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Court rejects request by Dr. Merera Gudina to declare invalid latest audio/video evidence added by prosecutors as evidence

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Etenesh Abera

Merera 4Addis Abeba, December 29/2017 – The Federal High court 19th criminal bench has today rejected the request by Dr. Merera Gudina’s defense team to declare as invalid the latest addition of audio,video and photo evidence by the prosecutors team against the defendant.

On December 25 prosecutors have submitted to the court ten more CDs claiming they contained additional audio/video and photo evidence against Dr. Merera Gudina, Chairman of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC). Dr. Merera is facing trials after having been accused of multiple criminal charges including charges of  attempt to overthrow the constitutional order by violence.

The prosecutor’s addition of the new set of evidence came after they have told the federal court that they had already finished submitting the list of evidence, including names of witnesses, to the court.  The defense team protested the move saying it was unlawful. However, in its decision this morning, the court overruled the defense team’s objection and accepted all the additional evidence submitted by the prosecutors.  The prosecutors have also asked the court not to allow the defense team to access the new set of evidence.

“I am charged for inciting public protests to which senior government officials took the responsibility and apologized for saying the protests were caused by maladministration. Why am I staying in jail for that?” Dr. Merera asked the court up on the verdict.

On October 16, Dr. Merera Gudina has entered a not guilty plea against all charges brought by the federal prosecutors. The court then decided to begin the hearing for prosecutor’s witnesses as of Nov. 03/2017.

It is to be remembered that after having being denied access to the list of prosecutors witnesses on July 07, Dr. Merera’s defense team had requested the court to get the full list. The court then refereed the request to the council of the house of federation for constitutional interpretations, which dragged the case by months. The council of the House of Federation ruled that witness protection was not in violation of the constitution and that the court can proceed the hearing while protecting the identities of prosecutor’s witnesses.

The court began witnesses hearing without having to avail the full list of witnesses to Dr. Merera Gudina’s defense team.

Dr. Merera Gudina is in jail since December Nov. 30/2016 when he was detained by security forces upon arriving at Bole International Airport after touring Europe for more than three weeks during which he delivered a speech to members of the European Union Parliament. He appeared at the EU parliament to testify on the political crisis and human rights violations in Ethiopia. Dr. Merera was joined by two other prominent invitees: Dr. Berhanu Nega, leader of the opposition Patriotic Ginbot 7 (G7), which is designated by Ethiopia’s ruling party dominated parliament as a “terrorist organization” and is now actively fighting the regime from the northern part of the country, and athlete Feyisa Lilessa, Olympic silver medalist who gave a significant impetus to a year-long Oromo protest that gripped Ethiopia when he crossed his arms in an X sign at the finishing line.

The judges have adjourned the next hearing for January 01/2018 to give a verdict on whether or not Dr. Merera’s defense team would be allowed to get access to the new set of evidence. AS

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Ethiopia: EPRDF should ditch democratic centralism to avoid a civil war

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Written by Israel Fayisa

(OPride)—When Ethiopia’s current rulers deposed the communist dictatorship of Mengistu Hailemariam in 1991, they promised to usher in a new era of democracy. Over the last 27 years, the platform of the incumbent Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) alternated between revolutionary democracy and developmental state. But its guiding political principle, known as democratic centralism, remained the same. It is a communist organizational policy that keeps the vanguard party under the central command of one oligarchy.

In Ethiopia, for more than quarter a century now, on key economic, political and national security questions, the buck stopped with the dominant member of EPRDF: The Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

Democratic centralism is used to shackle and get member parties inline with TPLF’s diktats on key regional and national strategies. No dissent from the party’s dogma is tolerated. Troublemakers were shamed and criticized at self-correction meetings or purged. This was the case during the 2001 TPLF split. Differing from the party line on strategy can brand one a chauvinist, narrow nationalist, or neoliberal often based on the ethnic background of the offender.

Whenever the opposition puts up a serious resistance, TPLF used the military and the intelligence services to crush them. This is how TPLF was able to reinstall yet another brutal dictatorship in Ethiopia in the name of democracy.

As we look ahead to 2018, even amid positive inclinations from Oromia and Amhara states, TPLF, which represents a mere 6 percent of the country’s population, remains firmly in control of the military and intelligence services, the sole guardians of its supremacy. EPRDF has been in closed meetings for the last 15 days. If, that’s a big if, the party is to transform the country via a bloodless revolution and short of civil war, it must start by unshackling regional satellite parties.

Democratic centralism and EPRDF

Democratic centralism is widely associated to Vladimir Lenin who wanted to subject to himself every discussion in his socialist party to save wastage of time and to secure the unity of action. Lenin summarized the principle as “freedom of discussion, a unity of action.” He believes in a free discussion by members of the socialist party but asserts decision should be given by a centralized body. However, after the Russian Revolution of 1917, in the face of foreign invasions, economic collapse, and a brutal civil war, the term took on an increasingly authoritarian form.

Particularly, with Lenin’s death in 1924, and the crystallization of a bureaucratic and authoritarian leadership under Joseph Stalin, the democratic elements of the party who espoused the concept’s original meaning were literally eliminated. That is why the first FBI director J. Edgar Hoover described democratic centralism as “a simple, naked, and unadulterated dictatorship.”

TPLF, a Marxist-Leninist group formed in 1975 to fight for the liberation of the Tigray people, borrowed this philosophy when it set its sights on ruling the country. Up until they took over the reins of power via western support, TPLF leaders swore in the name of communism. At the end of the 1980s, TPLF constituted EPRDF as a vanguard party using democratic centralism as its organizing principle despite the collapse of the communist bloc.

Thus, different satellite parties were formed for each ethnic group to expand the Tigrayan sphere of influence. The four parties in the EPRDF coalition were made to have equal representation irrespective of the total population of their constituent regions. That was not enough. Not only did TPLF run the vanguard party from the beginning but it also assigned, directly or indirectly, leaders of the three-member parties.

A noteworthy case is a removal in 2005 of former speaker of parliament, Abadula Gemeda, from the regional presidency in Oromia against the unanimous opposition from members and cadres of the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (OPDO). As the result of this naked dictatorship, TPLF indirectly claimed 100 percent of votes in parliament, consequently monopolizing the entire government apparatus. In effect, a minority party established to separate the Tigray region from Ethiopia took a grip of the country.

Democratic centralism is contradictory in terms. Democracy is not centralized by its nature. It is an antithesis of centralism. Indeed, TPLF and almost all the rebel forces that flourished in Ethiopia in the 1970s revolted against a centralized political power. The idea of democracy is about empowering the people who are peripheral to power. Democracy is essentially compromised when decision-making power is centralized. This is particularly true in federations where different interests negotiate for a common goal.

In Ethiopia, democratic centralism was pioneered by TPLF leaders in conjunction with ethnic federalism. Under the federal experiment, nations and nationalities in Ethiopia are said to be sovereign and have the right to self-determination. Interestingly, this blend of democratic centralism and ethnic federalism produced a wicked political formula.

On the surface, officials declared the top-down structure of the imperial era is gone and power is decentralized to the nations, nationalities, and peoples of Ethiopia. The people exercise their right through their elected representatives. However, the seemingly decentralized political system is commanded by democratic centralism and leaders of the dutiful member parties. The marriage of democratic centralism and ethnic federalism gave birth to a hidden hand that works for one center, i.e., TPLF.

Under the Ethiopian version of democratic centralism, TPLF loyalists and ethnic Tigrayan dictate policies from the center to all levels of decision-making bodies. Until his death in 2012, former prime minister Meles Zenawi, who in addition to being the commander-in-chief of armed forces served as the chairman of both TPLF and EPRDF, sat at the top of the pyramid. Every institution in the country at federal and regional levels are run by cousins from Tigray — if not at the helm of the institution via a powerful deputy who calls the shots from behind. Loyalty over competence; manipulation over patriotism; recklessness over responsibility, and selfishness over national interest became the rule of the day. TPLF agents resorted to doing anything that makes money.

Even though some hoped for change after the death of Zenawi, the hidden hand was so entrenched in the system that EPRDF decided to continue with the legacy of the dead leader.

Military and intelligence

Ethiopia’s military and the intelligence sectors are often deployed to protect TPLF’s economic and political dominance. The military is under a sophisticated edict of former TPLF rebel commanders. The intelligence sector is likewise dominated by members of the same party. These two institutions are often used for schemes such as planning trumped-up criminal charges against dissidents and to instigate intergroup conflicts.

Intelligence officers are funded to design criminal cases, train witnesses, and prepare documents to incriminate opposition groups, their members, and sympathizers. It is so common to see witnesses at criminal benches testifying against prominent opposition leaders they cannot even name or tell apart from other inmates.

Ethnic clashes are a profitable business for top military and intelligence officials. When I visited the Borana Zone of Oromia in 2010, local elders told me of a common practice in the conflict-prone areas: cattle robbed from warring ethnic groups are “recaptured” from alleged robbers by members of the military, and then sold on distant markets such as Adama for their benefit.

Interethnic conflicts are also used for divide and rule purposes. When TPLF faces mounting resistance, the intelligence officers create conflict between various groups and show up as arbiters of peace. Ironically, they tell gullible donors the people of Ethiopia will finish each other if they are not there to keep the peace. Conflict may also be instigated with the intention to divert local leadership from TPLF’s illegal businesses. This a typical case of the ongoing crisis in Oromia.

Mass protests bearing fruits

Three years of sustained protests have stifled the TPLF system. TPLF has decimated any meaningful opposition in Ethiopia using its control over the judiciary, intelligence and legislative.

Absent any constitutional venue to rectify their grievances, the people of Ethiopia have resorted to civil disobedience to resist Tigrayan hegemony. The military and the intelligence continue to use their old tactics against peaceful protesters. Trumped up charges and instigation of conflict continue at an alarming rate. They continue to infiltrate peaceful protesters to incite ethnic violence. The military continues to shoot dead peaceful protesters in a broad daylight. When all these failed to stop the resistance, in October 2016  EPRDF declared a state of emergency suspending the right to assembly. People defied this desperate measure as well.

It is amid this standoff between the change-hungry mass and TPLF-led government that some regional leaders started to echo the demands of the people. In other words, popular resistance gave birth to heroes within EPRDF members. OPDO leaders have denounced the killing of their innocent civilians, and publicly blamed the proliferating illegal businesses of TPLF affiliates. For the first time in the history of EPRDF, a member of the coalition stood up to TPLF bullying.

In clashes between the military and the protesters, the Oromia police sided with the people. It started to crackdown upon illegal businesses of TPLF agents. In the meantime, a similar trend was emerging further north in Amhara, the second largest ethnic group. OPDO took further steps and formed a budding alliance with the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), the other EPRDF member. Facing pressure from their own constituents, ANDM welcomed OPDO’s invitation to join arms. Now OPDO and ANDM leaders are positioning themselves as the saviors of Ethiopia, challenging TPLF’s one-time unquestioned hegemony.

The EPRDF executive committee is meeting under such dire circumstances. Not much is known publicly about the agenda or its possible outcomes. But what comes out of EPRDF’s gathering is critical for the country’s peace and stability.

Here are some steps EPRDF can take to save itself and the country from a further crisis:

  1. Move the national army back to its barracks and border areas of civilian streets where they continue to harass and kill innocent people. The regional police are enough to maintain domestic peace and order. Any security situation beyond the capacity of regional police must be handled following appropriate constitutional protocol.
  2. Abandon the democratic centralism principle and replace it with proportionally shared democratic leadership. To do that, EPRDF can start by removing TPLF generals from key military and intelligence positions. This is a crucial first step to ending Tigrayan supremacy, which is the primary cause of the current crisis.
  3. Ethiopia’s military and intelligence services have been the most secretive agencies in the country. For instance, to this day, the people do not know how many Ethiopian officers are in Somalia, nor do they know how many of them died there. No one knows when the army will be back home — if ever. The army is out of reach even for elected members of the house of people’s representatives. The same is true with the intelligence services. The people of Ethiopia do not even know who leads the intelligence service. He does not report to parliament. Most MPs do not even know what kind of ethics the institution abides by. It is time to make the military and the intelligence services accountable to the public.
  4. Over the last 27 years, Ethiopia has experienced the untold mass atrocities and human rights violations for which no one has been held accountable. It is high time to bring to justice perpetrators of these atrocities and put in place mechanisms for ending impunity for future abuses.
  5. EPRDF has no room for dissenting voices. Any opinion deviating from the party line is often met with harsh measures. Even Facebook updates that criticize TPLF can land one in prison. All serious opposition leaders are sentenced to long prison or are awaiting never-ending trials. In order to heal the pain and agony of Ethiopian people, EPRDF should unconditionally release all prisoners of conscience and respect the right to freedom of expression.
  6. One of the conflict hotspots TPLF is using for divide and rule purposes is the contested border between the Somali and Oromia regions. In order to liquidate this malicious plan, EPRDF should respect the results of the 2004 referendum held to settle the dispute. The hundreds of thousands who were displaced by the fighting should be rehabilitated or returned to their abodes. Similarly, the people of Wolkayit should be given the chance to decide which State should govern their area.
  7. Finally, EPRDF must open up the political environment, allow a free press and start a comprehensive dialogue with all opposition parties.

I hope TPLF leaders will concede to the mounting internal and external pressures to allow transformation to democracy. But if it elects to maintain the status quo by arresting, replacing or assassinating OPDO and ANDM leaders, or declaring yet another state of emergency, it will meet a bitter end. The choices are clear. There is still time to make right.

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Sudan, Ethiopia hold military talks in Blue Nile

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December 29, 2017 (KHARTOUM) – The governor of Blue Nile State Hussein Yassen on Thursday has attended the opening session of the regular meeting between Sudan’s army 4th infantry division and Ethiopia’s army12th infantry division in Ed-Damazin.

In his address before the meeting, Yassen praised roles of the Sudanese President Omer al-Bashir and the Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn in sponsoring and supporting joint meetings between the armies of both countries.

According to the official news agency SUNA, Yassen also hailed stances of the governor of Ethiopia’s Benishangul-Gumuz region Al-Shazali Hassan to promote border relations between the two sides.

The governor of the Blue Nile also stressed keenness of the regular forces to support cooperation and coordination to strengthen security and stability on the border areas.

He further expressed hope the recommendations of the meeting will enhance relations, joint interests and contacts between the two sides.

For his part, the commander of Sudan’s army 4th infantry division, Major General Ahmadan Mohammed Khair al-Awad, underscored keenness to support cooperation with the Ethiopian side to enhance the stability of the border areas.

On the other hand, the commander of Ethiopia’s army 12th infantry division, Brigadier General Berhanu Talfun, commended the level of cooperation and coordination with the Sudanese army’s 4th infantry division.

In 2009, Sudan and Ethiopia signed a military protocol for a period of three years dealing with the development of the armed forces and ways to secure the common border between the two countries.

Last September, the joint Sudanese-Ethiopian military commission agreed to develop a five-year plan including all aspects of cooperation contained in the 2009 military protocol.

Sudan and Ethiopia last October signed a memorandum of understanding providing to enhance joint security and military cooperation between the two neighbouring countries to fight terrorism.

Also, in March 2016 during the 14th meeting of the joint Sudanese-Ethiopian technical committee in Khartoum, Sudan proposed to deploy joint border units on the border between the two countries.

(ST)

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Car accident kills 11 in central Ethiopia

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ADDIS ABABA, Dec. 29 (Xinhua) — A car accident in Ethiopia’s central Oromia regional state has killed 11 people, an official said on Friday.

Aschalew Alemu, Public Relations Chief at East Shoa Zone Police Department of Oromia regional state, said the accident happened when a bus carrying 40 passengers collided with a heavy-duty truck on Thursday evening.

He added that 31 other people who suffered light and heavy injuries have been taken to nearby health stations for treatment. Police has not yet determined the cause of the accident.

Alemu warned the public to avoid night time travel and overcrowded buses to lessen traffic accidents.

Despite having one of the lowest per capita car ownerships in the world, deadly traffic accidents in Ethiopia are common with blames put on bad roads, flawed driving license issuance system and lax enforcement of road safety.

Traffic accidents during the Ethiopian Fiscal Year 2016/17 that ended on July 8 have led to the deaths of 4,500 people, according to Ethiopia Federal Transport Authority (FTA).

The authority is toughening driving license regulations and is digitizing Ethiopia’s transport regulation system at a cost of 95 million U.S. dollars in a bid to reduce the high accident rate on Ethiopia’s roads.

With a growing economy and a rising middle class, the East African nation has for the past several years recorded an average of 11 percent growth in vehicle numbers.

Source: Xinhua

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Political Discussion With Academics on Current University Protests by Amhara Mass Media Agency

Ethiopia: Police arrested Five Individuals in Oromia Regional State

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policeADDIS ABABA, Dec. 30 (Xinhua) — Police in Ethiopia’s central Oromia regional state announced on Saturday it has arrested five individuals over communal clash.

Yishak Ayana, administrator of Yayu district of Oromia regional state, said the clash left six people injured and yet unspecified material damage, reported state owned Ethiopia News Agency.

He further said police has been able to prevent the clash from escalating with the help of local community.

Yayu and neighboring districts were scenes of communal violence in October 2017 which left more than a dozen dead.

The violence involving members of the Oromo ethnic group, longtime residents of the area, and ethnic Amharas and Tigrayans, who settled in the area in recent decades, raised concerns about the specter of wider civil strife in Ethiopia.

Disputes over resource exploitation and land ownership in Oromia regional states led to unrest in 2016 that left hundreds of dead.

Oromos, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group making up a third of the country’s 100 million population, have complained of decades of economic, political and social marginalization by successive governments.

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Ethiopia speaker, PM’s policy analyst flip-flop on resignation

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African News

Ethiopia’s speaker of parliament and another top official of government have reportedly rescinded their resignation from government.

According to the state-affiliated FBC, the two had agreed to return to their posts after high-level talks by the Executive Committee of the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).

Speaker Abadula Gemeda tendered in a resignation in October this year basing his decision on the government’s handling of a border crisis between Oromia and Ethiopia-Somali states.

Gemeda’s resignation was not accepted at the time with Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn stating that there were talks with him to rescind his decision. Earlier this week, the Addis Standard portal reported that the resignation had been accepted.

Gemeda, a former president of the Oromia state stepped down from his speaker duties over the period but maintained his position as a legislator.

The other official is Bereket Simon, a top advisor to PM Desalegn, he tendered in a resignation two weeks after Gemeda even though Desalegn at the time told lawmakers that the two resignations were not connected and needed to be taken in context.

Bereket, a former information minister and until his resignation an advisor to Desalegn in charge of Policy Studies and Research Center, had his request granted. It is not known under which arrangement the same resignation has been rescinded.

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Renewed unrest in Ethiopia’s Oromia regional state leaves 1 dead

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OromiaADDIS ABABA, Dec. 30 (Xinhua) — Renewed unrest in Ethiopia’s central Oromia regional state left one person dead and four others injured, a regional official said on Saturday.

Speaking to journalists, Ketema Bekelcha, Head of security department at Huro Guduru Wollega zone of Oromia regional state, said the unrest occurred on Friday when youths in Shambu city, 303 km northwest of Addis Ababa, tried to rob passing trucks carrying sugar.

The incident is the second time in two months that unrest over sugar being transported in Oromia caused deaths.

In October, at least eight people died in Ambo city, 130 km north of Addis Ababa, when police and soldiers used live rounds against angry demonstrators who blocked roads to prevent transportation of sugar.

The demonstrators believed erroneously sugar from nearby Fincha sugar factory was being transported illegally to other places.

Ethiopia is in the midst of a severe sugar shortage which the Ethiopian government blames on bad weather condition that halved the country’s sugar production last year.

Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest regional state, has seen large anti-government protests by ethnic Oromos since the end of 2015, leaving hundreds of people dead.

Oromos, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group making up a third of the country’s 100 million population, complain of decades of economic, political and social marginalization by successive governments.

Martial law declared in October 2016 and later lifted in August 2017 had calmed Oromia regional state, but renewed anti-government protests starting October left several people dead and property damages.

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Happy New Year 2018 – Yezina Negash (Aneresaw)

Race to the bottom: Ethiopia’s accelerating crisis

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Op-ed

An economy in free fall, ever-deepening repression, a deteriorating security, inter-ethnic violence, and a vicious infighting within the ruling party – Ethiopia is on the cusp of political explosion.

Dr. Awol Kassim Allo, For Addis Standard

Ethnic politicsAddis Abeba, December 31/2017 – The Executive Committee of the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) just concluded a high stakes meeting widely expected to offer a pathway out of the current crisis. The press release put out by the party after the 18-days long meeting is full of invectives, outrageous falsehoods, and deliberate reversal of historical facts designed to give an appearance of coherence and solidity to a regime in complete shambles.

Ethiopia has largely been seen in Western capitals as “an Island of stability in a troubled region”.  The inability and unwillingness of the government to address the popular demands of the protests of the last three years degenerated into a far more complex and dangerous turmoil, morphing into a wholesale political crisis.

According to the 2017 Fragile States Index by the US think thank Fund for Peace, Ethiopia is the 15thmost fragile state in the world, down from 24th in 2016. And also according to the forthcoming 2018 Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI), which evaluates and analyses the political, economic, and governance transformations of 129 developing countries, Ethiopia is on a downward trend. It ranks 113th on the state of political and economic transformation, down from 111th in 2016. The country is teetering on the brink of a bottomless abyss. But what are the key reasons and how can this sharp increase in the vulnerability of the state to collapse reversed?

Since the sudden demise of its all too powerful Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, in 2012, the country has been in tumult, unable to deal with the political crisis generated by escalating levels of ethnic discontent, violent political repression, and crippling economic conditions. A strategic thinker known for being duplicitous, savage, and decisive, Meles was a master manipulator with an absolute grip on the country’s political and economic policies. His successor, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, had neither the adept strategic maneuver nor the far-reaching control Meles had over the party, the state, as well as the military and security apparatus.

Rupture in the Ruling Coalition

The ruling party, EPRDF, a coalition of four unequal ethnic based parties, is on the brink of unraveling. Alarmed by the pace of changes sweeping the political landscape and the central government’s increasing strategic and tactical incompetence, some of its members are beginning to publicly contradict each other, a rupture that marked a make or break moment for the party and the government. EPRDF is a vassal configuration held together through ideological machinations and a range of repressive tactics. Its members are: The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), The Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), The Amhara National Democratic Movement, and The Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement.

The most dominant mother party, TPLF, used the vassals to bolster its legitimacy and squelch opposition from autonomous parties. While the vassal parties were allowed a measure of autonomy on internal matters, the mother party ensured the durability of the vassal configuration by ensuring that vassal parties do not build a social capital and internal party infrastructure that will one day allow it to free itself from this titular arrangement.

Since the death of Meles Zenawi, the vassal configuration has been in tatters, as former vassals began to assert themselves and demand a fair and equal distribution of political power within the party and the state. This is particularly evident within the Oromia regional state, where the region’s governing party, the OPDO, has been publicly expressing its disenchantment with the status quo.

The Violence on the Eastern Front

Elements within the TPLF who saw the OPDO as the greatest threat to their power turned to sabotage to reassert control of the vassal that is abandoning them to side with their sizable constituency. According to several sources, the violence along the border between Oromia and Ethiopian Somali regional state, while executed by Liyu Police, a paramilitary force with a dubious mandate, was indeed, instigated by TPLF generals. The border conflict has claimed the lives of hundreds and displaced more than half a million people.

For over a decade now, the government has been hiding behind the rhetoric of national security and narrative of development to shut down critical conversations of considerable political significance. These narratives have run out of steam and no longer provide the cement capable of holding together the crumbling social and political fabric in the country.

Nation-wide protests

As years of pain and suffering turned into rage, Ethiopians poured into the streets to demand that the government respects its own Constitution, and political repression. The Muslim community began protesting in December 2011 demanding religious freedom and an end to the government’s intervention in the affairs of their religion. In November 2015, the Oromos, the largest ethnic group in the country who make up around a third of the population, started one of the most consequential protests, essentially redefining the terms of engagement between the state and society. In July 2016, the Amharas, the second largest ethnic group in the country, joined the protest, intensifying the pressure against the government.

Although the nature of the grievances and the demands of these protest movements are not exactly the same, these protests were essentially reflections of decades of humiliation and hopelessness by their respective communities, exacerbated by the government’s contempt to long overdue questions of representation, autonomy, equality, and justice.

The government’s brutal response – complete with a show of force – was to securitize the demands and denigrate protesters as terrorists and anti-peace elements – a common tactic used by the Ethiopian government to justify violent suppression of peaceful opposition. As a consequence the tone and substance of the conversations on the Ethiopian streets suddenly shifted, with protesters demanding a radical transformation of the system. The ruling party has become the symbol of national decay and bankrupt hopes. Shaken to its core, it declared a state of emergency on October 8, 2016, to reassert control. By the time the emergency was lifted, in August 2017, hundreds of people were killed and tens of thousands were detained.

The Executive Committee Meeting

The highly anticipated Executive Committee meeting was widely expected to pass major decisions on the future direction of the party and the country by offering credible and tangible pathways for democratizing the party and the state. If the press statement is to be taken as an accurate reflection of what has been agreed in the meeting and where the party is headed, the status quo seems to have won the day.  The substance and tone of the statement is in direct contradiction to the expressed will of the Ethiopian people who have staged relentless protests for more than three years and paid a considerable price.

The country is on the verge of explosion and the government has now reached a turning point. It faces a choice between opening up the political process and tumbling into the abyss.

The West also faces a choice between supporting an all-inclusive transition or the complete unraveling of a geopolitically significant state with a colossal repercussion for its people and the region. Indeed, some diplomats with extensive experience of the country and the region have been moving away from the morally and politically questionable position they supported and defended for over two decades. Ambassador Herman J. Cohen, former US Assistant Secretary of States, who played a key part in the last political transition in Ethiopia, recently called on the government to “seriously consider requesting US Government mediation to organize a conference among all parties that will produce new democratic dispensation – before law and order collapse completely”.

Western governments who have been criticizing the government in private and behind closed-doors must take their criticisms a step further and demand concrete action. Most of all, they must demand that the government stops instigating inter-ethnic violence, release all political prisoners, listen to the plight of its people, and take radical steps to halt the race to the bottom.


ED’s Note: Awol Allo, is Lecturer in Law at Keele University, Great Britain. He tweets at @awol_allo and can be reached at a.k.allo@keele.ac.uk

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HAPPY NEW YEAR 2018

Ethiopia: Crisis in the land of the economic miracle

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DW

Unrest has plagued Ethiopia for the past two years. So what’s going on? The reasons are complicated.

Journalist Martin Plaut considers this to be the beginning of the problems facing modern Ethiopia. “The TPLF and Meles Zenawi were never prepared to allow democracy and real federalism,” he told DW. But the focus on ethnic differences in the constitution has not been without consequence:“As soon as you increase the focus on ethnicity and make ethnicity the basis of the state, you basically stoke up ethnic tensions,” said Plaut.

Ethiopia's Abay new motor show in Addis Ababa (Getty Images/AFP/J. Cendon)Ethiopia’s economy is booming with car assemblies like this one (pictured above) but many still live below the poverty line

Unequal distribution of economic resources

For some observers, the deadly clashes over the past few weeks would appear to be harbingers of an ethnically-motivated civil war. It seems like ethnic tensions are being expressed with increasing intensity. But the causes are complex.

Over the past few years, one issue in particular has repeatedly exacerbated the ethnic tensions in Ethiopia: the side effects of rapid economic growth. Since 2000, gross domestic product has increased almost tenfold, raising questions over who actually benefits from this increase in prosperity.

For example, the violent expropriation of many Oromo people following the spread of the economic boom in the capital Addis Ababa is considered one of the triggers for the ongoing unrest. While a small number of government-connected oligarchs are accumulating more and more wealth, most Ethiopians are not experiencing the so-called economic miracle, with nearly six million people dependent on food aid.

Read more:‘Ethiopia needs to open up civic space’, UN rights chief:

Although the economic boom has led to the emergence of a small, but growing, middle class, this hardly diffuses the situation. On the contrary, economic success and access to better education only increase the desire for political participation, which so far has been denied to those who wish to work their way up in the authoritarian system.

The consequence of these upheavals is conflict at all levels: civil society pushes back against the authoritarianism of national, regional and local rulers; regional populations want more independence from Addis Ababa and at the center of power, reformers fight against those who wish to defend the status quo. The military and regional police forces are becoming increasingly involved in political decisions.

Germany Berlin - Ethiopians demonstrate againt human rights abuse (DW/Y. Hailemichael)At the peak of protests, Ethiopians world over including those living in Germany called for political reforms back home

Pursing federalism as a solution

Is Ethiopia at risk of state collapse? Plaut thinks this kind of speculation is premature, because there is a clear solution available: “There is a way of solving it, which would be to genuinely allow a federal state.” For this to occur, however, the TPLF must be willing to give up their absolute hold on power and make way for a true multi-party system.

The vice-chairman of the Medrek coalition, Beyene Petros, also doesn’t think Ethiopia is likely to fall apart any time soon. “I am fully confident that Ethiopia will remain intact; this is by the desire and choice of the Ethiopian population,” he told DW. What is needed, however, is an overhaul of the political system: “The EPRDF regime is simply not compatible with the cultural and political situation in Ethiopia.”

What Ethiopia needs at this stage is a national conference involving all political parties and civil society. If so, the bad news coming out of the country could come to an end.

 

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Stalling negotiations on Ethiopia’s Renaissance Dam

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Persisting issues curb progress in negotiations between Ethiopia and Egypt over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam

Egypt’s Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry traveled to Ethiopia on December 26, for a meeting with Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn in which they discussed the stalling of negotiations on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. The visit followed Egypt’s announcement in November that negotiations with the Nile Basin country over its mammoth national project had failed.

Shoukry relayed Egypt’s concerns over developments in the dam project, which it fears will affect its Nile water share, during the meeting. His visit came on the heels of four major hiccups that have hampered negotiations, according to Egyptian and Ethiopian government sources.

The first issue, according to an Egyptian government source speaking on condition of anonymity, is Addis Ababa’s refusal to clarify details regarding the filling of the dam reservoir while talks are ongoing. The early filling of the dam’s reservoir was reported to have started this summer, without prior notification from Ethiopia.

The source calls the rapid filling of a reservoir of 74 billion cubic meters in size “a catastrophe of unimaginable consequences.”

“The first plan for the construction of the dam was based on the assumption that the reservoir’s storage capacity was less than 15 billion cubic meters. Ethiopia developed the project, however, and the single dam was transformed into one of four connected dams. Ethiopia increased the storage capacity to five times more than the initial target without first reaching any agreement with the downstream countries,” the Egyptian government official adds.

An Ethiopian government official who attended the November Cairo meetings, in which Sudanese representatives also took part, asserts that Egypt announced the failure of negotiations because it rejected Ethiopia’s proposal to tailor the time period allocated for filling the reservoir to fit the amount of rainfall in the Nile Basin area during the season which sees the median annual rainfall.

During a visit to Parliament, the Ethiopian Ambassador to Cairo Taye Atske-Selassiehad relayed his fellow statesmen’s desire to emphasize Ethiopia’s commitment to minimizing serious damage to Egypt while the reservoir is filled. However, he made no mention of how many years this process is expected take.

The Egyptian government source believes that the only way to mitigate the imminent damage is for Egypt to secure a guarantee that Ethiopia will take at least seven years to fill the dam’s reservoir.

The expected outcomes of filling the reservoir are “negative and worrying,” according to the source, who adds that available information “indicates that the biggest blockage of water will affect Egypt next summer.”

Egypt’s current share of the Nile water has been a source of contention throughout the negotiations. Sudan, which has typically shared Ethiopia’s stance on Egypt, expressed discontent over the distribution of Nile water when Prime Minister Ibrahim Ghandour announced it has not been obtaining its share of 18 billion cubic meters in comments to the press in November.

This share is outlined in a 1959 agreement signed by Egypt and Sudan, which is now being discarded on the grounds that Sudan signed while under occupation, and Ethiopia was never party to it. Egypt, however, has continually claimed its current share of the Nile’s water is insufficient.

The second issue, which the Egyptian government source claims Ethiopia is trying to evade, is Cairo’s request for joint management of the dam in order to guarantee its safety and structural integrity, reportedly based on “information available suggesting that the site of the dam is questionable from an engineering perspective.” The source adds that the request is also rooted in concerns regarding the environmental effects of the dam, as the water storage process is expected to impact the type of silt reaching Egypt which will impact agricultural activities.

A third sticking point is related to agricultural cooperation. “What we fail to understand is why Ethiopia is avoiding a clear commitment to agricultural cooperation in the dam’s vicinity,” the source says.

“Ethiopia has always stressed that the dam’s only aim is to generate electricity for development purposes,” they add. “We do not oppose its right to development. However, the truth is that the dam could have been constructed in a region remote from the Blue Nile, which supplies us with the bulk of our water needs, without affecting Ethiopia’s ability to generate electricity for developmental purposes.”

A second Egyptian government source, also speaking on condition of anonymity, cites Ethiopia’s refusal to include the findings of a technical assessment of the dam conducted by an external international firm in the negotiations process as the final reason behind the announcement of their failure.

“Ethiopia has been slow to reach an understanding of this advisory office’s work. It refused to include the findings of its preliminary report. What is the use, then, of a negotiation process that has been transformed, into coercing Egypt to accept a fait accompli,” the second government source says.

Reports emerged following Shoukry’s latest visit to Addis Ababa outlining Egypt’s proposal to include the Word Bank in the negotiations with Ethiopia.

A vicious campaign against Ethiopia unfolded in the days following the announcement of the failure of negotiations, according to two Ethiopian diplomats in Cairo. They both assert, speaking on condition of anonymity, that this environment is not conductive to reaching an understanding on the points of contention, adding that negotiations should take place in a context where Egypt is confident that Ethiopia intends it no harm.

Egypt intends to pursue three different avenues, according to the second Egyptian government source. The first is a media campaign intended to prepare the public for the complications expected from the dam. Cairo also intends to turn to international diplomatic efforts, in an attempt to garner enough support to pressure Ethiopia into limiting the amount of water the dam would block annually. This was outlined in President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s address at the 72nd session of the United Nations General Assembly in September. The third avenue currently being considered is halting all negotiations with Ethiopia.

Yet, the complications plaguing the discussions with Ethiopia are exacerbated by the fact that the vast majority of the Nile basin countries, both downstream and upstream, support Ethiopia, according to the Egyptian officials.

Most Nile Basin countries do not sympathize with Egypt, according to a government source who previously worked on the Nile water issue in a government agency. Speaking on condition of anonymity, they say that support for Ethiopia stems not only from its promises of cheaply supplied electricity, but from the fact the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam would act as a precedent. This could open the door for other countries on both banks of the river looking to follow suit, the source adds, saying “There are similar ideas being raised in Kenya and in Tanzania.”

Within Egypt the dam has proved a controversial issue, dividing decision makers in Cairo. The Egyptian government sources who spoke to Mada Masr say that ministries and authorities, including the foreign and irrigation ministries, are laying the blame for Egypt’s diminishing sway in the negotiations at others’ doorsteps. Moreover, within certain ministries, accusations are traded between current and former occupants of the same posts.

The government source who previously worked on water issues adds that there is a general antipathy toward the Declaration of Principles, signed by Sisi in 2015, which serves as Cairo’s official recognition of Addis Ababa’s right to construct the dam but does not yield any benefits for Egypt. The declaration was one of several steps taken to kick start negotiations over the dam in 2013. The source believes that there is a pressing need to pursue legal means of voiding the declaration through parliamentary intervention,  particularly as it is not a definitively binding agreement.

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The Year of Ethiopia-Win-Et, RISING! (Al Mariam)

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Author’s Note: I  have a tradition of reviewing the year in my last commentary of the year. It gives me an opportunity for a momentary reflection on some things that have happened and did not happen during the year.

If I were to describe 2017 in a short sentence, it would be “The Year of Ethiopiawinet, Rising”.

For over a quarter of a century, under the oppressive rule of the  Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (T-TPLF), it has been a crime to publicly acknowledge Ethiopiawinet, a system of beliefs which affirms the unity of the Ethiopian people in their humanity. Lemma Megerssa best defined Ethiopiawinet as “an addiction [deep passion]. It is in the heart of each and every Ethiopian. If there is a way to open and look at what is in the hearts and and minds of Ethiopians, what we see is EthiopiaWINet… EthiopiaWINet is to be free. Human beings being free to express their feelings… ”

2017 has been the year of Ethiopiawinet, a year in which courageous and patriotic Ethiopians affirmed not only in their hearts and minds but also in the streets that they have a common unbreakable bond, a unifying identity and a collective mission that can be realized only through the practice of Ethiopiawinet.

LONG LIVE ETHIOPIAWINET IN THE HEARTS, MINDS AND SPIRITS OF THE ETHIOPIAN PEOPLE!

I have selected one or two commentaries from each month of the year in my year in review below.

In my January 1, 2017 commentary, “Dare to Dream With Me About the New Ethiopia in 2017”,  I challenged my readers to dare to dream with me about the New Ethiopia in 2017.  I argued the key question for Ethiopians in 2017 will be to dream or not to dream of the New Ethiopia or accept the T-TPLF nightmare in Ethiopia.  I believe in 2017, Ethiopians chose to dream of the New Ethiopia and bury the T-TPLF nightmare.  They chose Ethiopaiwinet as the foundation of the New Ethiopia.

In my January 15, 2017 commentary, “Farewell, Barack Obama”,  I said “Good bye!”  to President Barack Obama. I posed three parting questions to him: 1) Is Africa better off today than when you became president on January 20, 2009? Is Ethiopia better off today than when you became president January 20, 2009? Did you stand on the right or wrong side of history in your policy in Africa?  I am profoundly disappointed in Obama’s Africa human rights policy.

For eight years, Obama talked about being “on the right side of history, and for eight years he walked on the wrong side of history holding hands with Africa’s most brutal and corrupt dictators. As Obama bowed out to join the “kingdom of the has-beens”, I was left only with bitter words and hard feelings for him. I said good bye to Obama paraphrasing Shakespeare, “’So farewell Barack Obama to the little good you bear me./ Farewell! a long farewell, to all [your] greatness!’  But were you to ask me what your legacy shall be in Africa, my answer is this:  You shall inherit the wind because you stood on the wrong side of history!”

In February 2017, I wrote a letter to President Donald Trump urging him to say “No” to U.S. Aid to African dictators. In that letter, I sought to  alert the Trump administration about the T-TPLF’s multimillion dollar lobbying assault underway in the U.S. and offer tentative answers to the following questions posed by his transition team to the State  Department: 1)  “With so much corruption in Africa, how much of our funding is stolen?” 2)  “We’ve been fighting al-Shabaab for a decade, why haven’t we won?” 3)  “How does U.S. business compete with other nations in Africa? Are we losing out to the Chinese?” 4) “Why should the U.S. continue the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act [AGOA]  which provides massive support to corrupt African regimes?”

I also had my own questions for President Trump: 1) How long must Ethiopia remain a beggar nation panhandling for aid? 2) How long must Africa remain a beggar continent, the object of charity for the rest of the world? 3) How long must the US aid gravy train continue to transfer billions of American tax dollars to African dictators to maintain their empires of corruption?  I insisted there must come a time when Ethiopia and the rest of Africa must be forced to kick their addiction to aid and charity.

In my March  24, 2017 commentary, “No Honor at Tampere University for a Dictator in Ethiopia”, I wrote a letter to Tampere University of Technology (Finland) president  Mika Hanula and  the Board to rescind their offer of an honorary degree to the T-TPLF prime minister Hailemariam Desalegn.  I demonstrated beyond a shadow of doubt that Deslaegn’s honorary degree was totally inconsistent with Tampere’s tradition and practice in conferring such honor.  I urged such honor should not be conferred upon one of the most flagitious human rights violators in the world. On March 29, 2017, Tampere University announced it will not award an honorary degree to Desalegn.  In an op-ed piece in the Helsinki Times, I made the case to the Finnish people supporting Tampere’s decision.

In my April 16, 2017 commentary,  “About Time for the T-TPLF to Get in Their Spaceships and Scoot Out of Ethiopia?”,  I  thought my ultimate dream had come true. The  T-TPLF had gotten into their space ship and  taken off to their home planet.  The T-TPLF boldly announced it is building a space program.  One-fifth of the Ethiopian population is starving and the T-TPLF claims to be building a space program?   That is what I call “cruel thug joke”. That could happen only on Planet T-TPLF!

May 2017 was a busy month. I published a total of  9 commentaries, op-ed pieces and did one radio interview.  The  “artist of Ethiopiawinet”, Tedros (“Teddy Afro”) Kassahun  released his globally acclaimed album “Ethiopia” album. Tewdros preached Ethiopiawinet with poetic eloquence, polished diction, passionate patriotism (love of country and compatriots), and unabashedly proclaimed  his unseverable attachment to Mother Ethiopia by a primordial umbilical cord.

I am overawed not only by Tewdros’ unsurpassed musical genius and prodigious creativity, but even more compellingly, I am mesmerized by his committment to Ethiopiawinet. Tewdros is not just a musician, he is a deep thinker who speaks in lyrical poetry.  Tewdros is a man who practices his credo of love, compassion and understanding, tolerance, forgiveness and reconciliation in his music. Tewdros Kassahun is a man for all seasons.  Teddy Afro is a prophet of his generation.

In June 2017, the passions of Ethiopiawinet  sparked by Teddy Afro were  getting hot. The  Governments of the U.S. and U.K. were  advising  their “citizens  of the risks of travel to Ethiopia due to the potential for civil unrest and arbitrary detention since a state of emergency was imposed in October 2016. The Government of Ethiopia does not inform the U.S. Embassy of detentions or arrests of U.S. citizens in Ethiopia.” The  U.K. Foreign and Commonwealth Office also issued a travel warning advising its citizens to prepare their own “alternative communication plans when travelling in Ethiopia”. The warning strongly advised against travel to a number of locations in the country, including the “Bole area (in the capital) at night and in more secluded areas, such as the Entoto Hills” because of “incidents of violent assaults”. The warning urges against any travel in the “Amhara”, “Somali”, “Gambella” and other regions. The advisories were in reality declarations that things have gone beyond a point of return in Ethiopia.

In July 2017,  the popular protest against T-TPLF oppressive rule was in full swing.  There was uprising everywhere. The T-TPLF tried to pacify the Oromo people in Ethiopia by  playing a name game for the capital.  Is it Addis Ababa or Finfine?

In my July 9, 2017 commentary, I defended the human and land rights of Oromos against T-TPLF confiscation, expropriation and extrajudicial action against those who peacefully resisted. The T-TPLF has such deep contempt for Oromos that it believes it can deal with them with the three Ps: Pander, Pacify and Placate. The T-TPLF believes that by throwing crumbs at Oromos in  the form of empty and hollow promises about “special interest in the capital” and symbolic concessions about naming the capital as “Addis Ababa/Finfine”, they can trick them just like crying children with cotton candy. The T-TPLF believes Oromos are so foolish they cannot tell the difference between a real and a Trojan horse. No one knows horses like the Oromos. They can tell a Trojan horse a thousand miles away. The fact of the matter is that Oromos want only first-class citizenship enjoyed by all free peoples throughout the world—the right to equality, justice, dignity, human rights, vote in a free and fair elections and live peacefully under the rule of law. They don’t need “priority”, “affirmative action”, “special privileges”, “special names” or free land given to them after it is stolen from them.”

In July, the T-TPLF also tried to impose taxation on the people of Ethiopia with oppression and without representation. The people won.

In August 2017,  I wrote about the dilemma of U.S. foreign policy in Ethiopia: The T-TPLF is driving the country over the cliff into a cataclysmic civil war at breakneck speed. The Ethiopian opposition is fragmented, splintered, ineffective and disorganized. The country is in a massive state of quiet riot. The people of Ethiopia are engaged in mass acts of civil disobedience and nonviolent resistance throughout the country. They refuse to pay the T-TPLF’s outrageous taxes and are resisting expropriation of their land. Every day the people are standing up defiantly and proclaiming to the T-TPLF, “Enough is enough! We ain’t gonna take it no more.” The quiet riot is getting louder and louder by the day. The T-TPLF created its own Frankensteinian monster when it established its kililistans. Now, it stands in the middle of the kililistans surrounded by hungry and angry wolves. Is Meles Zenawi’s mad prophesy about the big bad wolf coming to devour everyone in Ethiopia about to come true? What should/can the U.S. do about the hungry and angry wolf roaming the kililistans in Ethiopia? Has the die been cast? Has Ethiopia crossed the Rubicon, the point of no return?

In September 2017, I focused on  foreign investments, particularly Chinese and Indian,  in Ethiopia.  I have long been leery of Chinese “investment” (or is it infestment) in Ethiopia and Africa. In February 2012, I wrote a commentary entitled, “The Dragon’s Dance with Hyenas”. In that commentary, I reflected on the $200 million dollar stately pleasure chit-chat dome (ironically represented in a building that looks like a gigantic inverted beggar’s bowl) for African dictators called the African Union (AU) [which I call the “African Beggars Union Hall”] gifted to Africa by China. I know it is not hip to talk about Chinese neocolonialism in Africa. “What neocolonialism?”, they ask. “China is developing Africa’s infrastructure. China is engaged in ‘win-win development’. They are building dams, roads, rail lines and on and on.”

I don’t buy the canard that China is Africa’s gift that keeps on giving. In 2017, China cares as much about Africa as the European colonial powers did at the Berlin Conference in 1894. 1) Does China use its mega transnational corporations and banking institutions to perpetuate colonial forms of exploitation in Africa?2) Is China’s “new strategic partnership” with Africa a fancy phrase for China’s kinder and gentler creeping neocolonialism through outwardly benign economic relations (domination) and exploitation of Africa as a source of cheap raw materials and cheap labor?

In antiquity, the warning was, “Beware of Greeks bearing gifts”. Today, in Africa, it is, “”Beware of Chinese bearing gifts”.

It was also farewell to Indian investor Sai Karuturi. Karuturi believed he had made the “deal of the century” when the T-TPLF handed him a “1,000 sq. km” slice of Ethiopia to “develop”. What Karuturi did not realize was “all that glitters is not gold.” When Karuturi set off on his quixotic mission in 2011 to “invent and discover commercial farming in Ethiopia”, he had no idea he was walking into a T-TPLF investment trap. The lesson to all other future investors with the T-TPLF, “Abandon all hope who invest with the T-TPLF! The T-TPLF vultures will pick your bones clean.” To Sai Karuturi, I had only one thing to say, “I told you so, but you did not listen!”

October. Aaah! October. The month I declared, “I, PROUD ETHIOPIAN.”

In October, I wrote a letter to President Trumpsupporting targeted sanctions against South Sudan and requesting similar sanctions against the T-TPLF. I explained to him that the difference between the South Sudanese regime and the TPLF regime on human rights is the difference between Tweedledee and Tweedledum. Both regimes are peas in a pod. Thus, what is good enough for the South Sudanese regime is good enough for the TPLF regime.

In light of my letter to President Trump, the Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front had the gall, the audacity to question my Ethiopiawinet on international radio. The T-TPLF said they have “doubts about my Ethiopian-ness”.

President Trump signed a targeted sanctions executive order applicable to all nations in December 2017. KUDOS, Trump!

Initially, I was offended that my Ethiopian-ness should be challenged by a gang of lowlife ignorant bush thugs who literally sold Ethiopia down the river (to Karuturi on the Alwero and Baro Rivers) and on the Red Sea when they declared the port of Asab belongs someone else and Ethiopia does not need a port. Thugs who sacrificed 80 thousands young Ethiopians to defend Badme and then handed it over to the enemy in arbitration were questioning my Ethiopian-ness?  Thugs who used to travel the world over as citizens of Somalia, Libya and what have you “fighting their war of liberation” against Ethiopia itself were questioning my Ethiopian-ness? Thugs who ran into the bush to create a separate country called the “Republic of Tigray”, separate and apart from Ethiopia, were  questioning my Ethiopian-ness?

Shakespeare wrote, “The devil can cite Scripture for his purpose./ An evil soul producing holy witness/Is like a villain with a smiling cheek,…”  The T-TPLF devils citing the holy scripture of Ethiopiawinet  and producing holy witness against me for being un-Ethiopian is like frigging  bush thugs with smiling cheeks.

I challenged the T-TPLF to produce a shred of evidence to raise doubt about my Ethiopain-ness or apologize to me. They did neither. I am not surprised. As I always say, you can take the thug out of the bush and dress him up in designer clothes but you can never take the bush out of the thug. That is thug life!

But I did thank the T-TPLF. By doubting my Ethiopian-ness they gave me a new platform to advocate, defend and mobilize Ethiopians to rise up and assert their Ethiopiawinet and teach the true meaning of Ethiopiawinet. They helped me discover that Ethiopiawinet is the one and only thing that will save Ethiopians from the T-TPLF’s prophesy of civil war, ethnic warfare and strife.

In November 2017, I remembered, as I do every year, the Meles Massacres of 2005. I remembered Rebuma E. Ergata, 34, mason; Melesachew D. Alemnew, 16, student; Hadra S. Osman, 22, occup. unknown; Jafar S. Ibrahim, 28, sm. business; Mekonnen, 17, occup. unknown; Woldesemayat, 27, unemployed; Beharu M. Demlew, occup. unknown; Fekade Negash, 25, mechanic; Abraham Yilma, 17, taxi; Yared B. Eshete, 23, sm. business; Kebede W. G. Hiwot, 17, student; Matios G. Filfilu, 14, student…

In November, I offered an English translation of a speech given by Obbo Lemma Megerssa, President of Oromiya regional government and Ato Gedu Andargachew at the Amhara Oromo Discussion Forum in Bahr Dar. Lemma defined what Ethiopiawinet means:

Ethiopians are like sergena teff [staple foodstuff in Ethiopia made whose tiny seeds resemble poppy seeds eaten as flatbread called injera] (applause). [Grain] that is gathered together. Milled together. Eaten together (applause)… EthiopiaWINet is an addiction [deep passion]. It is in the heart of each and every Ethiopian. If there is a way to open and look at what is in the hearts and and minds of Ethiopians, what we see here today [EthiopiaWINet] is what have seen here today [our unity in our Ethiopiawinet]… [EthiopiaWINet] is to be free. Human beings being free to express their feelings… Our people did not heroically sacrifice themselves in yesteryears for our country because they were paid. Our people who gave up their lives for the one-ness (unity) of our country.

In yesteryears, our people shed their blood in major battles for [to defend the integrity] Ethiopia. Now it is expected of us to work (sacrifice) for our country. We cannot go forward looking backwards. Let us not dwell on the past. Now we must stand together collectively for our country… If we set out to count our differences, in this hall there could be numerous things to separate and divide us. But there are also numerous other things that we share that could bring us together. Why don’t we strengthen that as long as it is something that can be used to good end?”

Ato Gedu said:

Indeed, our diversity has been the amazingly distinctive feature of our Ethiopiawinet. The strong bond in the mosaic of our Ethiopiawinet is reflected in the diversity of our religions, traditions and cultural practices. The linkage of our unity over the ages has remained very strong. [Ethiopiawinet] is not something that dissipates like vapor in the air. It is not a thing swept by the wind and scattered or easily broken. It is a unity that is deeply rooted. It is great unity with [immeasurable] depth and strength.”

In December 2017, I reviewed the Trump administration’s human rights record in Africa. On December 21, 2017, with little fanfare, President Donald Trump issued an Executive Order for targeted sanctions “declaring a national emergency with respect to the unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security, foreign policy, and economy of the United States posed by serious human rights abuse and corruption around the world.” No president in American history has ever issued such an executive order!

No American president had ever classified “serious human rights abuse and corruption” as a “threat to American national security, foreign policy and economy”.

In my October 1, 2017  “Letter to President Trump, I had requested targeted sanctions against the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front’s (TPLF) regime in Ethiopia, and made the broader case why targeted sanction should be a pillar of U.S. foreign policy. Trump’s executive order was a full and completely satisfactory answer to my request.

Kudos! Trump & Tillerson.

2018: The Year of Total Victory of Good Over Evil!

I, PROUD, ETHIOPIAN!

 

asd

Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino. His teaching areas include American constitutional law, civil rights law, judicial process, American and California state governments, and African politics. He has published two volumes on American constitutional law, including American Constitutional Law: Structures and Process (1994) and American Constitutional Law: Civil Liberties and Civil Rights (1998). He is the Senior Editor of the International Journal of Ethiopian Studies, a leading scholarly journal on Ethiopia. For the last several years, Prof. Mariam has written weekly web commentaries on Ethiopian human rights and African issues that are widely read online. He blogged on the Huffington post at  http://www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/ and later on open.salon until that blogsite shut down in March 2015.

Prof. Mariam played a central advocacy role in the passage of H.R. 2003 (Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007)  in the U.S. House of Representatives in 2007. Prof. Mariam also practices in the areas of criminal defense and civil litigation. In 1998, he argued a major case in the California Supreme Court involving the right against self-incrimination in People v. Peevy, 17 Cal. 4th 1184, cert. denied, 525 U.S. 1042 (1998)  which helped clarify longstanding Miranda rights issues in California criminal procedure. For several years, Prof. Mariam had a weekly public channel public affairs television show in Southern California called “In the Public Interest”. Prof. Mariam received his Ph.D. from the University of Minnesota in 1984, and his J.D. from the University of Maryland in 1988.

The post The Year of Ethiopia-Win-Et, RISING! (Al Mariam) appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Unity Ticket AEUP, Blue Party, and SHENGO – SBS Amharic


How to Sponsor your parents and Grand parents to Canada

Chinese-built Ethiopia-Djibouti railway begins commercial operations

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Ethiopian attendants participate during the opening ceremony of Ethiopia-Djibouti railway at the Lebu station in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on Oct. 5, 2016.

(Xinhua/Sun Ruibo)

ADDIS ABABA, Jan. 1 (Xinhua) — The Chinese-built 756-km electrified rail project connecting landlocked Ethiopia to Djibouti officially started commercial operations on Monday with a ceremony held in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa.

Contracted by two Chinese companies, the first 320 km of the rail project from Sebeta to Mieso was carried out by the China Rail Engineering Corporation (CREC), while the remaining 436 km from Mieso to Djibouti port section was built by the China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC).

Speaking on the occasion, Ahmed Shide, Ethiopian Minister of Transport, hailed the standard gauge project as a milestone in China-Africa cooperation.

In addition to further enhancing economic ties as well as the people-to-people links between Ethiopia and Djibouti, it will have significant contribution to the ongoing development efforts of building a new Ethiopia, said the minister.

The minister urged local people, especially residents living by the line of the rail, to take care of it for its successful and sustainable operation.

Emphasizing on its huge significance and importance, Tan Jian, Chinese Ambassador to Ethiopia, noted that the project would contribute to the industrialization and diversification of the Ethiopian economy, and also towards the country’s growth and transformation plan.

“It is the first trans-boundary and longest electrified railway on the African continent. We, the Chinese, see this as earlier harvest project of the Belt and Road initiative. It is regarded by many as a lifeline project for both countries, for Ethiopia and for Djibouti. And we see this as a railway of development; as a railway of cooperation; and as a railway of friendship,” he said.

The ambassador has reiterated China’s commitment to further cooperating and closely working with Ethiopia and Djibouti to the railway’s smooth operation.

The Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway project has been carried out with an investment of 4 billion U.S. dollars, and China’s Exim Bank has provided a loan.

Speaking on his part, Djibouti Ambassador to Ethiopia, Mohamed Idriss Farah, said the railway project would have significant contribution to the economic integration between Djibouti and Ethiopia.

“This is important corridor, important railways between Djibouti and Ethiopia; we are working for our economic integration between our two countries. And this project was part of the economic integration, but not only economic integration but also connecting the peoples of Djibouti and Ethiopia,” said the ambassador.

The railway provides both passenger and freight services between Addis Ababa and Djibouti.

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TWO BENCHES AT FEDERAL HIGH COURT JAIL NINETEEN ETHIOPIANS ACCUSED OF HAVING LINKS WITH PG7 TO LENGTHY TERMS

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Etenesh Abera/ Addis Standard

CourtAddis Abeba, January 02/2018 – The federal high court 19th and 4th criminal benches here in the capital Addis Abeba have today sentenced a total of nineteen Ethiopians who were accused of terrorism related offenses to jail terms ranging from three years and ten months to 16 years and six months.

All the nineteen defendants were accused of having ties with Patriotic G7, a rebel group designated by the ruling party’s dominated parliament as a terrorist organization.

The Federal high court 19th criminal bench sentenced fourteen individuals under the file name of Getahun Beyene et. al to various terms in jail. Accordingly, the court handed the highest term of 16 years and ten months to Dr. Asnake Abayneh and Alemayehu Negussie, the second and the fifth defendants respectively, while it sentenced Bantewossen Abebe to lowest term of three years and ten months. Others in the same file have also been sentenced to various terms in jail. The first defendant Getahun Beyene and the fourth defendant Brazil Engida were sentenced to nine and 15 years each respectively.

Similarly, The federal high court 4th criminal bench sentenced five individuals in the file name of Yohanes Mengiste et.al from 14 to 15 years in prison. Accordingly, while the second defendant Tsegaye Zeleke was sentenced to 14 years, the remaining defendants: Yohanes Mengiste, Gashaw Mulye, Asmare Giletin, Gshaw Mamuye and Mansiboh Birhanu have all been sentenced to 15 years.

All the five defendants have refused to defend the terrorism charges brought against them and like Getahun Beyene et.at, they were also accused of having links with PG7. In addition, all the five were also accused of traveling to Eritrea to take military training in a camp called Harena, according to the prosecutors charges.

The defendants in both file names were first brought to the federal court between September and October 2016, following the brutal crackdowns against massive anti-government protests in Amhara regional state. As Ethiopia continued reeling from the three years persistent anti-government protests in both Oromia and Amhara regional states, terrorism charges brought against individuals who are accused of participating and leading these protests from the two regions have seen a dramatic uptick (digital illustration).

On November 14, the federal high court 4th criminal bench passed a key ruling in the case against activist Nigist Yirga and five others charged in the same file with terrorism related offenses. According to the ruling, Nigist and the five others with her: Alemneh Wase G. Mariam, Tewdros Telay Kume, Awoke Abate Gebeyehu, Belayneh Alemneh Abeje, & Yared Girma Haile should all begin to defend the terrorism charges brought against them by the federal prosecutors. All the defendants were brought from the Amhara regional state in the wake of the summer 2016 protest.

In March 2016, prosecutors have charged a group of 76 individuals with various articles of Ethiopia’s infamous Anti-Terrorism Proclamation at the federal high court 19th criminal bench. According to the charges under the name of Miftah Sheikh Surur, all the 76 defendants were accused of being members of the “Eritrean based rebel group Patriotic G7,”; they were also accused of participating and/or attempted to participate in several acts of terrorism in western Tigray zone of northern Ethiopia in places including, but not limited to, Metama, and Quwara; as well as in Woredas such as Wolkayit, Tsegede, & upper & lower Armachiho.

AS

The post TWO BENCHES AT FEDERAL HIGH COURT JAIL NINETEEN ETHIOPIANS ACCUSED OF HAVING LINKS WITH PG7 TO LENGTHY TERMS appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Voice of Amara Radio – 31 Dec 2017

ESAT DC Daily News Tue 02 Jan 2018 Ethiopia

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