankruptcy of ethnic elites do not convince them to lower their divisive ethnic-nationalism rhetoric, then, what will?
Sooner or later, diaspora Oromos and other vocal Oromo elites might turn their backs on Dr. Abiy and Lemma; just like they defamed and turned their backs on OLF founders like Lencho Lata. Oromo nationalists are infamous for blaming each other and attacking personalities; instead of soul searching or self-reflection on their ideological shortcomings.
For those of us Ethiopians who have exposed the gravity, backwardness, impracticality and incompatibility of the current tribal-federalism structure with modern democracy in the 21st century: this is a huge ideological and political victory. If the future leader of OPDO and the #Oromoprotests is a half-Amhara like Dr. Abiy, maybe it will reduce ethnic tensions. Maybe then, we can all see each other as Ethiopians first and foremost.
But too many people have already perished in Ethiopia for the sake of tribalism and it must stop. Sooner or later, ethnic apartheid federalism and dangerous tribal-nationalism must be replaced with regional federalism and civic nationalism. One of the best ways to mitigate tribal conflict and lower ethnic tensions is to detach tribal ownership of any land and recognize mixed-Ethiopians as a separate group in our population.
Dr. Abiy Ahmed is one of millions of Ethiopians with mixed ancestry. Unfortunately, mixed-ethnicity is not emphasized in our national Census and this should be one of the main agenda of our future government.
The TPLF dictatorship is on its last legs, but we should not focus on the ethnic label of the next government, we should focus on developing democratic institutions. All Ethiopians must unite to establish a new non-tribal government. We should not try to replace the Tigray-led regime with an Oromo-led one. It is important that Ethiopia transitions into a new system of government for all the people, in which leaders are picked based on merit, and where all Ethiopians are represented as individuals, no matter which tribe (or mix of tribes) they belong to.
“Communities need leaders who create a better place to live. Children need leaders who help
them reach their potential. Family and friends need leaders who model purpose-driven lives.”
— John Maxwell, Leadership for Every Day
“Ethiopian needs ‘greater freedom of people’ and not less.”
U.S. Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, March 8, 2018
Aklog Birara (Dr.)
I have consistently argued that, more than aid and Foreign Direct Investment, Ethiopia needs freedom, justice and democracy. The rest will follow from good, inclusive and empowering governance. In a commentary entitled “TPLF Inc. as a” silent killer” posted by several websites including Ethiomedia and Zhabesha on February 26, 2012, I warned ordinary Ethiopians at home and the world community at large that the TPLF party, state and government (they are one and the same), in tandem serves as a “killing and robbery machine” that robs human dignity; and puts a premium on material and financial possessions over human worth and life. Since then, this machine is responsible for the deaths, maiming, tortures, imprisonments and other forms of dehumanization of thousands of innocent Ethiopians some as young 3 months old. Imagine a regime that doesn’t have an ounce of moral compunction in murdering children; and in murdering a mother expressing grief over a murdered child. Even buried a murdered child is a crime under the current system.
There is no human development without freedom
Governments that advance freedom and empower youth and women to create, innovate and produce serve their societies much better than those that suppress and punish them. Far from enabling Ethiopia’s youth and children to ‘fulfil their God-given potential,’ the TPLF killing
machine has moved from a “Silent killer” to that of an open killer in which peaceful expression of dissent, movement from one part of the country to the other, boycotts and other forms of peaceful expressions have become a crime.
Ethiopia’s dictatorship has declared a third state of emergency this time giving the TPLF defense, security and other allied forces supremacy to rule and license to kill. Whether the country’s rulers and their ardent supporters admit it or not, Ethiopia is now a police state. The entire country is under a state of siege. The dictionary defines “A state of siege as a situation in which a government or other authority puts restrictions on the movement of people into or out of a country, city, or building. Under the state of siege, the police could arrest suspects without charges or warrants.” So, no one is safe, but some are less safe than others. Today, the assault
is concentrated on the Oromo population, especially youth. Tomorrow’s target will no doubt be the Amhara people, especially youth. This type of selective and targeted assault on freedomand the degradation of human life is so routinized and normalized that Ethiopians have become almost immune.
It is incontestable that a state of siege allows the TPLF dominated and commanded defense, security, special command and federal and allied police to set-up command posts in any part of the country where peaceful citizens express their frustrations, hopes and aspirations through the only instrument they can exercise, namely, peaceful protests and boycotts. Given the license to go after anyone suspected of defiance of the dictatorship, no one is safe at home either. The police state hunts the person down.
Would this latest state of emergency stop the popular tide? The answer is no. Because,regardless of the sacrifice it takes, human freedom is ultimately triumphant over tyranny. A deliberate war against the current generation of Ethiopians is a war against the inevitable tide or wave of freedom. Those who stand against this tide are effectively siding against history.
On March 3, 2018, Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban reported that “The government of Ethiopia has admitted a violent pushback to a recently “ratified” state of emergency (SOS). A number of security forces have reportedly been attacked and their weapons confiscated.”
The regime’s defense minister, Siraj Fegessa admitted the pushback and noted that the resistance against the new SOS is a form of a “coloured revolution.” The resistance took place immediately after the SOS was proclaimed. The defense minister cannot be expected to admit that this so called “coloured revolution” that in reality is some popular grassroots based and youth led revolution for freedom, justice and democracy actually begun more than two years ago and has continued unabetted. The SOS is doing exactly the opposite. It is making Ethiopian society more defiant and more resilient than ever before.
To repeat, freedom is unstoppable. The real question is at what cost?
Ethiopia’s popular revolution to undo the damage inflicted on the society over the past 27 years
has intensified since November 2015; and is likely to succeed in bringing fundamental
democratic changes. But this quest for freedom, justice and the rule of law won’t be achieved
without sacrifices in human life and in property. Fortunately for Ethiopia and the Ethiopian
people, Ethiopia’s youth is determined to pay any price in order to achieve freedom, justice, the rule of law and genuine democracy. Regardless of the “killing machine’s” inexcusable and criminal propagation of a false and damaging ideology of hate and mutual suspicion, Ethiopia’s youth has shown a remarkable sophistication in separating the TPLF from the people of Tigray.
Sadly, members of the Tigrean community refuse to reject the TPLF. In fact, a recent statement from a group in the U.S. vowed to support the state of emergency thereby inflaming the situation and deepening unnecessary animosity among Ethiopians. It weighed in heavily on the
loss of Tigrean owned property and gave no acknowledgment to the loss of innocent lives by TPLF dominated and commandeered forces.
It needs repeating again and again that ordinary Tigreans have nothing to fear from their Ethiopian brothers and sisters. What they should fear is the hate-mongering ideology of the TPLF and its latest declaration of a state of siege on the Ethiopian people. Politically motivated ethnic hate has a short-life span. State and government policy of ethnic hatred and divide and rule inevitably leads to genocide and the destruction of any country.
In order to rule by force of arms, the TPLF has no other choice but to murder tens of thousands and perhaps millions. It sadly believes this objective can be achieved through a variety of extrajudicial measures such as:
Selective killing, maiming, tortures and imprisonments of activists especially in the Oromia and Amhara regions;
Going house to house and disarming households, most notably in the Amhara region;
Re-arresting and jailing notable individuals who were released recently;
Shutting off basic services to specific communities considered inimical to the TPLF;
Reigniting animosity among the Oromo and Amhara population;
Arming allies to revolt against the federal system and using this as a vehicle to frighten Ethiopian society and to bolster foreign support
These measures are counterproductive and will reveal the weakness and fragility of the system. Rwanda, Somalia, Syria and others are prime examples. The “illegal” latest state of emergency facilitates the license to kill; but is never a cure. The SOS tries to repair and salvage a hopelessly broken, hated, illegitimate and inhumane system. It is not a cure. The root causes of the popular revolt against TPLF dictatorship remain unaddressed. Zeroing in and trying to crush Ethiopia’s youth that constitutes 70 percent of 110 million people won’t work. The way out isan all-inclusive form of transition that will facilitate a fair and free election.
The TPLF dictatorship and its ardent supporters are on the losing side of history. This trend- setting and transformative history led by Ethiopia’s youth demands that the current regime and future governments of Ethiopia pay singular attention to the aspirations and hopes of the country’s youth. It is their world view that should guide and shape history; and not the political and economic preponderance of ethnic elites, middle men and corrupt officials at all levels.
The series of state of emergencies imposed on the Ethiopian people have demonstrated that citizens no longer fear or respect the dictatorial party, state and government. They tolerate it as an “inconvenient truth” or system that is dominated by ignorant and backward thinking officials. They do not accept it as a legitimate system of governance that will shape and determine their lives and their destiny.
As noted earlier, a state of siege is indicative of failure in government officials and their institutions. Dictatorship revert back to the only thing they know and control, repression and
oppression by force of arms. When you sink to the bottom as a regime, you resort to the only instrument over which you have control, namely, crushing your opponents through extrajudicial measures and forcing submission. Disarming the population is a form of forcing submission. Going house to house and arresting or killing opponents is a form of forcing submission to a dying regime. These measures can never be a cure to a malignant and sick system.
The TPLF has learned nothing from the Imperial and Socialist Dictatorships. It created and wants to retain a rigged system that has enslaved the vast majority of Ethiopians. The only reliable and durable determinant to this rigged system is the power of the population; and not the barrel of the gun. The military socialist dictatorship commanded one of the largest armies in Africa; but was crushed, mostly by a popular resistance.
As witnessed in Oromia and some parts of the so-called Amhara regional state, under the new state of emergency the TPLF deployed forces to punish and force surrender. Anyone and everyone who defies the dictates of the TPLF dominated regime takes enormous risks. The killing machine is merciless and simply kills without any reservation or mercy.
The latest and third state of emergency imposed on Ethiopia’s 110 million people, the second largest in Africa and the 13th in the entire world escalates the wave of potential crimes against humanity to a dangerous level; and threatens the very existence of Ethiopia as a country. If and when massive and relentless assaults begin, the TPLF would have no place to hide either. Sadly, the TPLF endangers Tigreans as well. If plan B is secession, this option will be a total disaster for Tigreans and a welcome development for Ethiopia’s traditional enemies. This is insanity of the worst kind.
This option aside, my commentary is to alert Ethiopians of the extraordinary danger they face; and their country faces. This time around, ordinary Ethiopians should be weary that no one will be safe in their homes whether they live in Addis Ababa, Gondar, Awassa or other.
Escalation of ethnic conflict and the use of new instruments by the TPLF
For example, what guarantee is there that the “silent killer” that decided that the Amhara population should be reduced by an estimated 2.4 million to 5 million; that forced Amhara girls and women in their primes to take short-acting contraceptives (Depo-Provera pills) so that they do not reproduce; that encouraged ethnic elites in Gambella, Beni-Shangul Gumuz, SNNP and other locations of targeting the Amhara to move out of their premises; that trained Ogaden Somali Special forces to wage war against their Oromo brothers and sisters and caused the displacements of nearly a million people; that, much earlier, ethnically cleansed hundreds of thousands of innocent people in Wolkait-Tegede and other locations throughout the “Amhara” region etc. etc. would not deploy new and dangerous instruments to kill?
What guarantee, if any, is there that drinking water won’t be contaminated deliberately and
selectively by the TPLF and its agents?
What guarantee is there that the TPLF and its agents won’t cut electricity to cities and towns selectively and deliberately? What guarantee is there that the TPLF and its agents have not begun training special units in selected regions to revolt and declare secession? What guarantee is there that the TPLF and others with billions of dollars in assets are not using the state of emergency to move capital out of Ethiopia thereby compounding the massive illicit outflow of billions of dollars already stolen and hidden overseas? Based on its disastrous past, there is nothing to offer us confidence that it won’t resort to any means necessary to prolong its punishing governance and or to destroy and move on.
Against these questions is to consider recently leaked ‘reports from reliable sources’ within Ethiopia say that the TPLF ‘plans to use the SOS to do as much damage as possible and to transfer funds and other strategic resources to the home base of Tigray.’ It is also reported by ‘credible sources’ that the TPLF has trained as many as “20,000 to 30,000 females, primarily Tigreans, and deployed them in strategic locations in Addis Ababa and other urban areas with explicit instructions to wait for orders from the TPLF leadership to take specific actions against specific pre-identified and preselected valuable targets.” The purported plan of action includes “placing explosives under high rise buildings, bridges and other infrastructure; applying poisons to drinking water supply facilities; dismantling all electric and communication transmission lines and infrastructure in targeted and pre-selected communities.”
If true (this is not validated by independent third parties or by the global media), these acts of total destruction will constitute total war on the Ethiopian people and on Ethiopia. It will also be a crime against humanity that will affect generations to come. The intent should be prevention before any of these dangerous acts take place.
In my commentary more than 5 years ago, I posed the following set of questions that are as relevant today as they were at the time.
“Have you ever wondered, as I have, why Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people are caught in a vicious cycle of disillusionment, dispossession and disempowerment? Have you pondered, as I have, the simple truth that the vast majority of the Ethiopian people have less say and thus less power over their political and economic affairs in their own country compared to a few ethnic elites and foreign investors such as Saudi Star and Karuturi? Have you taken a few minutes of your time to reflect why Ethiopian Christians and Muslims alike working in Saudi Arabia find themselves in a predicament for praying in a Muslim State while Saudis are free to build mosques and to pray as they wish anywhere in Ethiopia?”
We may no longer reflect on the dominance of Sheikh Al-Amoudi “Who Stole the Nile” for the benefit of the Saudi market and Saudi investors or the role of the Indian investor Karuturi who borrowed from Ethiopian banks and went belly-up etc. but the traumas persist in different forms.
“Anywhere one looks, Ethiopians within and outside the country cry for a government leadership to protect their lives and their country’s national interests. These and other core
policy related questions on Ethiopia and Ethiopians suggest an enormous gap in organization and leadership that is socially relevant and purpose-driven. I would argue that the urgent gap in responsive governance is the ethnicity and language-based system that pits one group against another. This persistent state and government led division and assault on civil society is felt by all Ethiopians in some form or another. All Ethiopians have a stake; and are thus responsible in filling the vacuum with a better and empowering system.
In light of this, it is time that we expand and embrace the definition and action steps that will lead the entire society to a better and more promising alternative than the current TPLF dictatorship. We cannot do this as long as we are guided by the ethnic and divisive script imposed on us by TPLF Inc. We need to consider the higher moral ground that the same way “families and friends need leaders who model purpose-driven lives,” Ethiopian society and communities anywhere and everywhere should expect to defend their human rights; improve their lot; and chart a more promising future for their children.
Can this really be achieved? Can Ethiopian political, civic and faith leaders and intellectuals surmount their own narrow interests and prejudices for the sake of the country and its diverse population? The simple answer is that there is no other choice. Otherwise, we should stop the entire business of protest politics and politics as a business enterprise: the model TPLF Inc. has imposed on each of us.”
There are no such things as separate but equal human rights or the rule of law or democracy. Justice, equality and the rule of law have meaning to the extent that these are indivisible principles. An assault on the Oromo is an assault on each of us. Ethnic cleansing against the Amhara is a crime against all Ethiopians. The sooner we, together, echo these fundamental precepts the better for all Ethiopians.
I suggest in this piece that Ethiopians who wish to be treated with respect and dignity anywhere in the world and who wish a better future for this and the coming generation stop the nonsense of ethnic, religious or other forms of “irreconcilable divisions.”
The current oppressive system has created a pronouncedly dangerous class division building and trying to replace the ethnic and linguistic divide and rule that served it well in the first two decades of TPLF and allied dominance. It created ethnic-parties to champion its narrow interests; and most are still unable or unwilling to free themselves from its grip. They are vested in the system and have practically abandoned their responsibilities to their constituents. But we should always be careful that we do not lump together all Tigreans as direct beneficiaries of the TPLF machine.
For instance, the TPLF conglomerate called the Endowment for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT) controls tens of industrial, manufacturing, agricultural, import and export, banking, insurance and other companies throughout Ethiopia. It started with a small amount of capital and now commands a minimum of $3 billion in assets. It has made a few Tigreans super rich while leaving millions of Tigreans poor and marginalized. The make-believe fast growth
championed by the TPLF and its agents says little about the millions of Tigreans and other Ethiopians left-out of the development process. Ethiopia is still one of the poorest, least developed and most closed economies on the planet. This phenomenon of a closed and literally ethnic elite captured economy allows a minority ethnic group from Tigray that represents less than 6 percent of Ethiopia’s 110 million people to enjoy a disproportionate share of incomes and wealth. Income inequality is a threat to Ethiopia.
Sadly, this disproportionate share of wealth and riches gained from outside the Tigray region gives TPLF a legitimacy in Tigray that it actually does not deserve at all. The sooner non- beneficiary Tigreans realize that they have been duped or deceived by the TPLF the better for them and for the rest of Ethiopia. EFFORT continues to propagate the make-believe notion that it is still rehabilitating a “devastated region” while masking the reality that it serves a selected few within the TPLF and other loyalists who benefit from a closed system.
These beneficiaries are vested and invested in the system and will do all they can in their power to prolong its political and economic dominance. Because they are vested financially and politically, they see their fate as one that is intrinsically linked to the survival and dominance of the TPLF.
So, what can and should we do?
“We can start with baby steps: stop demeaning and undermining one another. Reach-out to and talk to one another as adults. Work with and collaborate with one another as adults. Campaign against all forms of injustice and inequality collaboratively. Accept our diversity as a source of strength and celebrate one another. Demand and promote innovative, inclusive, smart and wiser alternative organization and leadership–with demonstrated capability of grasping what is at stake and with commitment to set aside minor differences; and use the discipline and consistency Ethiopia deserves by forging a unity of purpose among all ethnic, religious and demographic groups. If we fail to do this fast, we have no one to blame but ourselves. These baby steps will not be easy.”
However, Ethiopians, especially youth are showing us the way forward by sacrificing their lives for a better tomorrow. What more compelling social force do we need in rejecting TPLF dictatorship and the state of emergency that it imposed again?
“A unity of purpose must affirm failures of the past without being trapped in it. It must affirm commitment to justice, the rule of law, unfettered and equitable access to economic and social opportunities, and representative governance based on free and fair elections. A child in Gambella must believe that he/she is an Ethiopian and deserves the same rights as a child in Tigray or Oromia or Addis Ababa and so on. Creating favorable conditions that embrace each child as a human-being regardless of ethnic or religious affiliation would have the best chance of safeguarding past gains while advancing a more promising future for the vast majority of Ethiopians that the current system is unable to deliver. This will not happen unless adults show commitment that transcends ethnicity.”
The World community is on our side
Ethiopian-American diplomatic relationships span over 115 years. Established in 1903, after nine days of meetings in Ethiopia between Emperor Menelik II and Robert P. Skinner, an emissary of President Theodore Roosevelt, this relationship has endured the test of time and will endure for decades to come as long as Ethiopia’s governance changes for the better. Long before the TPLF took power in 1991, Ethiopia enjoyed the much coveted “Most Favored Nation status.” The distinguished Ethiopian statesman and diplomat, Workneh Eshete is deservedly credited for welcoming the African-American community to Ethiopia during his visit in 1927.
The African-American community dedicated itself in helping modernize the Ethiopian economy before and after the Italian invasion in 1935. This relationship cannot be ignored or understated. Sadly, the military socialist dictatorship squandered the relationship by being vitriolic and antagonistic.
Against the lull in relations, the TPLF exploited diplomatic measures to forge a strategic agreement in the fight against terrorism, while terrorizing Ethiopians. For the first time over the past decades, the Government of the United States sees the enormous long-term benefits of “freedom,” the rule of law and democracy in strengthening mutual national security, sustainable and equitable growth and development in Ethiopia and the rest of Africa. During an official press briefing with Ethiopian officials in Addis Ababa on March 8, 2018, Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson affirmed the American commitment that Ethiopia needs “greater freedomand not less.” This is a welcome and an unprecedented position that all other countries, including the European Union ought to take.
The U.S. Secretary of State also affirmed the expressed position of America’s Ambassador to Ethiopia who disagreed with the regime in Addis Ababa on the “re-imposition of the state of emergency” and asked Ethiopian officials to consider a “‘voluntary transition” that allows inclusion of all stakeholders. “We recognize the transition that is underway in Ethiopia, the first ever voluntary transfer of power, and I view this as a very positive symbol of this very
young democracy in Ethiopia – a peaceful transition of power…. We share concerns raised by government over the incidence of violence, loss of lives and we do firmly believe the answer is greater freedom of people not less.”
The key message is “greater freedom, not less.” It is therefore inconceivable for Ethiopia to enjoy a peaceful transition regardless of who becomes the next Prime Minister. Secretary of State Tillerson is right when he stated the American position in the clearest terms possible. “During recent events, the United States have expressed our concerns with the government’s decision to impose another state of emergency because it does put restrictions on fundamental rights like assembly and expression…. We formally believe that democratic reforms, economic growth and lasting stability are best addressed through an inclusive political process rather than through the imposition of restrictions.” His plea extends to
Ethiopian citizens as well; and indirectly to Ethiopia’s opposition. “We encourage the Ethiopian people as well to maintain patience, maintain support for your government
through this change or this transition but also through this journey of pursuing democracy which takes time and effort. Democracy is not easy, it takes a lot of work.”
The first priority then is for the TPLF dominated regime to rescind the state of emergency andto stop killing innocent civilians immediately and unconditionally.
The second is to allow a peaceful and all-inclusive dialogue that will frame a transitiontowards a government of National Unity, Reconciliation and Peace; and that will facilitate thefirst free and fair election in Ethiopian history.
Part II of this series will be posted soon March 9, 2018
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia – Ethiopian immigration officials have deported a British journalist over an accreditation row that both sides are disputing.
William Davison, who was a Bloomberg reporter for seven years before he started writing for The Guardian, said he was expelled from Ethiopia on Wednesday after being detained at a police station for a day.
The journalist, who was chairman of the Ethiopian Foreign Correspondents Association, said he was not given a specific reason for his deportation but an official at the Ethiopian spokesman office said the journalist was deported because had no foreign media affiliation.
In a separate incident, Ethiopian officials detained prominent blogger and university lecturer Seyoum Teshome on Thursday.
All-Female Crew Operate Ethiopian Airlines’ Inaugural Buenos Aires Flight
Ethiopian Airlines has made history again with an all women functioned inaugural flight to Buenos Aires, Argentina. On International Women’s Day, the all female crew operated and flew the iconic B787 Dreamliner, from Addis Ababa to Buenos Aires, which marked yet remarkable, empowering and inspirational first for the airline.
March 8 is International Women’s Day, and Ethiopian Airlines celebrated the day with a historic flight with an all-female crew from Addis Ababa to Buenos Aires in Argentina. The all female crew flew the iconic B787 Dreamliner.
Speaking at the launch of airline’s five weekly flights to Buenos Aires, Group CEO of Ethiopian Airlines, Tewolde GebreMariam, said “To mark this important occasion and as part of our commitment of mainstreaming gender into our core business, we have made the inaugural flight on 8 March an All Women Operated Flight”.
While an all female operated flight is not new for Ethiopian Airlines, this particular flight is historic as the airline’s inaugural flight to Buenos Aires. Having an all female crew operate and fly the airline’s inaugural flight to Buenos Aires, is not only commendable but an inspiration, which cements the airline’s commitment to providing equal opportunities.
In 2015, Ethiopian Airlines was the first African airline to fly an all-female crew out of Africa. The history making flight deck crew operated the flight from the capital, Addis Ababa to Bangkok, Thailand. Ethiopian Airlines called it, “#Ethiopian first All Women Functioned Flight”. Every part of the flight was done by a woman, from the pilots who flew the plane, cabin crew, ground staff, and air traffic controllers. Even an all female customs and immigration officers crew on arrival in Bangkok.
Commenting on the celebrated flight in 2015, the CEO GebreMariam said, the historic endeavour was meant to empower and inspire women. “As you know, here in the continent of Africa, we are lagging behind in women empowerment. So this is going to inspire all the school girls in Africa that they have a very bright future in the 21st century,” GebreMariam said.
Ethiopia Airlines has made great strides towards offering world class aviation services and the airline’s efforts have been rewarded, winning various continental and international awards.
In February, Ethiopian Cargo and Logistics Services, Africa’s largest cargo operator, was awarded as “Fastest growing International Cargo Airline of the Year” at Air Cargo India International conference held in Mumbai. In March, the airline won the African Leadership Excellence Award.
Ethiopian Airlines is the fastest growing Airline in Africa. In its seventy plus years of operation, Ethiopian has become one of the continent’s leading carriers, unrivalled in efficiency and operational success.
Nairobi, March 9, 2018–Ethiopian authorities should immediately release Seyoum Teshome, who publishes theEthiothinktank blog, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today. Security forces yesterday arrested Seyoum at his home near the Woliso campus of Ambo University, where he lectures, according to witnesses who spoke with Voice of America and Deutsche Welle. The reason for his arrest and his whereabouts are not known, according to reports and a statement by the Swiss-based Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia.
Seyoum has been critical in his blog of a six-month state of emergency Ethiopia declared in February. Under the state of emergency, authorities can carry out arrests and searches without warrant and close down media stations, according to a report by the state-owned Ethiopian News Agency.
“Ethiopia cannot again use the cloak of a national emergency to round up journalists and stifle critical voices,” said CPJ Deputy Executive Director Robert Mahoney. “This is the second time that authorities ignored due process to detain Seyoum Teshome. He should be released immediately and unconditionally.”
Seyoum was arrested in October 2016, days before a previous state of emergency was declared, according to CPJ
Zemenech Bililin has not seen her sisters in more than a decade, since she immigrated to Israel from Ethiopia with part of her family. Now a 19-year-old infantry soldier in Israel’s military, Bililin says she is outraged that she is fulfilling her duties as a citizen but the state is shirking its responsibility to bring her relatives to Israel.
Bililin’s family is one of hundreds that have been split between Israel and Ethiopia over what they say is an inconsistent immigration policy, and whose fate hinges on an Israeli government decision over whether to allow for their reunification. Ethiopians in Israel say the bitter public feud to unite with long-lost relatives has exacerbated a feeling that the state discriminates against its Ethiopian minority.
“It’s shocking in my opinion. They only do this to us, to our ethnicity,” said Bililin. “The state should take responsibility and stop abandoning the Jews.”
The issue faces a critical juncture next week, when the government is tentatively scheduled to decide whether to allocate funding to bring as many as 8,000 Ethiopians to Israel to reunite with their families.
Israel clandestinely airlifted thousands of Ethiopian Jews from the country in the 1980s and 90s, spending hundreds of millions of dollars to bring the ancient community to the Jewish state and help them integrate. About 140,000 Ethiopian Jews live in Israel today, a small minority in a country of over 8 million. But their assimilation hasn’t been smooth, with many arriving without a modern education and then falling into unemployment and poverty.
As far as Israel is concerned, the drive to bring over Ethiopia’s Jewish community officially ended in the 90s, but amid pressure from lawmakers and family members, successive Israeli governments have opened the door to immigration by a community of descendants of Ethiopian Jews who were forced to convert to Christianity under duress about a century ago.
Although many of them are practicing Jews, Israel doesn’t consider them Jewish, meaning they are not automatically eligible to immigrate under its “law of return,” which grants automatic citizenship to anyone with at least one Jewish grandparent. Instead, the government must OK their arrival.
Community members have been permitted to immigrate over the last two decades in limited bursts that have left hundreds of families torn apart.
Nearly 8,000 people in Ethiopia are hoping to immigrate, among them Bililin’s sisters, who as married women applied to immigrate separately.
In 2015, Israel agreed in principle to bring over the remaining Ethiopians who have Israeli relatives, vowing that it would be the last round of Ethiopian immigration and clearing the way for the arrival of 1,300 people last year.
Israel says it has continued to greenlight the community’s immigration on humanitarian grounds but it also has set a slew of requirements on those waiting in Ethiopia, in part to prevent what could be an endless loop of immigration claims.
Avraham Neguise, an Ethiopian-Israeli lawmaker in the ruling Likud party who chairs the Israeli parliament’s Absorption and Diaspora Committee, accused the government of dragging its feet and in turn damaging the Ethiopian community’s already brittle relationship with the state.
“The government is pursuing a discriminatory policy by not having the remaining Ethiopian Jews immigrate,” he said. “There’s no doubt that it harms the community’s trust.”
While Ethiopians have made strides in certain fields and have reached the halls of Israel’s parliament, many complain of racism, lack of opportunity, endemic poverty and routine police harassment.
Those frustrations boiled over into violent protests three years ago after footage emerged of an Ethiopian-Israeli in an army uniform being beaten by police. Thousands of Ethiopian Jews and their supporters blocked main highways and clashed with police in a bid to draw attention to their plight, including what they say is unchecked police brutality against their community members.
Activists have been lobbying the government to approve the immigration, penning letters to Israeli officials and sharing their poignant stories of separation in parliamentary committees. They see the issue as an easily solvable one that has needlessly shattered families and marooned people in a troubled country.
“Daughters are getting married in Israel without their mothers at their side. Sons are going to war and not returning without having their fathers there to bury them. We’re talking about human lives here,” said Alisa Bodner, a spokeswoman for Struggle for Ethiopian Aliyah, an activist group.
The community expected to see funding for immigration in the proposed budget, which is expected to come up for a vote as early as next week. But they were stunned when it was absent from preliminary versions of the budget.
The anticipated estimated cost of flying all 8,000 people to Israel along with housing and social services is roughly 1.4 billion shekels, or about $400 million, a sizeable figure but a tiny fraction of a nearly 500 billion shekel ($143 billion) national budget, according to an official from the finance ministry. The official spoke on condition of anonymity because she was not authorized to discuss a budget that has not yet been passed.
Neguise and the activists are engaged in a last-minute push to have the families’ plight included in the upcoming budget and to do so the Israeli government must vote on the issue, which could happen on Sunday. However, it is unclear whether the government would agree to bring all of the Ethiopians to Israel, or just limited numbers as in the past.
Regardless of the outcome, hundreds of people are expected to protest outside parliament the following day demanding action.
Israel’s Finance Ministry said it was up to the government to decide on the issue. There was no immediate comment from Israel’s prime minister’s office.
The Ministry of Immigration and Immigrant Absorption said “the subject of the continuation of Ethiopian immigration is on the government’s agenda.” But with the government embroiled in a coalition crisis over separate issues, the plight of the Ethiopians may not be its top priority.
“It’s intensely painful. I miss them like crazy,” Bililin said about her sisters. “(The government) doesn’t understand that pain.”
1. Discussions with Ambassador Donald Yamamoto, Acting Assistant Secretary, Bureau of African Affairs, U.S. State Department.
I recently discussed the current situation in Ethiopia with Ambassador Yamamoto, telling him that Ethiopian-Americans appreciate his interest in the wellbeing of Ethiopia. He said the situation in Ethiopia is very unpredictable. We discussed mutual concerns about and expressed concern about the state of emergency. I emphasized the need for the Ethiopian government to end the use of excessive force by security forces, and investigate the killings and excessive use of force that took place as a result of protests in the Oromia and Amhara regions. The Ethiopian government must respect the right to peaceful assembly and guarantee freedom of the press; engage in open consultations with citizens regarding its development strategy; and address the grievances brought forward by representatives of registered opposition party. Opposition groups must be included in discussions about the state affairs of Ethiopia and must be part of efforts to resolve the current crisis.
2. U.S. Secretary of State Tillerson’s visit to Ethiopia
News reports about Tillerson’s visit to Ethiopia focused on his statements that the only way to resolve political turmoil in Ethiopia is by granting people greater freedoms and lifting the state of emergency. Speaking at a news conference in Addis Ababa, Tillerson said. “We do firmly believe that the answer is greater freedom. “While we appreciate the government’s responsibility to maintain control …it is important that country moves on past the state of emergency as quickly as possible.”
Reports about Tillerson’s trip noted that it is complicated by President Trump’s vulgar remarks about Africa, and the U.S. President’s complete lack of interest in the continent. Nonetheless, Tillerson was able to a $533 million humanitarian aid package to help with famine and conflict-related needs in Ethiopia, Somalia, South Sudan and Nigeria.
3. Majority Leader McCarthy’s letter
The office of House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy has written a letter to outlining the ways in which the Ethiopian government it has fallen short of meeting its commitments to human rights and democracy.
The letter notes that the Ethiopian government has not yet complied with demands form the U.S. Congress to give the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights access to examine the human rights situation. It also notes the “continued political turmoil in the country,” and states that the “reinstatement of the state of emergency was a step in the wrong direction.”
The letter stated that Majority Leader McCarthy’s goal is to “stop the human rights abuses taking place in Ethiopia,” and states the “wants to make sure we maximize pressure on the government to comply with our request.”
4. H.Res. 128: Supporting respect for human rights and encouraging inclusive governance in Ethiopia.
House Resolution 128, introduced by Congressman Chris Smith (NJ) has 91 cosponsors. It is essential for all Ethiopian-Americans to contact their representatives in Congress and ask them to co-sponsor HR 128. They should explain why this legislation is important to you and to the people of Ethiopia whose voices are being suppressed.
Remember that in 2007 the House of Representatives passed HR 2003. That happened because of the hard work of Ethiopian-Americans. We can do it again!
The progress we’ve made so far on H.R. 128 reflects the hard work of Ethiopian-Americans who have contacted members of Congress to urge them to make U.S. foreign policy consistent with the American values, including democracy, freedom of expression, and basic human rights. Several members of Congress have taken special interest in Ethiopian human rights, including Rep. Christopher Smith (R-NJ), Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-VT), Rep. Steny Hoyer (D-MD), Sen. Benjamin Cardin (D-MD).
Once the House passes HR 128 the next step is to work on SR 428, which was introduced by Senator Ben Cardin of Maryland. Co-sponsors include Sen. Mark Rubio of Florida.
5. Fate of Seyoum Teshome
The Committee to Protect Journalists issued a statement on March 9 that serves as a reminder of the continuing human rights abuses of the Ethiopian government, and of the need for the U.S. and all governments to demand immediate change. The statement follows:
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Ethiopia arrests critical blogger Seyoum Teshome
Nairobi, March 9, 2018–Ethiopian authorities should immediately release Seyoum Teshome, who publishes the Ethiothinktank blog, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today. Security forces yesterday arrested Seyoum at his home near the Woliso campus of Ambo University, where he lectures, according to witnesses who spoke with Voice of America and Deutsche Welle. The reason for his arrest and his whereabouts are not known, according to reports and a statement by the Swiss-based Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia.
Seyoum has been critical in his blog of a six-month state of emergency Ethiopia declared in February. Under the state of emergency, authorities can carry out arrests and searches without warrant and close down media stations, according to a report by the state-owned Ethiopian News Agency.
“Ethiopia cannot again use the cloak of a national emergency to round up journalists and stifle critical voices,” said CPJ Deputy Executive Director Robert Mahoney. “This is the second time that authorities ignored due process to detain Seyoum Teshome. He should be released immediately and unconditionally.”
Seyoum was arrested in October 2016, days before a previous state of emergency was declared, according to CPJ research.
Following the killing of at least 13 civilians by the so called Command Post in Moyale, Oromia Regional State of Ethiopia today, activists have announced that they are calling for fuel blockade and protests across Ethiopia.
Several Ethiopian activists and media sources including VoA Amharic have reported that government securities have killed at least 13 people in the Moayle and wounded several civilians. Local residents have started fleeing to bordering Kenya following the massacre, the media outlets have reported. The reports stated “the Command Post ordered local police to leave the town saying that they want to clear OLF rebels who entered the town recently and executed unarmed civilians .”
The activists have said that in response to the killings and renewing their call to the government to change the State of Emergency (SoE) and sit down with all oppsotion forces, they are launching fuel protest which blocks fuel transport into Ethiopia. This will cause widespread disruption fuel/petroleum products.
Ethiopia imports fuel via Sudan and Djibouti. Therefore, it is expected that the Ethiopian regional towns that border these countries in the North West, Amhara region and Eastern Ethiopia, Oromia regions are possibly participating the fuel protest.
Details were not given how the protests were going to be implemented.
Ethiopian security forces on Saturday killed nearly a dozen people and wounded many others in Moyale, Borena Zone Oromia Region #Ethiopiapic.twitter.com/1bqWjPxk2P
— Ethiopia Live Updates (@Ethiopialiveupd) March 10, 2018
The Ethiopian economy has recently been struggling recently following Forex Crunch and the effects of political instability, which has led to the stopping of some mega construction projects. Many government ministers are struggling to pay salaries to their employees, sources indicated. The current fuel blockade adds fuel into the fire of the collapsing economy. Ethiopian-Saudi tycoon, Mohammod Ali Al Amoudi, who often bailed out the government during such times, is in Saudi jail accused of corruption.
The group that deliberately declared war against #Oromo people and turned the entire region into blood field where the innocent lives massacred every day at their home is pushing the country into dangerous end.
It is a joke to say the least that after they murdered dozens of lives and wounded tens of innocent people at their home/village, they issue a non-sense statement of apology.
Those who should be responsible are not those foot soldiers who are committing the crimes, it is Samora and Getachew Assefa who are in control of the structure and commandship of killing machine and ordering the killing in order to sustain the domination of one group.
We shouldn’t die at our village and home in order to sustain the security and economic apartheid of one group. Everybody should be aware that the violence would have consequence.
It would have serious consequence where no one would be a winner. This must be stopped.
Those who are celebrating the SOE as if its consequence only affect Oromo or those who are complicit with the action of the regime should take note that the danger would affect everybody at end.
The fact that TPLF controlled temporarily the structure and hardware of violence shouldn’t mislead those who are celebrating or complicit with the crime, that status quo would remain unchanged forever.
It would be advisable to stop before we are fully ended into the vicious circle of incessant violence.
On March 8, 2018, U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson landed his jet at Bole Airport in Addis Ababa and hopped right on the Ethiopia Freedom Train.
“The answer to Ethiopia’s problems is greater freedom, not less…”
At his press conference, Secretary Tillerson said for the problems faced by Ethiopians, “the answer is greater freedom for people, not less.”
Secretary Tillerson devoted a good portion of his press conference hammering the theme of “more freedom” as the way out of the current crises and as a precondition for democracy, good governance, societal harmony and prosperity in Ethiopia.
At least six times during his press conference, Secretary Tillerson underscored the importance of freedom, democracy and human rights.
He declared unambiguously, “We do firmly believe the answer is greater freedom for people, not less.”
He expressed his full support for efforts and actions leading to greater expressive freedoms in Ethiopia. “We welcome the proactive steps that have already been taken with the release of thousands of prisoners, including journalists and political leaders, and we encourage additional concrete measures to allow greater political freedom of expression.”
He proclaimed there can be no real democracy without freedom. “We believe ultimately giving people greater freedom gives them a greater investment in this democracy as well.”
He resolutely opposed the so-called state of emergency as inherently antithetical to freedom and “expressed [America’s] concerns with the [TPLF] government’s decision to impose another state of emergency, because it does put restrictions on fundamental rights like assembly and expression.”
He shared his vision of a free and prosperous Ethiopia. “We firmly believe that democratic reform, economic growth, and lasting stability are best addressed through an inclusive political process, rather than through the imposition of restrictions.
He pledged his commitment to advance freedom and democracy in Ethiopia. “The United States is a long-term friend and partner of Ethiopia. We look forward to working with you as the people of Ethiopia seek greater peace, democracy and prosperity.”
Of course, U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia Michael Raynor got aboard the Ethiopian Freedom Train months before his jet even landed at Bole Airport on September 29, 2017.
Since his arrival in Ethiopia, he has been preaching a message of love, hope, solidarity and faith to the Ethiopian people as they struggle for freedom and democracy. He unhesitatingly proclaimed, “The United States will stay the course in Ethiopia, and I hope I can count on each of you [Ethiopians] to do the same.”
It is said that “a friend in need is a friend indeed.” Here is Ambassador Raynor standing with the Ethiopian people when they are literally facing gunfire and desperately needing a friend.
Ambassador Raynor’s “stay the course” diplomatic message has special meaning for me.
I believe his message to be this: “People of Ethiopia, America is with you all the way in your peaceful struggle for change exercising your constitutional and human rights. Don’t lose heart because peaceful struggle is not easy and takes time. Finish the peaceful struggle you have started and America will be right there with you at the finish line.”
That is what “staying the course” means to me.
On February 17, 2018, Ambassador Raynor put his money where his mouth is when he issued an extraordinary statement and condemned the state of emergency declared by the regime of the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF).
Let there be no mistake.
Secretary Tillerson and Ambassador Raynor are on the same page and speak the same language when it comes to the solution for Ethiopia’s problems and the urgency of now to terminate the so-called state of emergency!
On February 17, 2018, Ambassador Raynor in his statement said:
…We recognize and share concerns expressed by the government about incidents of violence and loss of life, but firmly believe that the answer is greater freedom, not less…
…We strongly disagree with the Ethiopian government’s decision to impose a state of emergency that includes restrictions on fundamental rights such as assembly and expression…
…Restrictions on the ability of the Ethiopian people to express themselves peacefully sends a message that they are not being heard…
…The challenges facing Ethiopia, whether to democratic reform, economic growth, or lasting stability, are best addressed through inclusive discourse and political processes, rather than through the imposition of restrictions…
On March 8, 2018, Secretary Tillerson at his press conference said:
We recognize and share concerns expressed by the government about incidents of violence and loss of life. We do firmly believe the answer is greater freedom for people, not less..
…It is important that that the country move on past the state of emergency as quickly as possible. We hope that that can occur…
…We encourage additional concrete measures to allow greater political freedom of expression…
..We firmly believe that democratic reform, economic growth, and lasting stability are best addressed through an inclusive political process, rather than through the imposition of restrictions…
I am elated that Secretary Tillerson and Ambassador Raynor should take such a bold stand on freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia, but I am not surprised.
As I have remarked in previous commentaries, I believe Secretary Tillerson and Ambassador Raynor are honorable men who say what they mean and mean what they say.
The days of the forked tongue diplomats who talk the talk of “standing on the right side of history” while sleeping with those on the wrong side of history, thankfully, are long gone.
When the “little group of hysterical nabobs of negativism who live and work in the geographical and intellectual confines of Washington, D.C., and New York City” set out on a mission to condemn and discredit Secretary Tillerson as the “destroyer” of the State Department and portrayed him as the villain who said “good bye to human rights diplomacy”, I defended him because I believe him to be an honorable man who will stand for what is right and for core American values.
When push came to shove and his own job was on the line, Secretary Tillerson did not back down. He stood his ground come hell or high water. “We express America’s values from the State Department. We represent the American people. We represent America’s values, our commitment to freedom, our commitment to equal treatment to people the world over. And that message has never changed.”
On March 8, 2018, Secretary Tillerson expressed and pressed America’s values of freedom, democracy and equality in Ethiopia. He said the State Department represents America’s commitment to freedom and marvelously did so in Addis Ababa. His message on American commitment to freedom did not change when he spoke in Addis Ababa. That is is why I am not surprised!
There was a time when America’s professed commitment to freedom was nothing but a joke and an insult to the intelligence of 100 million Ethiopians.
At a press conference in Addis Ababa in July 2015, Barack Obama spit on the faces of 100 million Ethiopians by telling them the TPLF regime, which claimed to have won 100 percent of the seats in parliament barely two month before Obama’s visit, was “democratically elected”.
The truly sad, sad thing is that Obama and his close advisors, including Susan Rice and Gayle Smith, believed anyone or group opposing their TPLF buddies are terrorists, terrorist sympathizers or terrorists-in-training of one kind or another working with evil outside forces.
Obama’s solution to the problems of Ethiopia was NOT greater freedom.
Obama’s solution was intelligence cooperation and harder crackdown on those opposing the TPLF regime.
I know that there are certain groups that have been active in Ethiopia that, from the Ethiopian government’s perspective, pose a significant threat. Our intelligence indicates that while they may oppose the government, they have not tipped into terrorism… But what I indicated to the Prime Minister is, is that in our consultations and deepening intelligence cooperation, we will look and see what evidence we have, where there are real problems, and where we see genuine terrorist activity. That’s something that we are going to want to cooperate with and stop.
… Our policy is that we oppose terrorism wherever it may occur. And we are opposed to any group that is promoting the violent overthrow of a government, including the government of Ethiopia, that has been democratically elected.
Obama was like the proverbial man with a hammer for whom everything looked like a nail. He had the uncanny ability to see “terrorists” everywhere in Ethiopia. Of course, Obama never met an African dictator he did not like!
The fascinating thing is that where Obama saw “terrorists” lurking behind every rock in Ethiopia threatening the TPLF regime, Tillerson saw ordinary people, young people, trying to peacefully exercise their constitutional and human rights to petition for redress of grievances and be heard.
Where Obama saw “terrorists” lurking behind every rock in Ethiopia, Tillerson saw peaceful freedom fighters fighting for their dignity, humanity, unity and Ethiopianity.
At his March 8, 2018 press conference Secretary Tillerson did not mention “terrorism” a single time.
Not once!!!
Secretary Tillerson was not buying the TPLF’s “terrorism” narrative. That is an old scam the TPLF ran for 8 years successfully wrapping American policy makers around their little finger. Every time the TPLF bosses cried wolf and shouted fire about terrorism, American policy makers broke into cold sweat ready to please the TPLF bosses.
It was amazing to watch for 8 years the tail wagging the dog. Using the “terrorism” boogeyman, the TPLF scared the hell out of the Obama and George Bush administrations.
Secretary Tillerson went to Ethiopia carrying a message of hope, peace, freedom and democracy. That is because he knew beyond a shadow of doubt who the terrorists are in Ethiopia.
Is is not a fact that the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front is listed as a terrorist organization by the Global Terrorism Database with recorded acts of terrorism committed as recent as 8/26/2016?
I could only imagine the difficulty of talking terrorism with terrorists.
The principal focus of Secretary Tillerson’s message at his press conference was freedom, democracy, peaceful change and extreme restraint in the use of violence by the TPLF regime and encouragement to Ethiopian citizens to keep on keeping on with their peaceful exercise of their constitutional and human rights in their struggle for freedom:
…We recognize and share concerns expressed by the government about incidents of violence and loss of life. We do firmly believe the answer is greater freedom for people, not less…
…We discussed… the importance of ensuring that security forces remain disciplined in maintaining law and order…
…Democracy is not easy. It takes a lot of work. But staying with it, lasting change will come about, and to not resort to violence. Violence is simply never a solution…
…The citizens of Ethiopia have a responsibility as well to behave in a nonviolent way, and we hope the government allows that nonviolent expression to take place…
…We are here to support Ethiopia’s journey towards a democratic society and institutions…
What Secretary Tillerson and Ambassador Raynor are saying in Ethiopia today is what I have been saying every week, sometimes multiple times a week, for the past twelve years, without missing a single week.
I wholeheartedly agree with Secretary Tillerson’s and Ambassador Raynor’s message of peaceful change and opening up of the political space so Ethiopian citizens could exercise their constitutional and human rights.
Indeed, before Official Day 1 of my involvement in the Ethiopian human rights struggle on July 3, 2006, I wrote a three-part commentary on civil disobedience and nonviolence and its relevance in the struggle for freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia.
I undertook that effort after the Tegbar League Addis Ababa Leadership Committee issued a statement in March 2006, exactly 12 years this month, indicating that it “will organize nonviolent actions such as blocking major roads, work slowdowns, boycott of schools, and boycott of products that are produced or sold by EPRDF-affiliated companies.”
I have remained true and fiercely advocated the cause of peaceful change in Ethiopia.
The TPLF’s characterization of the Tillerson visit and meeting
At the March 8 press conference, TPLF foreign minister Workneh Gebeyehu said:
We discussed about our regional issues – the regional security, international issues, international politics – at the same time, how to boost our economic ties and investment between the United States of America and Ethiopia.
Geneyehu made no reference whatsoever to the various issues raised and emphasized by Secretary Tillerson during the press conference including his exhortation for a quick end to the state of emergency, his emphasis on greater freedom, not less and clear warning on the restraint in the use of violence by the TPLF.
Gebeyehu only vaguely referred to having discussed “the country’s situation [and] the transition that we are in the process”.
Gebeyehu thought if he glossed over it no one will notice and they can later crank up their disinformation machine and put out misleading and confusing information about their private meeting with Secretary Tillerson.
Those TPLF guys are too clever by half.
Recently, the TPLF bosses actually tried to generate disinformation following Ambassador Raynor’s statement expressing “strong disagreement” on the state of emergency.
According to TPLF disinformation, when Ambassador Raynor privately met with TPLF officials, he apologetically assured them that he “did not mean to cause any harm [with his official statement of strong disagreement] and [that] he will commit to closely work with the government in the future.”
The U.S. Embassy categorically dismissed the infantile TPLF disinformation.
But I would not be surprised if the TPLF bosses try to pull a similar disinformation campaign about their meeting with Secretary Tillerson. We shall remain vigilant!
Secretary Tillerson is known for his blunt speech even to the big powers of the world.
I have only one question for Gebeyehu: Did Secretary Tillerson read the riot act to the TPLF in the private meeting? Tell you like it is. Like it’s gonna be.
Did y’all get a taste of that blunt speech about your indiscriminate violence and crackdowns and state of emergency in your private meeting?
I bet my bottom dollar you did. Ha, ha, ha…
My ruminations on U.S. policy in Ethiopia
I do not know the contents of the private discussions of Sec. Tillerson and Amb. Raynor with the TPLF bosses. But careful analysis of public statements made and left out by omission could yield a treasure trove of valuable information about what could have likely occurred.
However, my suspicion is that the TPLF bosses were unsuccessful in hoodwinking and bamboozling Secretary Tillerson or arm-twisting him to do their bidding by threatening to refuse counterterrorism cooperation.
The TPLF bosses are very good at extortion and blackmail.
In October 2017, the TPLF bosses “threatened retaliation against the United States should [H.R. 128] be passed” and actually prevented floor vote on that resolution. They turned around and hired fat cat Washington lobbyist for nearly $USD 2 million to scuttle the resolution and ply their old trade peddling influence in the White House and the State Department. (Incredibly, at the time the TPLF was lavishing millions of dollars on fat cat Washington lobbyists, 5.6 million Ethiopians were starving. To add insult to injury, at the same time, the TPLF was panhandling the U.S. for $948 million handout.)
The extortion/blackmail scheme of the TPLF will simply not work on Secretary Tillerson. He just is not the type of guy the TPLF can con easily.
My impression, based on some research, is that Secretary Tillerson has dealt with some of the most corrupt con men and thugs in power on the African continent as head of ExxonMobil, which is one of the largest oil producers in Africa with holdings in Nigeria, Equatorial Guinea, Angola, Cameroon, Chad and the Republic of Congo. These countries are under the thumbs of some of the most corrupt and ruthless regimes in Africa.
ExxonMobil has tens of billions tied up in oil and gas development projects in Africa. I would imagine Secretary Tillerson is not only thoroughly familiar with the shenanigans of corrupt African regimes and leaders but also had to deal with them (holding his nose, I am sure) as ExxonMobil’s head. I believe he has substantial experience dealing and negotiating with African thug regimes with diplomatic skills to rival, if not exceed, any of Obama’s Secretaries of State. He knows what makes African thug regimes tick and where their pressure points are.
The TPLF scammed the Obama administration by talking about “terrorism”, al-Shabaab, regional instability and trotting out all sorts of boogeymen. Obama lavished praise on the TPLF regime calling it “an outstanding partner in fighting terrorism”.
I believe I have proved beyond a reasonable doubt that the U.S. does not need the TPLF in its war on terror in the Horn of Africa. No one has challenged me on that argument.
But I never underestimate the TPLF con men. They are the most cunning con men I have had the displeasure to study over the years.
During the Obama administration, the TPLF con men literally ran U.S. policy in Ethiopia from inside the State Department and National Security Agency through their long time buddies including Susan Rice and Gayle Smith, Obama’s last Administrator of USAID and a former employee of the TPLF.
I have to say it again. I just don’t believe they can con the Trump administration as they did Obama’s.
Indeed, whatever may be said of Secretary Tillerson, I give him full credit for disrupting the cozy sweetheart relationships created and maintained over decades by elites of both parties in conducting U.S. foreign policy, particularly in Africa.
Truth be told, it was not much of a foreign policy system in Africa that was happening. It was a buddy system where elites in the State Department would hook up with mostly corrupt elites in Africa and do things that are mutually beneficial. Until Secretary Tillerson took the helm at the State Department, the policy was “Don’t ask, don’t tell”. The U.S. will not ask what African dictators did with U.S. aid and African dictators don’t have to tell what they did with it. In the process, U.S. taxpayers got the shaft in Africa, to use a pun.
That is why I was hopping with joy when Trump’s transition team held the feet of the State Department elites to the fire and asked the one all-important question I had been asking for 12 years: “With so much corruption in Africa, how much of our funding is stolen?”
There has been NO tentative or definitive answer to that question.
The Obama administration NEVER asked such a question!
Of course, the “nattering nabobs of negativism” moan and groan about “America First” foreign policy, which aims to protect the American taxpayer, not because it is demonstrably and inherently bad or harmful to the U.S. or other countries, but singularly because “American First” policy upset their apple carts, cut them off at the trough, took away their sinecure jobs like “special envoys”, eliminated fancy titles and declared, “NO MORE BUSINESS AS USUAL” in American foreign policy.
When Secretary Tillerson overturned and dumped the apple cart and sent many of them packing with a sharp kick in the rear end and tossed them off the gravy train, they cried out, “bloody murder”.
When they could not stop him, they started talking trash about him.
That is why I defended and supported Tillerson’s housecleaning at the State Department.
He wants to end the culture of corruption, cronyism and nepotism in the State Department. It is the culture of corruption that quintessentially defines the State Department elites’ relationship with African dictators. USAID has been the lifeline of African dictators for decades.
That is why I fiercely opposed Obama’s nomination of Gayle Smith to become the Administrator of USAID in May 2015 and demanded (and obtained) responses from Smith in April 2016 to my questions about her demonstrably false claims about famine in Ethiopia.
For decades, top brass in the State Department turned a blind eye to the daylight robbery of American tax dollars in Africa.
That is why the Trump transition team’s question, “With so much corruption in Africa, how much of our funding is stolen?”resonates with me so deeply.
What a shame for an incoming President of the United States to ask such a question of the first executive department of the United Stated Government established in 1789!
The “nattering nabobs of negativism” complain today “at Tillerson’s State Department seven of nine top jobs are empty”. They make it sound like Secretary Tillerson is intentionally withholding referrals for appointments because he (un)wittingly wants to harm U.S. foreign policy.
Is it possible that Secretary Tillerson needs to drain the swamp of the culture of corruption at the State Department before he can reclaim the watershed?
Indeed, overall Trump has picked fewer nominees than his predecessors. According to the Partnership for Public Service, the first six months of their respective administrations, Trump has named 206 nominees, while Obama had named 355, George W. Bush had named 313, Clinton had named 267 and George H.W. Bush had named 243.”
At the State Department, as of December 31, 2017, Trump had 61 nominees confirmed with 18 pending. For comparable period, Obama had 119 confirmed and 18 pending. Bush II had 139 confirmed and 14 pending.
I wonder if the numerical difference in speedy appointments could be explained by factors of cronyism, patronage and nepotism.
The “Tillerson Disruption” of business as usual at the State Department has turned the tables on the TPLF.
They can no longer pull off their scams.
GAME OVER at the U.S. State Department for the TPLF!
We must carry on with the heavy lifting, with a little help from our friends
American support for the Ethiopian people’s peaceful struggle for freedom is vital and decisive.
But in the final analysis it is entirely up to the people of Ethiopia to do all of the heavy lifting to get their freedom.
The history of the struggle for freedom teaches a singular lesson, a lesson learned well by many of the greatest freedom fighters in the world. “We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed,” declared Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.
Ethiopains must keep on demanding their freedom using the most powerful weapon known to mankind: Peaceful Resistance.
Dr. King’s predecessor and anti-slavery statesman Frederick Douglass understood the oppressed must do all of the heavy lifting to get their freedom. He knew there could be “no progress without struggle” and “the limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress”
The endurance of the Ethiopian people suffering under T-TPLF ethnic apartheid rule has completely vanished. Today, they are on the move, agitating and mobilizing for peaceful nonviolent change.
But I am afraid the people of Ethiopia are condemned to carry a double burden, pull double duty.
They are condemned not only to free themselves but also their oppressors.
Their historic destiny has been prophesied by Paulo Freire in his “Pedagogy of the Oppressed” (p. 44):
This, then, is the great humanistic and historical task of the oppressed: to liberate themselves and their oppressors as well. The oppressors, who oppress, exploit, and rape by virtue of their power, cannot find in this power the strength to liberate either the oppressed or themselves.
This is the burden — liberating themselves and their oppressors — the people of Ethiopia must accept as a blessing on their long walk to freedom.
So, let us join hands — friends, enemies and frenemies — and ride the Ethiopia Freedom Train in the Motherland, Freedomland!
All Aboard the Ethiopia Freedom Train!
Choo! Choo! Make way for the Ethiopia Freedom Train.
Don’t be left behind. Get aboard the Ethiopia Freedom Train.
Choo! Choo!
ETHIOPIAWINET TODAY.
ETHIOPIAWINET TOMORROW.
ETHIOPIAWINET FOREVER!
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino. His teaching areas include American constitutional law, civil rights law, judicial process, American and California state governments, and African politics. He has published two volumes on American constitutional law, including American Constitutional Law: Structures and Process (1994) and American Constitutional Law: Civil Liberties and Civil Rights (1998). He is the Senior Editor of the International Journal of Ethiopian Studies, a leading scholarly journal on Ethiopia. For the last several years, Prof. Mariam has written weekly web commentaries on Ethiopian human rights and African issues that are widely read online. He blogged on the Huffington post at http://www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/ and later on open.salon until that blogsite shut down in March 2015.
Prof. Mariam played a central advocacy role in the passage of H.R. 2003 (Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007) in the U.S. House of Representatives in 2007. Prof. Mariam also practices in the areas of criminal defense and civil litigation. In 1998, he argued a major case in the California Supreme Court involving the right against self-incrimination in People v. Peevy, 17 Cal. 4th 1184, cert. denied, 525 U.S. 1042 (1998) which helped clarify longstanding Miranda rights issues in California criminal procedure. For several years, Prof. Mariam had a weekly public channel public affairs television show in Southern California called “In the Public Interest”. Prof. Mariam received his Ph.D. from the University of Minnesota in 1984, and his J.D. from the University of Maryland in 1988.
Ethiopian military forces fired live ammunition into a crowd, injuring and killing civilians, on March 10, 2018 in Moyale, a town in Oromia region, Eastern Ethiopia. According to AHRE’s sources, at least 15 were killed and more than 12 injured.
The Command Post Secretariat, established to enforce the recently decreed state of emergency, confirmed that 9 were killed and 12 others wounded. Its statement claimed that 5 member of the army acted based on a ‘mistaken intelligence report’ while attempting to capture members of Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) who crossed the border from Kenya to the Ethiopian side.
There was no protest or irregular activity at the time of the killing, and eyewitnesses confirmed that most of the victims were shot while walking on the streets, at coffee shops or restaurants. They also reported that the shooting took place in different parts of the town. One of the victims, Temam Negeso, was a school principal in the city school. The head of the Oromia Regional government communication bureau, Mr Addisu Arega also confirmed the killings in Moyale in his Facebook post, and according to the Addis Standard[1], terrified residents of Moyale town fled into neighbouring Kenya.
AHRE recently reported that at least 12 civilians were shot and killed by military and security forces on 20 January 2018 in Weldia town, in Amhara Region, Northern Ethiopia.
“AHRE is extremely concerned by these repeated instances of killings and arbitrary attacks in the context of a renewed clampdown on fundamental rights and the declaration of a new state of emergency,” said Yared Hailemariam, Executive Director of AHRE. “Persistent lack of accountability is at the center of the crisis Ethiopia is going through and such attacks risk instigating and triggering more anti-government protests and civil unrest”.
AHRE once again reiterates that the government should refrain from arbitrarily shooting civilians or protestors and respect fundamental human rights. AHRE urges the government:
Explicitly respect, recognise, and promote constitutionally guaranteed rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly;
Lift the ban on basic freedoms and fundamental rights that are enforced by the authorities and Command Post following the declaration of the state of emergency.
Engage in a meaningful and inclusive national dialogue with civil society, regional governments, and local elders, to address grievances at the root of protest movements;
Martial law command post calls it a mistake, residents dispute
addisstandard2018-03-11
Liyat Fekade
Addis Abeba March 11/2018 – At least nine civilians were shot to death on Saturday March 10 by members of the Ethiopian army in Moyale town, 790 km south of Addis Abeba, on the border between Ethiopia and Kenya. More than fifteen were also wounded, four of them critically.
Members of the army responsible for the killing were operating under the supervision of the command post established to oversee the current state of emergency. In a statement published on the state run EBC, the command post secretariat, led by defense minister Siraj Fegessa, said the killing happened when five members of the army acted based on a “mistaken intelligence report.” It also said the army was pursuing members of the banned Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), who “crossed in to the Ethiopian side.” The statement offered no details but said five members of the army were disarmed and are under investigations.
But since yesterday, Addis Standard spoke to three residents in the town, including a nurse who said the wounded included those who were “shot from the back and from close range”. None of the interviewees know what exactly triggered the killing. “Moyale was like every Saturday,” said Aliyi Abubakar, a friend of Temam Negeso, one of the victims who was a “school principal” in the city’s state run high school. But Temam is described in the list carrying the names of the victims as “teacher.” “Suddenly we started hearing deafening gun shots from the area called ‘Ashewa Tera.’ The shooting then spread to other areas in the city,” Aliyi said, “all we saw were dead bodies littered in the streets.” Aliyi described Temam as “good man who was closely attached to his students and the community. I came to know him a few months ago during a wedding of a mutual friend and since then we kept good contact. He didn’t deserve this. How are his students going to react to such news?”, Aliyi asked.
Left: A picture of Temam as was sent by Aliyi to Addis Standard. Right: List of victims released by the hospital. Temam’s name is mentioned under No. 1 (Barsiisa “Teacher” Tamam Negesso). There is also a spelling difference as Temam’s name is spelled in Qubee, the Afaan Oromo Alphabet
According to an assistant nurse at Moyale general hospital who wanted to remain anonymous, nine bodies were brought to the hospital between approximately 12 pm and 3 pm local time yesterday. Twelve others who sustained injuries from gun shots were also brought to the hospital. “Four of them were wounded critically,” Ayallo said. They were sent to Hawassa hospital, 515 km north of Moyale and at least eight hours of drive. “Six of the nine bodies were shot multiple times; and all of them were shot around or above their shoulders,” Ayallo added, “I am shocked as are my colleagues. Most of us are not trained to handle situations like this.”
Ayallo Huluka, another resident of the town gave his account saying the army brought an enforcement from a nearby military camp when residents “started running around in fear after the killing of the first victim.” “There was a lot of confusion and chaos. People were running around in all directions not knowing where to go. I have seen mothers scooping their kids and running away,” he said. “It was a pure carnage and no one knows what brought this to the town.”Ayallo said as most residents in the town, he said he didn’t know how and why the first victim was shot. He also said residents of the town were crossing to the Kenya’s Moyale town across the border. “I have seen several Isuzu cars full of people volunteering to drive people out of the town; others are simply walking by foot.” During a second phone call this morning, Ayallo said the shootings have subsided but “we are terrified. The town is silent and those of us who are left are still in shock.”
Graphic pictures showing wrapped and unwrapped bodies of the victims were circulating on Ethiopian social media.
Aschalew Yohannes, the Mayor of Moyale, told the regional state’s media OBN that he didn’t know what caused the problem and that investigations were underway. Without providing further details Addisu Arega, communication bureau head of the Oromia regional state, confirmed the killings in his Facebook post and offered offered his condolences.
Uptick in civilian causalities
Ethiopia’s council of ministers have announced the current of state of emergency, the second in a year and half, one day after the unexpected resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn.
Following protests in various parts of the country, especially in Oromia regional state, against the martial law, on Feb 27 the command post said its patience against what it called “anti-peace elements” has run out and it no longer tolerates any form of disruptions to public lives; it also said it instructed security forces “to take all necessary measures to restore peace.”
Since then however there has been an uptick in civilian causalities and an increase in crackdown by the members of the command post against middle level bureaucrats within the Oromia regional state. Unknown numbers of individuals are detained so far including the chief administrator of east Hararghe zone, deputy administrator of east Wellega zone, the Mayor of Nekemt and head of the justice bureau of Kelem Wellega Woreda, as per this report.
The controversial state of emergency was legislated by the national parliament on Friday March 02 but it faced unprecedented objection from the OPDO members of the parliament. Many consider the move as part of the federal government’s attempt to crackdown on the new leadership of the OPDO, a sign of the deepening fracture among Ethiopia’s ruling coalition, EPRDF.
On March 07, Siraj Fegessa accused the Oromia-wide market boycott protests called by online activists to protest against the martial law as having a form of “color revolution” and an “attempt to seize state power” by those who are instigating the protests. AS
Coming from behind in the 38th kilometre, Meskerem Assefa of Ethiopia cruised to a one-minute victory at the Nagoya Marathon, an IAAF Gold Label road race, on Sunday (11).
Meskerem Assefa takes the 2018 Nagoya Marathon (AFP/Getty Images)
Assefa passed Kenyan Valary Jemeli Aiyabei en route to victory in 2:21:45, the third fastest performance ever in Nagoya which this year underscored its status as the largest women’s-only marathon in the world, with 23,713 starting the race.
“I wanted to win, especially because it is a women only marathon,” Assefa said.
Aiyabei was second in 2:22:48 with Japanese debutante Hanami Sekine third in 2:23:07.
Along with Sekine, the next two finishers, Reia Iwade who clocked 2:26:28 and Keiko Nogami who finished with 2:26:33, qualified for Japan’s 2020 Olympic Marathon team trials race. Nogami improved her best by nearly two minutes from 2:28:18, while Iwade ran the second fastest marathon of her career. Hanae Tanaka, the fourth Japanese in the race and sixth overall, did not qualify for the trials race because she could not crack the required 2:27.
With the first season of qualification for the 2020 Olympic Marathon team trials race over, six women have qualified, still considerably less than the 13 who have qualified for the men’s race.
Heroes and heroines of Ethiopia are freed from terrorist prisons. Thanks to young and vibrant Ethiopians. After twenty seven years of contemptuous, time has come for TPLF’s downfall. What would be next?
While thousands are still in prison, hundreds were freed in the past few weeks. To begin with, they have not committed the slightest crime to have them sent to imprisonment. They are advocates of freedom, justice, democracy, and free and fair political systems, and religious autonomy. They would have been appreciated had there been a candid democratic government. The matter of the fact, Ethiopia has neither a true government nor a leader for twenty seven years. This seems a cumbersome statement but here are four reasons the Tigray People Libation Front’s inherent characteristic that defines it is unprincipled government:
Terrorism: individual, group or government deliberately employs violence against civilians creating fear and terror to achieve financial, political, and religious ambition.
Fascism: authoritarian, tribal, dictatorial regime eliminates its opponent by force to control economy and power.
Mafia: criminal organization that make money illegally by threatening others. Or an organized group of people that employ force to make money illegally and unfairly.
Eugenics: inhumanly control segment of population from breeding by method of sterilization. Nazi Germany used against Jewish. In the past 27 years, Tigray People Liberation Front employed against the Amhara population. The current director of WHO was a Health Minster in Ethiopia when such immoral conduct had taken place.
The above statement is just an overview to describe TPLF’s atrocities and criminal activity against the population. TPLF employed these schemes to control the people’s right. The declaration of State Emergency is part of the scheme to extend the life of TPLF to commit more genocide. The United Nations, in particular human rights watch has an obligation to bring Tigray People Liberation Front and its supporters including those living around the world to the court of justice on the basis of genocide. It is irresponsible to be quietly ignoring such high scale genocides committed by TPLF against the people of Ethiopia. Retrospectively, Rwanda’s genocide could have been stopped short, but the international community did not heed. Ethiopians are appealing to international community for several years but no attentiveness. TPLF’s terror scheme is not limited to only for democracy activists, the Waldiba monks, priests, and Muslim leaders’ imprisonments, and local tribes, and natives were exterminated from their lands. TPLF goes beyond its territory to silence its opponents by kidnaping; Andargachew Tsige still in captive is a good example.
For all these years, TPLF has never conducted itself what a government ought to be. Essentially, a leader has a defining character to satisfy a role of leadership; to mention few, he or she must first have a strong love of a country and able to unify its people. Additionally, a leader ought to be nationalistic, not entangled in trivial tribe activism. Above all, a leader strongly defends and preserves the interest of the country. These are absent under TPLF’s leadership. This attest, despite of Col. Mengistu’s cruelty, today people prefer him over TPLF. Most recently, however, thanks to Lemma Megersa and Abiy Ahmed’s group to raising high up once again a sprite of Ethiopia bent on to unify the people. They broke the backbone of TPLF’s indoctrinations including the ethnic politics. Not only that, they dismantled ethnic political activism. There is a strong feeling among the population; Ethiopia has given birth to lions. The credit ought to be for young generation of Ethiopians once regarded by society as hopeless in comparison to previous generations. They are earth shaking young generation without limitation to only the “mountains”.
Having said these, the imprisoned freedom advocates have been through extreme, and painful physical tortures and mental anguishes, and lost their livings, families are dysfunctional, love ones are either dead or misplaced, they lost their jobs though they are freed from captives. They should be paid restitutions to reinstate their lives. Money to compensate the freed prisoners must come out of TPLF’s bank accounts. After all, TPLF has accrued wealth through corruptions, and illegal networking companies it has established inside and outside the country.
Now, where is the country heading? A choice is still remains on the hands of TPLF. For the best interest of its own people and a country, with no further delay, a transitional government must be stablished. TPLF must realize that to wish to reorganize for repositioning itself to govern Ethiopia is impossible. It is a dead end. People have demanded, they do not want to see TPLF. “Down! Down! TPLF!” the answer is simple, TPLF must exit, there is no other way around to stop the revolt.
Note that the ruling organization which called itself “EPRDF” is an aggregate of four ethnic groups, and it is not a political party, with the exception of Amhara (represented by Tigrayens) the rest three are represented by its corresponding ethnic representatives, though it is a fake aggregates that is fully controlled by TPLF.
What would be next? It is dismaying that no viable political parties yet to be formed in the country. One reason is that TPLF had made sure no political party to be stablished in the country. Secondly, individual political organization is fractured, unable to form unified political party. Though, there are some political organizations, they have no obvious blueprint how to formulate a political system to govern the country.
The lasting peace and prosperity would only be possible by establishing a formidable democratic government. All stakeholders must join forces to better the lives of every Ethiopian. The necessity of establishing transitional government is overdue, nevertheless, it maybe for a better to come. I believe civic organizations must lead a transitional government, with representatives from political groups with a mandate for one year to transfer power to a democratic elect party.
The three years old pro-democracy protests have made OPDO a newly born reformist group within the ruling elite but a massive brutal crack down on the organization has got its future hanging in the balance.
The Oromo peoples democratic organization (OPDO) was created in the later stages of the civil war by captured troops of the then Ethiopia leader Mengistu Hailemariam to serve as a satellite organization for the upcoming TPLF rule. Their genesis was mainly in a response to the growing influence of the Oromo rebel group, OLF. By the time, in the late 80s and early 90s, the OLF was ideologically and militarily in a much better shape and it probably had some support from the failing Mengistu Hailemariam army. the OPDO became very critical to the survival of TPLF. It gave them a nice cover to fight the OLF and get full control of Oromo populated lands.
As they were captured troops of Mengistu hailemariam, the OPDO have always had Ethiopia in their hearts. Plus they were not radicalized by foreign education and fantasy. They also lived with peasant Amhara and Tigre fighters in North Ethiopia. So they were a perfect cover for TPLF. Even more, the propaganda by the some OLF-affiliated diaspora members and the TPLF made OLF a scary name for pro-Ethiopia Oromos and the rest of Ethiopianist elite. So for Oromia, OPDO were by far the choice of everybody.
While OLF leaders always used the word Wayyane ( TPLF) to refer to the regime, other opposition figures like Merera Gudina prefer the acronym EPRDF. This is a recognition to OPDO’s role in the regime. But practically the OPDO was TPLF’s wing in the name of Oromo. The deceased dictator Meles Zenawi used the existence of OPDO to attack the nationally organized opposition as “uniformist” and “expansionist” while OLF as a narrow nationalist and separatist.
It all worked. OPDO’s existence has helped TPLF control Oromo until the death of Meles Zenawi. Meles’s shrewd personality created the cult that kept the coalition EPRDF together. After his death, the TPLF had no man OPDO or the other satellite organizations would worship or willingly open their mouth for long to listen to his speech. Even worse, three years of violent pro-democracy protests forced the TPLF itself to denounce its long time leader and crushed pro-meles factions within it. The OPDO has now got the chance to elect its leaders without direct influence from TPLF. These were really dramatic events in the party’s three decades old life.
Following the election of young charismatic leaders in Lema Megersa and Abiy Ahmed, the OPDO emerged as a reformist movement. It denounced TPLF’s ages old narrative of Ethiopia vs Oromo in which they successfully limited Oromo to minor regional affairs and kept it away from Ethiopian center politics. That was like a stab from the back for TPLF when this narrative was thrown away. Some pro-TPLF elites were even forced to call for the dissolution of the EPRDF coalition.
The personal gestures of the new leaders were as sweet as honey for most people. They brought in people like Negaso Gidada, former head of nation who were doomed and persecuted by TPLF. their regional media started acting independently with successful campaigns. But Nothing like events at pro-opposition rallies tell about the new born OPDO. Top regional officials were giving speeches at these massive peaceful rallies for freed politicians like Merera Gudina and Beqele gereba. The speeches were like ‘they arrested you and we freed you’.
Hailemariam Desalegn was forced to resign as prime minster in name. The vacant position was widely assumed to be filled by an OPDO man. For that purpose, Lema Megersa, the party chairman transferred the title to Abiy Ahimed who is member of the federal parliament. To the embarrassment of TPLF, newly elected chair and PM hopeful, Abiy skipped the extra ordinary parliamentary session to pass another draconian marital law in just two years. Close to a hundred OPDO MPs opposed the proposal which led to an embarrassing recalculating of the votes. It was a historic moral victory against TPLF.
After all these, Its true the OPDO has not fully toppled TPLF from Oromia let alone Ethiopia but it surely has become an opposition party in EPRDF’s dictionary. And when you act as an opposition party, The unorganized unarmed populist support is only psychological. It has little effect on the ground. Ethiopia is a millenniums old nation with violent history of power. You can’t easily walk into the Minilk palace.
Reality is now surfacing for OPDO. Yet many Ethiopians and western diplomats want to see an OPDO man ( either Lema or Abiy) to take the prime minister position. Which is good but TPLF has also officially started the crack down on this reformist faction. This second state of emergency is only for OPDO. Cutting the foot of Abiy and lema is well underway. Several regional officials have been arrested. The killings are well and high in numbers. Only on Saturday, regime troops killed more than twenty Oromos in Moyale. The killings were deliberate by the ruthless regime. They blamed it on OLF. They brought back their old same song. TPLF is as determined as ever to get rid of anyone who threatens their power.
Can OPDO really rule Ethiopia?
Yes they can. They have openly said that. After relinquishing the chairmanship of OPDO to Abiy Ahmed, Lema the former chairman was quoted to have said they don’t use the power to steal Ethiopia and benefit Oromo but work for all. It was like an election campaign for a huge Ethiopian audience. And just last week, the secretariat or the spokesman of the command post, Siraj fergesa said the violent situation is turning to look like a color revolution. The color revolution narrative is directed to Lema Megersa’s OPDO. TPLF in the mouth of the command post admitted the power struggle. TPLF uses that expression to situations that threaten its power. They used it against CUDP in 2005 after the election results signaled victory for the opposition coalition.
No one really knows what is on the mind of Lema and his reformist faction. TPLF, under the name of the command post and martial law has declared war on them. It is killing their base and network all over the Oromia region. They need to act sooner than later before their base is gone. Once their base is gone, they will only be individuals not an organized group.
What they can do
The long awaited EPRDF meeting is underway. Its expected that they will name the new party chairman or the defacto PM in a few days. Western donors and most people on the opposition side prefer to see Abiy Ahmed, the OPDO chairman as the new PM. But TPLF is well known for ignoring advice. As Shiferaw Shigute another PM hopeful from the south said just like week, the EPRDF ( TPLF’s mask) has its own way of doing things. Yes they’re right. They have been doing things their own way and it has so far worked. They still rule Ethiopia.
For OPDO the first thing to do is wait on the outcomes of the meeting. We live by hope. If Abiy Ahmed gets the PM position, thats clearly a first victory for OPDO. They try to maintain their psychological triumph.
But as much as getting the PM position, there are other serious things to do. They one way or another way need to get rid of reactionary elements within the OPDO itself. Until recently, this party was full of corrupt officials who are directly connected to Addis Ababa in direct corruption. They have their own personal fear of retaliation. So they prefer to serve the TPLF than fully support their newly born independet OPDO. They declared war on their own people by voting for the martial law. Lema and co. must carefully clear the organization of these people. The old guard of opportunists like Abadula Gemeda and the foreign affair minister Workneh Gebeyehu must be prime targets.
Once getting full control of the OPDO itself, the next move must be getting sympathy from individual Oromos in the armed forces. The hardest job ever for OPDO will be this. This is like playing with fire but its possible. In terms of numbers, there are thousands of Oromos within the armed forces. The army was organized along regional ties. So once they have the full control of their party free from the back stabbers, they might get the sympathy of members of the army with Oromo origin. We have seen signs of doing that. Just last week again, a retired Oromo general who is also veteran of the rebel movement appeared on the regional television. The general vanished from public eyes after the end of the Ethio-Eri war. Its almost twenty years. In the TV appearance, he praised the new OPDO leaders and applauded their capablities of leading Ethiopia. This is not an accident. It is a small sign of the new OPDO trying to get foot in the military. Success in this area is the key toward the full reform everybody hopes for.
The Other most important thing is to maintain the rhetoric and the gestures. This is mainly a test for the two front men, Lema and Abiy. They need to start communicating to the international community. It was reported that US secretary of state department, Rex Tillerson would speak to them on the first stop of his Africa tour. This means they have attracted the attention of the international community. Its a huge moral boost. Who knows, may be the US is pondering its chance of replacing TPLF by OPDO for a less violent transition. Lema and Abiy must know that they’ve already held the tail of the beast. There is no way back. They must continue with the rhetoric and the gestures. They must embrace whatever cost will come. The cost of backing down will be much higher than cost of going forward. It is suicidal.
Least but not last is the opposition within the Oromo itself. Merera Gudina’s home based opposition is in theory an opposition to the OPDO. Since it is a regionally registered party. They still oppose OPDO but its hard to say they will stand on its way for a better future. You never know. Politics is full of opportunist individuals and groups. If they see OPDO really weakening TPLF, they may plan to seize the hole and come after OPDO. It needs some serious calculation from the side of Lema and Abiy.
The rest significant element is the Oromo diaspora. The most vocal groups in the diaspora have been playing a very negative role for decades. Some are old school OLFites in confusion. Some are new school OLFites who have eternal love for the name. Some are detached from the new Ethiopia. These old folks know the Ethiopia of the emperor, so day and night they fantasize about a non existent Oromia republic they dreamed of forty years ago. But recently, a new generation of young smart activists have emerged as a vocal group in the Oromo diaspora. These young men are smart and play the game better than the outdated older Oromo diaspora. They control media. They compete to appear as a better Oromo by bashing the name Ethiopia and Amhara. They want to shape the future of OPDO. They post and tweet. They ask a question and they answer it themselves. They don’t let other oromo voices be heard on their platform. They are another big challenge for the new OPDO.
OPDO was not born to be a hero. But thanks to the pro-democracy protests, a new generation of leaders have emerged. Situations create heroes. Its up to Lema and Abiy to live to the name and write history. They came out from nowhere. Who knew these men before three years. Ethiopia’s history of power, the power of the underdogs favors OPDO to be the next play makers. But it must prove itself by defying all the odds.