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Vision Ethiopia: Call for papers ‘Building Democratic Institutions in Ethiopia’

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Vision Ethiopia, an independent network of Ethiopian scholars and professionals, in collaboration with the Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio (ESAT), is pleased to announce that the Fourth Conference will be held in Washington D.C. on September 16 and 17, 2017. We thank those who responded to our first call for papers which was issued on March 4, 20117. The second call is intended to provide a reminder to potential contributors, and a more focused list of transition issues that the conference aims to address. Abstract, and preferably the entire paper should be sent to visionethiopia2016@gmail.com on or before, August 20 2017. The theme of the conference is Building Democratic Institutions in Ethiopia.

Authors are reminded that the theme of the Fourth Conference builds upon the deliberations of the Third Conference that was held from October 23 to 24, 2016. At the Third Conference where more than 20 panelists and moderators and hundreds of participants were engaged, and conference resolved that there is an urgent need to build a road map for transition from conflict to a post-conflict constitution making order in Ethiopia. The communique of the conference highlighted the contemporary issues, assessed the challenges, and identified the actionable areas to realize the road map. Since October 2016 there have been a number of conferences and town hall meetings held by Ethiopians in various parts of the world. Alliances and counter alliances are being formed. As expected the ruling regime has had its own panel discussion to fight back the pressure and manage public and international opinion by defying, manipulating, and trying to capture the call for transition, while others perhaps inadvertently mimic the call for positioning themselves and remaining relevant. Vision Ethiopia notes these developments and encourages the engagement of the wider public in these important deliberations. Most conferences share the view that transition in Ethiopia is unavoidable.

The discourse has turned into the type of transition, how to make the transition inclusive, effective, relevant and capable to manage the various issues in Ethiopia while strengthening national unity and maintaining the territorial integrity of the country. It has also become important to take lessons from the 1975, 1991/92, and 2005 failed transitions. The question now is how to make the vehicles of transition and agents of change stronger. The myriad of political, economic, social, and security problems, coupled with the unrest, state of emergency, conflicts, tensions, drought, outmigration, internal displacement and the paralysis and tensions within the ruling regime, all indicate the need for a carefully planned change, that controls chaos.

The Fourth Conference aims at providing a forum for consolidating the discussion about the type of transition that is needed in Ethiopia. It addresses two critical issues that are the cornerstones of successful transitions: maintaining and strengthening national unity and creating, enabling and maintaining effective institutions. The continuity of the Ethiopian state, with its  territorial  integrity,  the  unity  of  its  diverse  population, and their democratic aspirations are critically dependent on the quality and strength of institutions that exist during and after the period of transition.

The protection and cultivation of an enduring and evolving national unity and sovereignty, through effective institutions, is the central tenet of a meaningful national discourse on transition. History, nostalgia and normative analysis of social and political orders must be separated from contemporary (real) politics. Self-determination becomes an empty idealization of a utopian state unless it is contextualized. Transition thus must not be defined as change of government or another meaningless election or a ritual copied from others. Formal and national institutions should have a number of attributes which should include, consistent with theory: shared national values, sets of functioning rules, ethical standards, procedures and norms designed to constrain offenders and those in authority, prevent cheating, system of entry to and exit from political office, defining the role of traditional authority/leadership, releasing the institutions of the modern state from their captured status, separation of powers, and mechanism for fending the tyranny of the state. Hence it is important to examine and understand what can go wrong in the transitioning processes. The process of transition is an important determinant of the outcome.

Authors are expected to use research and experience while analyzing a specific problem or series of problems. They need to contextualize their theories, and attempt to present the problem and solution dispassionately. With respect to specific topics, Vision Ethiopia would like speakers to focus on the following interconnected problems, and identify types of tried and tested transitions, and state why a specific type of transition is appropriate for today’s Ethiopia. Speakers can select sub topics of transition from the following. The list is indicative and by no means restrictive.

  1. Comparative Constitutional Analysis: Constitutions & National Charters provide the broad framework of the political, legal, social, economic, and policy aspirations of a country and its transition framework. Setting and analyzing the constitutional/charter issues, provisions, priorities, challenges, and comparative context are important issues in drawing the road map and the transition to a post-conflict political order.
  2. National Unity & Institutions: Outlining the mechanisms for maintaining and strengthening national unity through effective institutions. Which institutions (laws and organizations) have worked/failed in post-conflict countries? What are the lessons (if any) for Ethiopia?
  3. Institutional Framework: Identifying existing formal and informal institutions that can be used for mediation, reconciliation, conflict management and resolution. How to connect truth and reconciliation with the various dimensions of justice?
  4. The duration of the transition: How long/short should the transition period be? What are the determinants of shorter transition periods in militarized societies? What effective instruments can be put in place to prevent transitional/provisional governments from making themselves “permanent”? How does one minimize factors that make transitions periods unstable?
  5. Policy and capacity Issues: What should be the economic, social, land and foreign policy of a transitional administration? How should it deal with priority issues of land, territorial disputes, drought, outbreak of diseases, and national crisis of outmigration and deportations of Ethiopians from various parts of the world?
  6. Economic Policy Issues: Mechanisms for establishing fair, just and largely market-based economic institutions. Addressing mechanism for resolving property rights issues including ownership by political party affiliated economic entities and individuals and entities that serve as fronts; examination of the credibility of macro-economic and demographic statistics, the management and sustainability of sovereign
  7. Management of conflicts and Conflict Prevention: Establishing the mechanism to prevent and control the escalation of conflict, including controlling irresponsible targeting of communities, as well as upholding values, customs, and traditional practices  that can be reflected in national identity/symbols and legal instruments so that conflict is controlled.
  8. Corruption and state and regulation capture: Releasing the institutions of the state and the economy from capture and preventing future captures is critical for successful transition. What is the situation of corruption in Ethiopia and what are its manifestations? Using case methods speakers can identify political and economic corruption, economic crime, illicit financial flows, and the alleged widespread market rigging in the country? Corruption, state capture, contract awards and mega projects (e.g. dams, railway lines, sugar plantations, industrial parks, etc.), donor and tender “preneurship” are examples. How to complete strategic national projects (dams, railway lines, ) which are showing cost overruns and delays during the period of transition while controlling corruption? Using an institutional perspective, speakers can explain why the corruption watch dog became toothless and the Prime Minister’s statements ended up in thin air.
  9. Freedom of Information and the Press: Establishing a dynamic system that ensures the legal and constitutional rights of citizens’ access to information and eliminating of censorship; ensuring pluralistic and responsible media that helps keep citizens informed; and empowering citizens to the freedom of information while at the same time controlling disinformation and “fake news”. Should Ethiopians (inside the country and out of the country) establish an independent media monitoring organization?
  10. Civil Society Organizations: How to guarantee the emergence and protection of independent and vibrant civil societies that protect national and ethnic heritages, places of worships, civil and political rights, including the rights of labor, peasants, land lords and tenants, women, children, youth, minorities, the disabled, war veterans and victims of conflicts? How does one stop the penetration and capture of faith and other social organizations by the ruling regime and political parties?
  11. Managing and Preventing Extremism: Establishing mechanisms that fend off against the spread of religious and cultural fundamentalism and extremism,   and legally restrain those  that attempt to fuse ethnicity and faith for advancing separatist agenda. What can be done to prevent extremist tendencies and behavior and to address the underlying factors in the country?
  12. Human Resource Management and Equity: Promoting equal opportunities and inclusiveness in the national defense, security, police force establishments, including in their top brass, as well as other public institutions to reflect judicious participation by wide spectrum of the Ethiopian population. Reforming economic organizations, including party and state owned enterprises that provide employment shelters to specific ethnic or other social groups. Reforming exclusive regional “charity/development organizations” that serve as fronts, shadow government network and long arms of the ruling party. How to make the national defense, security, and police forces apolitical (loyal to the country and its people and not to a ruling party or the ruler), professional and free from corruption and prejudice? Identifying ways and means of integrating armed combatants to the national army; demilitarizing the country, mechanisms for handling victims of conflict, including former combatants, solders and war veterans;
  13. Political Parties: Establishing a system of party politics based on political pluralism; a representative and effective electoral system that encourages regional parties (ethno-nationalist and faith based political organizations) to transform themselves into national parties, where factionalism and regionalism does not become a cause of instability. Analysis of existing legal and clandestine political parties and movements, by shapes, sizes, political programs and their membership and funding characteristics, and identifying where duplication and waste exists, and mechanism for reduction of their number by aligning and tweaking their programs so that personalities are not causes of How to minimize the incentive to create a party while respecting the civil and political rights of individuals and groups? Should there be a threshold of the number of political parties? If so what should be the criteria or would they simply vanish as time progresses?
  14. Justice System Reforms and Independence: Establishing an independent, accountable and transparent national and  regional governance and justice system that fuses the trias politika doctrine (separation of powers) with local institutions (cultures, beliefs and cognitive systems), with role for traditional authority/polity (See also item #1 above). Who should interpret the constitution? The House or an independent constitutional court? How does one ensure the independence of the judiciary, the constitutional court and how does one make justice affordable and free from corruption?
  15. Electoral System: Institutional frameworks that guarantee an unfettered free and fair electoral processes and popular participation in political issues and processes both at federal, regional and local levels; which type of electoral system is preferable for Ethiopia? Should voting be mandatory?
  16. Diaspora Issues and Policy: Institutionalizing the role of the diaspora and its active engagement in the national economic, political, and social issues of the country. What is the size and capacity of the Ethiopian diaspora? What can the diaspora do to accelerate and support the transition and ending the state of emergency? What is the role of the diaspora in exacerbating illicit financial flows and black markets, land grab, the eviction of farmers from their ancestral lands? Why is the Ethiopian diaspora restricted from participating in the national voting for so long?
  17. Territorial Dispute Management: Land shortage and administrative structures have brought territorial disputes. How should these disputes be resolved?
  18. Population and Environmental Matters: Establishing the connections between political power, conflict, population policy /, economic growth and control of resources is important. Conflicts often start with grievances in poorer regions where population groups feel deprived while richer regions feel that their resources are unfairly being taken away from them by “others”. How should fiscal decentralization, environmental degradations, vulnerability of regions to climate change be managed in an environment of resurgent regional or ethno-nationalisms?

The main purpose of the Fourth Conference is to bring together researchers, professionals, political and rights activists, former civil servants and experts from different background and disciplines to deliberate, without fear or favor, on these and interrelated issues, and explore ways and approaches to make the transition successful. It requires redefining our isms and rethinking our collective future. The focus is on strengthening national unity through the creation, reform and strengthening of national institutions in Ethiopia. The Conference will facilitate discussion and debate on different ideas and approaches to be considered on the basis of their merit and analytical foundations and practicality. It is with this understanding that speakers and participants are encouraged to address the issues documented above, and present their thoughts to the Ethiopian public so that the direction and content of the transition towards post-conflict, stable and democratic political order is clearer and made understandable to the masses.

Papers may be written in either Amharic or English, follow acceptable reasoning and decorum. For the presentation, speakers are encouraged to communicate using language(s) that most of the audience at the conference venue and in Ethiopia comprehend. Speakers who want to use other languages must provide their own interpretation services. Papers must be short and to the point, and the message must be deliverable within 20 minutes. Please avoid jargon, foul and inflammatory language, and untested and anecdotal evidence.

The post Vision Ethiopia: Call for papers ‘Building Democratic Institutions in Ethiopia’ appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.


Pilgrimage to Ethiopia’s 12th-century iconic churches

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The World Heritage site draws visitors and pilgrims with its monolithic churches carved into the ground.

Jenna Belhumeur

The 11 medieval churches hewn from solid, volcanic rock in the heart of Ethiopia were built on the orders of King Lalibela in the 12th century. Lalibela set out to construct a “New Jerusalem” in Africa after Muslims conquests halted Christian pilgrimages to the Holy Land.

Legend has it that the design and layout of the churches mimic those observed by the king in Jerusalem, which he had visited as a youth. Many place names across the town are also said to originate from the king’s memories of the Biblical city.

The churches were designated a UNESCO World Heritage site in 1978.

The blocks were chiselled down, forming doors, windows, columns, various floors, trenches and ceremonial passages – some with openings to hermit caves and catacombs. Seven of the churches are organically embedded in the rock, while four are self-standing. The sacred site is a place of pilgrimage for those in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. It is said the churches were built in only 24 years.

The post Pilgrimage to Ethiopia’s 12th-century iconic churches appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Trump Just Got Lost Walking To His Limo

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In fact, were it not for Trump’s long history of cheating, lying, and race-baiting, dementia would be the most acceptable excuse for his erratic behavior, gold fish-like attention span, and apparent disinterest in his job.

Of course, Trump’s despicable behavior is far from new, and even as he appears to be suffering the affects of age combined with poor diet and no exercise, he remains a singularly unsympathetic figure.

Like him or hate him, we should all be able to agree that a man who gets lost on the way to the car — while standing at the car — should not be Commander-in-Chief.

 

The post Trump Just Got Lost Walking To His Limo appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

“Ethiopians help make Australia an even greater country”– Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie

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Australia has had more than one royal prince visit in this past month and no, this one is not named Harry. With a grandfather known as the Rastafarian messiah, the exiled Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie of Ethiopia has a huge following around the world. He spoke to SBS Amharic during his recent tour of Australia, saying that the two countries have a surprising amount in common. “For me, my first scent of Australia was a scent of home.”

By  Kassahun Negewo

4 JUL 2017 – 3:09 PM  UPDATED 6 MINS AGO

Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie’s Australian tour has seen him retrace the steps of his grandfather, Emperor Haile Selassie who visited nearly 50 years earlier.

The Australian and Ethiopian relationship dates back to the late 19th century when Emperor Menelik II imported and planted the eucalyptus in the capital city of Addis Ababa. Since then for Ethiopians, the scent of eucalypts is a reminder of home. It prompted the Prince to say that, “So for me, my first scent of Australia was a scent of home.”

The exiled Prince Ermias Sahle-Selassie Haile Selassie is President of the Crown Council of Ethiopia and during his recent tour around Australia from 18 June– 1 July, 2017, he met members of the Ethiopian community in Sydney, Canberra, Melbourne, and Perth.

Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie

Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie meets with members of the Ethiopian community during his visit to Australia

His message was focused mainly on Ethiopian heritage, unity and pride, and its contributions to Australia and to the world.

“Remember, even as you become Australians, that your Ethiopian heritage and qualities mean that you have great things to give to society, to the world,” Prince Ermias told the crowds in his speech.

“Your Ethiopianness sets you apart and gives you pride and duty; your Ethiopianness will help make Australia an even greater country.”

Below: Listen to Prince Ermias’ Remarks to the Ethiopian Community of Victoria in an address given at Melbourne’s Langham Hotel

Prince Ermias’s recent Royal commemorative visit to Australia, traces its journey back to 1965 and Prime Minister Robert Menzies cricket diplomacy  and the state visit to Australia of the last Emperor of Ethiopia, Haile-Selassie I, Prince Ermias’s grandfather in 1968.

Emperor Haile Selassie in Australia

Emperor Haile Selassie on his 1968 visit to Australia (Images courtesy National Archive of Australia and the Crown Council of Ethiopia)

Fans of reggae music may be familiar with the name Selassie, as followers of the Rastafari movement, primarily based in Jamaica, regard Emperor Haile-Selassie as a messiah-like figure. Selassie himself though was an Ethiopian Orthodox Christian throughout his life.

Rastafarian Bunny Wailer smokes marijuana

Jamaica 2014:Reggae legend, Rastafarian rights and marijuana legalization advocate, Bunny Wailer smokes a pipe in in front of pictures of Emperor Haile Selassie

During the Second World War both Prime Minister Menzies and Australia’s Governor-General, Lord Casey, were well aware of the Emperor’s role in the defence of his country’s sovereignty and his influence in the region.

Based on his understanding of Ethiopia’s history and the interests of the Emperor, Menzies sent a team of New South Wales schoolboys under the leadership of a great test cricketer, Bert Oldfield to play cricket in Ethiopia.

Oldfield presented a cricket bat to the Emperor in the name of Prime Minister Robert Menzies. The Emperor was impressed by this gesture from the Menzies government.

Cricket diplomacy paved the way for the Emperor’s state visit to Australia in 1968 hosted by the new Prime Minister of Australia John Gorton. Being a keen horseman, the Emperor fell in love with Australian breeds of horses, especially the Waler horses.  Later on, the Australian Waler horse breeds have served in the Ethiopian Imperial Guard Regiment.

Prince Ermias highlighted the historical connection of the Imperial Guard Regiment and the Australian Light Horsemen in his speech to the New South Wales Parliament, “At least in that light, we see the ANZAC spirit still at the gallop in Ethiopia’s beautiful terrain.”

Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie addresses the Ethiopian Community of Victoria

Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie addresses the Ethiopian Community of Victoria at Melbourne’s Langham Hotel during his recent tour of Australia

Something that Prince Ermias sought to highlight on his recent visit was that Australia’s and Ethiopia’s relationship is not only strengthened by the eucalyptus, cricket diplomacy, and Waler horses –  it is also bound by one of their unwavering principles of collective security.

Australian and Ethiopian soldiers fought side-by-side during the Korean War 1950-1953 as allies under the umbrella of the United Nations.

In memory of shared sacrifices and in the unbroken Australian-Ethiopian bond Prince Ermias laid a wreath at the Australian War Memorial in Canberra on June 22, 2017.

During his Canberra visit the Prince received Parliamentary receptions at the highest ministerial levels and met with Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull.

The former Governor-General Michael Jeffery and Mrs. Jeffery hosted the prince at a dinner in his honour. The Prince also met the Ethiopian Ambassador in Canberra.

During his visit to Melbourne, the Prince planted a tree at the Royal Botanic Garden near the tree planted on May 16, 1968 by his grandfather and the last Emperor of Ethiopia Haile Selassie I using the same engraved spade the Emperor had used.

Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie

Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie plants a tree at the Melbourne Royal Botanic Gardens near the tree planted in 1968 by his grandfather

Prince Ermias Sahle-Selassie's tree planting ceremony

Pictures from Prince Ermias Sahle-Selassie’s tree planting ceremony in Melbroune – including the same spade used by his grandfather 50 years earlier

Prince Ermias, like his Grandfather and the last Emperor of Ethiopia tells SBS Amharic, he believes in “identity security” as the ultimate drive of national confidence and successful governance of any people.

“The Solomonic identity and the great saga of the Kebre Negast – the Glory of Kings – was part of what defined the Ethiopian people,” he says. “In the same way that ANZAC defines Australian and New Zealand Peoples.”

Prince Ermias unveiled his plan to build the Emperor Haile Selassie I Library and Conference Centre in Addis Ababa to promote the rebirth of national understanding of Ethiopian identity.

The exiled Prince’s commemorative visit to Australia ended on June 29. He is now back in his adopted country the United States.

Will he be able to see the establishment of constitutional monarchy in Ethiopia in his or his sons’ lifetimes?

As the Prince describe it “Crowns change, as societies change.”

The post “Ethiopians help make Australia an even greater country” – Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Hiber Radio Weekly News – July 3rd, 2017

Voice of Amara Radio – 05 July 2017

I don’t know about Paris, but Harar is a city of love

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Ed’s Note: The beautiful city of Harar, in Eastern Ethiopia, 522 km from the capital Addis Abeba, is celebrating the 1010 anniversary of its birth. In celebration of this event, we are re-publishing an article originally published on Addis Standard in March 2012.  

 Henok Wondyirad (PhD)

It is easy to think of the city of Harar as an old city of ruin, but easier to depart from it with a lasting taste of a city of harmony and love

Addis Abeba, July 06/2017 – When I first planned to go to Harar a few weeks ago, I never thought to experience anything new. All that I had imagined was an old city (probably half in ruin) surrounded by its inhabitants deeply addicted to khat (a mild narcotic) and Shisha (Hookah). On top of that, my previous information about the people of Harar, a city in the eastern part of Ethiopia some 522 km from Addis Abeba, was not a pleasant one. I heard that socially they were careless, less trustworthy and that they curse each other as if they are blessing one another.

But, there was also another legend I knew: Harar is a city of love.

Packing my stuff for the trip, all I was trying to do was paint a clear picture of Harar in my mind. I have tried to associate one story to another. I thought about my Harar born college roommate. I remember he was the best roommate in my time through college and that none of his personality traits fit to all the information I heard about the people of Harar.

So I thought all what I heard about that old city must be a prejudice. But I needed to see it firsthand. So off I went.

I arrived in the city of Harar early in the morning, so I took the chance to cruise through the streets by foot. Contrary to my expectation, the town was calm and has a graceful presence.

Harar 3

The city of Harar…

Harar is an ancient walled city (the old town is surrounded by five famous gates scattered in all four corners). It is also a city awash with medieval architectures unusual in most parts of Ethiopia. Harar is a lively city home to the Hararis, the Oromo and Aderes. But unlike other cities famous for their ancient history, Harar has a sense of quietness and relaxed atmosphere.

Most notably (apart from its walled gates built to protect the people of the city in the medieval times), Harar is a city home to the House of Arthur Rimbaud, the French poet and alleged arms dealer and the ancient mosque of Abul Bakir, a mosque which is said to be built some 1000 years ago. Abul Bakir is considered as holy as Mecca of Saudi Arabia for the Muslim population of Ethiopia. Interestingly though, Harar is also where Emperor Haile Selassie I, the last monarch to rule Ethiopia, grew up as a kid, although the ranch where he grew up is in a bad shape and unrecognizable.

Amirs of Harar

One of the five gates often referred to by the locals is the gate through which Richard Burton, the 19thcentury explorer, passed in 1855. It is said that Burton was the first white man to pass safely through the then closed city of Harar, which was already a holy city for Muslims. Unfortunately, any foreigner was regarded as an “infidel” and would be executed if found wandering around. There is a controversial account of how he managed to escape execution: he wrote he had successfully dressed as an Arab and used his flawless Arabic to communicate with the locals. The Aderes say they knew his identities all along but were impressed by his inquisitiveness to spare him of what would have easily been a gruesome end. Seeing their politeness to a stranger, it would be hard not to believe their side of story.

Wondering if it was not a good idea to cordon off the city of Harar as a designated ancient site, I left the main road and went through one of the high-walled road. To my surprise the walls and the surrounding roads are cleaner than the original picture I had tried to paint in my mind.

Beautiful Girls of Harar.jpg…its people

The next morning I had a chance to catch up with some of the Harari people. My original plan was to spend only the morning with them, but it was hard to stick with my plan. The people are completely different from other Ethiopians I have had a chance to meet elsewhere. Their heartwarming hospitality gave me the impression that I was only there to make them happy. They are forthcoming and they display some undeniable degree of honesty; but most importantly, they don’t seem to be bothered about the presence of a stranger in the midst of them.

All that what matters most to the people of Harar seems the present; many of them don’t seem to have the slightest worry about what tomorrow is or should be. No one seemed to be bothered to know where I came from and why. Unlike other places the city is packed with elderly people that know plenty of history about Harar, Ethiopia and the rest of their environs and are willing to share what they know with any stranger.

A display of contentedness and smile is what often accompanies the faces of everyone from the elderly to the young to the children on the streets of Harar. Most of the people are ready and willing to share their love, their house, their meals, and almost everything that belongs to them with a stranger.

…and the nights

Nightlife in Harar is unlike any other cities in Ethiopia when particularly such cities are Muslim dominated ones. It’s very easy to lose track of oneself while wondering from one bar to the next, which gave no indication whatsoever that the city is also home to more than 80 Mosques and a majority of Muslim community. It is almost like a divine lifestyle accompanied by the grace of the town that has so many untold stories and undiscovered treasures buried deep inside every individual and every curve in the city.

 Where Khat is a beautiful thing to do

Chewing khat (Chat, Qat), the mild narcotics widely common in Yemen, is an everyday ritual for almost everyone in Harar, a place where the best Khat bush is growing. Conspicuously, it is easier for a stranger to accept the humble invitation by the people of Harar, extended to everyone regardless of religion, ethnicity and gender, to chew khat  (ceremoniously or casually) than to shun. It is the best moment for easy socialization and a lasting memory of the times spent in Harar.

There are two ways to go about chewing Khat: many people in the streets of Harar go about doing their daily business while chewing the green leaf, (it is not unusual to see men of varied age smiling with a totally green, or worse dark, teeth and a cheek stuffed with ball of the green leaves of Khat); it is an unsightly way of looking at a man’s face, but it’s widely accepted. The most popular way of chewing Khat, particularly in the presence of a visitor, is one that is done in a more organized ceremony at a house decorated with Arabian mattresses where the men and the women lean on for hours and chew.

The side effects of Khat are hardly a topic in Harar. For an outsider like me, there is a direct relation between some of the unsettling acts of men in the streets of Harar and Khat, but the passionate people of Harar hardly draw a parallel between Khat and some of the mad men on the streets.

For now who cares? Recently, I am engaged in quite a few traveling adventures across Ethiopia. But I haven’t seen a city that, for some inexplicable reasons, gave me the beauty and the harmony of itself and that of its people all in one like the city of Harar did.

The lasting memory I have, as I prepare to leave the city, was not the image I had earlier painted in my mind of a city in ruin, but that of an unforgettable site and moment of the city of Harar and its people.  I don’t know about Paris, I have never been there, but Harar is a city of love.

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Ethiopian dissident in U.K. granted bail after charges of terror offenses, case sent to jury trial

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ESAT News (July 5, 2017)

Tadesse Biru Kersmo

A leading voice of dissent against the Ethiopian tyrannical regime and a pro-democracy campaigner who lives in exile in U.K. was granted bail after Scotland Yard charged him with terrorism offenses. His case was declared not suitable for a magistrate and was sent to a jury trial.

The charge against Tadesse Biru Kersmo include possession of articles about security, intelligence, urban guerrilla tactics and sniper manuals among others. His trips to Eritrea was also included in the charges but the description “attending a terrorist training camp,” in the British tabloid media has raised more questions than answers as the east African country has no such facility.

A judge concluded the case not suitable for trial before a magistrate and sent it to a jury trial.

“Chief Magistrate Emma Arbuthnot said the case was not suitable for trial before magistrates and sent the case to the Old Bailey for a jury trial. Kersmo was granted conditional bail subject to a £25,000 security and will next appear at the Old Bailey on July 20,” said a report by West Sussex County Times.

Tadesse Biru Kersmo is a pro-democracy advocate who writes and speaks against the Ethiopian brutal regime and teaches his people about how to stand up against tyranny. His computer was found to have been hacked by the Ethiopian regime, which led to a legal case against a regime known for using spyware, wiretapping and surveillance against pro-democracy activists and critical journalists. Kersemo escaped persecution by the Ethiopian regime and has lived in U.K. since 2009

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Putin and Trump in their own words

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By BBC Monitoring
The world through its media

It’s complicated: All eyes will be on the two men in their first official meeting.

Russian President Vladimir Putin will meet US President Donald Trump for the first time this week on the sidelines of the G20 summit in Hamburg, Germany.

The Kremlin says they will have “a fully-fledged, sit-down meeting” which will touch upon a number of pressing foreign policy issues, including Syria and Ukraine.

The meeting has been preceded by months of speculation about a “bromance” between Mr Putin and Mr Trump, fuelled by alleged Russian interference in last year’s US election and rumours that Russia strongly favoured Mr Trump over Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton.

BBC Monitoring looks at what the two leaders have had to say about each other in recent years.

Grey line

Putin on Trump

Vladimir Putin has been fairly guarded about his views on Donald Trump. His most recent comment on his US counterpart was June, where he described Trump as “direct and open” person, who has a “fresh view”.

17 December 2015: “He is a very colourful person, talented, without any doubt. It is not our business to determine his merits, that is up to US voters, but he is the absolute leader in the presidential race.”

27 October 2016: “He has chosen a method to get through to voters’ hearts… He behaves extravagantly of course, we see this, but I think there’s a reason for this. He represents the part of US society that’s tired of having the elite in power for decades.”

9 November 2016: “I’d like to congratulate the American people on the completion of the electoral cycle and Mr Donald Trump on his victory in this election… Russia is ready and wants to restore fully-fledged relations with the USA.”

4 December 2016: “He could achieve success in business, which suggests that he’s a smart man. And if he’s a smart man, that means that he’ll fully and quickly enough realise this different level of responsibility. We expect that he will act with this perspective in mind.”

1 June 2017: “He can’t be put in the same category as traditional politicians. I see great advantages because he’s a person with a fresh view… Some people like him, some don’t.”

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Trump on Putin

During his presidential election campaign, Mr Trump spoke favourably of Mr Putin, saying that he “would possibly have a good relationship” with the Russian leader. However, in recent months his rhetoric towards Mr Putin has become noticeably more reserved.

28 April 2016: “I think he said some really nice things. He called me a genius. He said: ‘Trump’s a genius.’ Okay. So, you know, that’s nice… He has been very nice to me.”

28 July 2016: “I don’t think he has any respect for Clinton. I think he respects me. I think it would be great to get along with him.”

7 September 2016: “The man has very strong control over a country… It’s a very different system and I don’t happen to like the system but certainly, in that system, he’s been a leader far more than our president has been a leader.”

27 January 2017: “I don’t know the gentleman [Mr Putin]. I hope we have a fantastic relationship. That’s possible, and it’s also possible that we won’t… We’ll see what happens.”

19 March 2017: “Don’t know him but certainly he is a tough cookie. I don’t know how he is doing for Russia; we are going to find out one day.”

Trump speaks to Putin by phone.Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image captionThe two men spoke by telephone shortly after Trump’s inauguration

BBC Monitoring reports and analyses news from TV, radio, web and print media 

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“Africa’s Perspective”: Discussions around the G-20 Summit – Fekadu Bekele,

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Fekadu Bekele, (PhD)

July 6, 2017           

Over the last three months there have been seminars and meetings related to the G-20 conference which will be held on the 7th and 8th of this month in Hamburg.  The conference deals with the economic crises in many African countries, and how to ultimately overcome the economic and social crises that are endemic in the continent. The international community still believes that it is possible to tackle “the continent’s economic and social crises by applying the same policies as in the past, however by giving them different names.  The  “new” policies and programs will be put in place to keep the status quo in many African countries. African countries must be checked again and again so that they remain within the circuit of global capitalistic production and reproduction systems.  The main agenda of the G-7 and the G-20 is to ensure Africa’s weak position within the global market. In this regard the IMF, the World Bank and the African Development Bank under the auspicious of the G-20 published a guideline on how foreign investments could be attracted to various African countries. The two sister organizations the IMF and the WB in cooperation with the African Development Bank have worked out a “reform program” with the name “Compact with Africa”.  The German Government itself under its Ministry for Development and Cooperation (BMZ) worked out the so-called “Marshall Plan for Africa”. It is widely believed that by combining these two programs African countries will be able to rise economically. The international community and its institutions believe that after 60 years of trial and error of diverse economic policies under the auspicious of the IMF and the World Bank, it is able to solve the challenges that many African countries are facing.

Related to these programs and to the G-20 conference there have been many seminars that try to analyze the merit and demerit of the G-20 conference. To my understanding, even within those critically minded organizations and persons that seem to be critical about the IMF and World Bank policies, Free Trade and globalization, there is an accepted belief that the economic and social crises in many African countries could only be alleviated if the West supports the continent within the framework of globalization and gives more assistance. There are only a few that reject the policies of the IMF and the World Bank. These individuals and groups however do not go far away and try to analyze the root causes of the crises in many African countries. They neither have a better alternative that can tackle the root causes of the social and economic crises that prevail in many African countries.  Without understanding and analyzing the root causes of the problem, one cannot work out an effective method that combats poverty and underdevelopment in many African countries.

Surprisingly some organizations that are internationally known, and that claim to be ecologically aware and are fighting for the implementation of democratic values in each country, have invited some economists from the African continent that do not have good records in dealing with the continent’s problems.  These experts believe that the economic crises in many African countries could be solved by applying only neo-liberal economic policies, among them economists like Dr. Carlos Lopes, who used to work for the Economic Commission for Africa as an Executive Secretary, and now, teaches development policy in the University of Cape Town. The expert from Guinea-Bissau tried to convince us that the situations in many African countries are not as negative as they are portrayed. Dr. Carlos Lopes told us that the continent has the highest returns on investment in the world, and has the best asset manager in the world. He even tried to tell us that some countries in Africa like Mauritius are the biggest investors in the world. He stressed again and again that he works with facts which he has in his pockets. His facts however are numbers that do not reflect the living conditions of the African people.  The existing social, economic, cultural, political and military situations in many African countries seem to paint a different picture. The foundation that has invited Dr. Carlos Lopes has also invited some economists from Nigeria and South Africa that echo the opinions of the speculators from the Wall Street.  Dr. Carlos and his followers who are  strict adherents of a free market economy, and that are advancing the interests of  multinational companies do not seem to be interested  in the real conditions that are existing in many African countries. The experts do not even try to come up with solutions to fulfill the basic needs of the African masses without which a healthy economy cannot function. They do not even show the slightest sign of feeling about the sufferings of the African masses, in big African cities, like Lagos, Johannes Berg, Nairobi and Addis Ababa. They do not believe in ordered and aesthetical lives for the masses. In their eyes, the masses are condemned to live like that. In these big cities the so-called investors that have intimate connections with the international capitalist order are throwing hundreds of thousands of people into new created slum areas. These and the existing cultural, psychological and political crises that are visible to any ordinary person are not a matter of concern. Experts like Dr. Carlos Lopes believe that there is no alternative than applying the same policy that threw the continent into abject poverty and resource plundering.  They do not believe in holistic models that could eradicate all the complex problems.  They are unfamiliar to manufacturing activities that expand market economic activities across a given country, division of labor that is essential for the development of a middle class and hence a capitalist economy, and science and technology that is vital for a genuine economic development within a given country. These experts are alien to social systems, to the building of nation-states and national wealth. What interests them are simple direct investments that bring the highest returns for the investors. On the other hand they have a misconception about economic growth which is detached from real economic development. In their beliefs economic growth must be understood as an end in itself, and not to alleviate the living standards of the African masses. Therefore, the African masses do not have aspirations and dreams to lead a better life. They do not even understand that the living conditions that are prevailing in many African countries are contradicting natural and cosmic order. To my understanding and observation those who attend such kinds of seminars could not exactly understand what these experts were trying to tell us.

Fortunately, there are also other seminars in which different views could be reflected.  In these seminars one could hear critical views.  The organization that has organized such kind of a seminar supports farmers in many Third World countries so that they can improve their farming activities to deal with drought situations. “Bread for the World”( Brot für die Welt) have invited well informed and concerned Africans from various countries of the continent.  Even those who wanted to defend the “Economic Partnership Agreement with African Countries” that was initiated almost 10 years ago, were not as aggressive as I have experienced in other discussions. Personalities from different parties and those who intimately accompanied the Partnership Agreement were open to hear the concerns and critical views from those who were invited from the African continent. Some parliamentarians who now work as advisors for non-governmental organizations told us openly that parliamentarians are divided on the issue, and some prominent members are in favor of abandoning the Free Trade Agreement for a while until African countries reach a certain level of economic development. I think this is a good sign. On the other side some critical Africans are not entirely in favor of a Free Trade deal, since Free Trade by definition implies that countries who accept the agreement will be compelled to import all kinds of products.  If this is the case, economically weak countries will be affected from two sides. Governments will lose income from export and import taxes, while their production potentials will be entirely affected or will be damaged.  That means the Free Trade deal, if it becomes operational, will destroy the continent’s production potential, and many African countries become markets for EU products. This means that African countries could not widen their manufacturing activities from within which would enable them to develop protracted market structures that are based on science and technology. The fact that African countries do not have diversified products that can be sold on the world market and are simply exporters of raw materials will be compelled to specialize on few products that are saleable in the EU market.  Economically seen, African countries could not develop broad markets structures that enable them to create job opportunities for those who are in search of employment opportunities.  Some participants have also questioned the merits of Free Trade deal, because the social and political impacts are incalculable. Free Trade deals do not democratize African societies, they rather strengthen dictatorship, and the development of a cultivated middle class is practically impossible. The new social class in different African countries will be attracted to consume luxury products that are imported from Europe and elsewhere. This will have negative impacts on the trade balance of each African country. That means the cultural implication of such a deal is very negative, and countries that have agreed to practice Free Trade deal could develop “a new culture” that makes the new generation socially, politically and ecologically unaware.  Those were the concerns that were more or less discussed in the meeting.

By in large those invited from Ghana, Nigeria and Senegal are more matured and have progressive attitudes. In their views societies must be regulated so that the people can understand their duties and rights. The fact that they have studied the consequences of globalization and the structural adjustment programs, they are very critical towards Free Trade and market radicalism. They see on the ground, that because of globalization, their capital cities become dumping grounds of all kinds of products that damage the health of their people and the environment.  Thanks to the organizers that gave ample opportunities for those participants who wanted to address their concerns and views. I think these kinds of open and democratic discussion is good for Europe and Africa.  Mutual understanding and open discussions, and to listen to the concerns of others is a sign of maturity. This also shows that the participants are not any more concerned about short-term gains but are interested in a long term perspective that can benefit both Europe and Africa. Unfortunately, the EU as the main actor did not send the person that is assigned for this purpose, though the organizers have also invited the EU to take part in the discussion.  There is a difference between the EU as a regional organization, and those European governments. It seems that the EU becomes more omnipotent and wants to determine the direction of these kinds of events in other countries. One German journalist who opposes the idea of Free Trade told us that the EU wants to impose its own will without consulting with its African counterparts. The journalist himself is a member of Attac, a civil society movement which opposes globalization. Attac, a member of an international organization network for global justice, is of the opinion that neo-liberalism and globalization produce poverty across many Third World countries. According to the journalist Free Trade and the ongoing globalization are responsible for mass exodus from many African countries. In his view to compel African governments to accept the Free Trade deal will jeopardize the situation.

In other meetings the direction of the discussions are a little bit different, and it seems that the organizers are not interested in deep discussions that are more critical to the prevailing capitalist order that perpetuates poverty and underdevelopment in many African countries.  For many it is still not clear that the driving force behind economic, social, cultural, political, psychological and military crises and the plight for the African masses is the existing global capitalist order. The fact that global capitalism controls the resources of many African countries, and the fact that many African countries are integrated within the circuit of this kind of production and reproduction system that benefits and strengthens few capitalist countries, while impoverishing the African masses is not a matter of debate. In all political spectrums, right or left, however varied in degrees, the status quo must remain. The world dominance order must not be put into question, since questioning the existing dominating international order contradicts the real politics that has existed hitherto. All countries, small or big must be abided by the existing international order, irrespective of the sufferings and exploitations that the masses are experiencing every day. In this way under the pretext of international order African governments should not be allowed to organize their own system in a way that enables them first of all to fulfill the basic needs of their people and introduce systematic industrialization. By formulating every ten years “new economic policies” that have different names but in actual fact that are not inherently different from the previous economic policies of the past six decades, whether intentionally or not, international organizations, like the IMF and the World Bank deepen the social and economic crises in many African countries.  African countries must not be seen as politically independent, and must accept what the so-called international community orders them to do so.

However such a short sighted view and strictly adhering to one ideology sooner or later will have negative impacts even on the Western capitalist countries. Since globalization and the Free Trade doctrine could inevitably worsen the situations in many African countries, masses of people will be compelled to come to Europe in order to find new opportunities. This will inevitably create social grievances and conflicts in many European countries. This will in turn pave the way for the rise of right wing parties and movements that will endanger the entire system in each European country.  Under this kind of circumstance it is still advantageous not to put much pressure on African governments. Since all economic policies of the past that were introduced in the name of the free market economy under the auspicious of the IMF and the World Bank have failed, African governments must be allowed to choose the best option that bring genuine economic development in each country.  From this perspective it must be clear for all groups that advance a strict market economic policy, and for those that are a little bit critical to such kind of a free market ideology, a systematic organization of the African economic and social order that can free individual creative activities will also benefit the capitalist countries in the long run. However, this is not possible with the strict ideological nature of the market economy and the fact that economic policies are being formulated and implemented from the perspective of short-term profit. At the same time the nature and inherent mechanism of global capitalism does not allow other countries to go their own ways. Irrespective of the pressures from the international community, however, African governments’ must become bold in dealing with their own societies, and they must not be dictated by the so-called international organizations. Every government is responsible for its own people, and as such it must advance the interests of its own people.  African governments must learn from the experiences of other countries, like Japan and South Korea.  Even one can learn from the social history of Europe.  As we are not at the end of history, and since historical and social processes are dynamic, and we should not lose hope as if everything has been decided, and as if some nations have the natural rights of dictating the lives of millions of people on the globe. The social history of Europe and other countries prove again and again that without holistic approaches that are independent of international order there is no genuine economic development. From this perspective the struggle for a just order and genuine development in each country must continue.

In this case all other seminars that are being organized to civilize multinational companies,  or introducing transaction taxes, or for that matter stopping or limiting capital flight, which is an impossible task under the prevailing international order and existing political power relations in many African countries,  bring more confusion than clarity. Such kinds of seminars with prominent political guests, economists of noble price winners and others could only perpetuate poverty and underdevelopment.  International prominent economist experts like professor Jeffrey Sacks who collect huge amounts of money from foundations “to help the African poor”, and who formulated the so-called Millennium Development Program that has totally failed, and other Keynesian economists who believe that they are on the side of the poor people of this world are not interested in real social and economic freedom that eradicate all the miseries that the people of Africa are facing. By wrongly advising African dictators and portraying some of them as progressive such as the Ethiopian government, which is one of the most primitive and fascistic governments of the world and receives all the necessary helps from the capitalist west for its underdevelopment policy and divide and rule system, they are prolonging the quagmire of the African people.  The West by siding along these governments which are known for their gross human right violations, contradicts and violates the humanistic values of its own philosophers from Plato to Hegel and Immanuel Kant, and those great poets and thinkers like Lessing, Friedrich Schiller and Goethe who teach that true freedom is undivided, and that all human beings have the same genuine aspirations, which is aesthetical development which is intimately related to spiritual development.  The capitalist west by rather expanding the ideology of free trade and globalization, consciously or unconsciously expands negative energy across the globe which is the root cause of war, ethnic violence, dictatorship and plight in many African countries.

Therefore the fate of Africa and its people could not be solved in such kinds of seminars that do not touch the root causes of the problem. In these seminars it is practically impossible to discuss the need of science and technology that are the basis of genuine economic development.  It is neither possible to discuss and debate on the basic need issues nor how each African country could mobilize its resources to meet the demand of its people. The need of developing well-organized cities and villages, and institution buildings that are necessary to mobilize human and natural resources are not the center of discussions in these kinds of seminars.  Intentionally or not these  seminars that focus on particular subjects will necessarily divert the attitudes of African intellectuals not to concentrate on matters that are necessary to build an integrated economic and social system on the basis of manufacturing activities and systematic industrialization that generate true national wealth.

From this vantage point such kinds of seminars bring more confusion than clarity. Those institutions and internationally known figures that are assigned to formulate economic policies for African countries are not able to present different programs and policies. Since the theoretical and philosophical foundation of the economic policies of the IMF and the World Bank and the African Development Bank is empiricism, the root cause of the African economic and social crises are not addressed.  What African countries need is a holistic policy that systematically eradicates all the crises, and creates a social condition for free individual creative activity that brings genuine civilization in each African county. The spiritual power and creative activity of the African masses could only be alleviated through a renaissance type of economic policy by changing the existing political power relationships and repressive state apparatus that are organized to undermine freedom and perpetuate underdevelopment.  Only in this way African countries gain true freedom and introduce humanistic values that are vital for the coexistence of different religious and ethnic groups.

 

Dr. Fekadu Bekele is specialized in development economics.   He has published numerous articles on various topics about development economics and international political systems. He advises various institutions and gives lectures on economic development.  He is the author of “African Predicaments and the methodology to solve them effectively

 

He can be reached at  fekadubekele@gmx.de

                                                                       

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Dr. Tadesse Biru released on bond after charged with terror offences

Ethiopians are having a tense debate over who really owns Addis Ababa

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Addis Ababa aka Finfinne (Reuters/Tiksa Negeri)

Nine months into a state-of-emergency imposed to quell popular unrest, Ethiopia’s ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has unveiled its first significant political concession. But the furor surrounding the draft bill presented to parliament last week reveals just how deep tensions in Africa’s second most populous country still run. At stake is the answer to a highly charged question: who owns Addis Ababa?

For Oromos, who make up at least a third of the population and formed the backbone of last year’s mobilization against the central government, the answer is simple: the federal capital, which they call Finfinne, belongs to Oromia. They recount a long history of grievance which casts Oromos as colonial subjects violently displaced from their land and alienated from their culture.

This anger became especially acute in the past decade as Addis Ababa expanded rapidly and when, in April 2014, the authorities published a new master plan which proposed further eviction of Oromo residents and farmers in the name of development. “The issue of Finfinne is the heart of our politics,” says Gemechis, an Oromo resident of the city. “It is where we lost everything.” The master plan was dropped in January 2016 but demonstrations continued unabated until October.

Addis Ababa, with a population approaching four million people, is also home to the African Union and the UN Economic Commission for Africa and is widely regarded as Africa’s diplomatic capital—and indeed the world’s third largest diplomatic hub.

Protesters chant slogans during a demonstration over what they say is unfair distribution of wealth in the country at Meskel Square in Ethiopia's capital Addis Ababa, August 6, 2016. REUTERS/Tiksa Negeri - RTSLDSO
Pro-Oromo protesters in Addis Ababa. (Reuters/Tiksa Negeri)

The new bill is a symbolically important effort to address some of the protesters’ demands, and to give concrete meaning to Oromia’s constitutionally-enshrined “special interest” in the capital. Proposed changes include making Afan Oromo an official language of the federal government alongside Amharic, as well as setting up Afan Oromo schools in the city; renaming the city “Finfinne/Addis Ababa”; restoring original Oromo names of public squares, roads and neighborhoods; and the establishment of a joint council with the federal government to administer the city.

It is a watered down version of an earlier draft that reportedly met with much objection inside the ruling party. This is not surprising since the meaning of “special interest” has never been fully spelt out and there is much debate as to how much privilege Oromos should have in a multiethnic city that, despite being located entirely within Oromia, has a population that is only around 20% Oromo.

For many activists the revised bill is wholly insufficient. There are no plans to “pay a penny” to Oromia for use of its natural resources, such as water, or for dumping the city’s waste on its farmlands, says Seyoum Teshome, an academic and blogger. “The bill is trash.” He and others argue that promises to pay farmers proper compensation for further evictions merely proves that the government still intends to expand the boundaries of the city.

Proposals to put the Afan Oromo language on par with Amharic are more welcomed since one of the key grievances of unemployed Oromo youth is that they struggle to get government jobs. But official quotas for Oromo representation in the city council is for many a non-negotiable. “The land must be administered by Oromos,” says Tolasa, a pharmacist who spent five years in prison for protesting the relocation of the regional state government away from Addis Ababa back in the early 2000s.

The controversy matters because it reflects stresses within Ethiopia’s model of ethnically-based federalism. The country is an example to many countries in Africa grappling with potentially explosive ethnic faultlines — from Somalia to South Sudan to Nigeria — and its constitution has long been admired for keeping such tensions in check.

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Interview with Dr Chane Kebede – SBS Amharic

Vancouver family searches for bone marrow match at Ethiopian cultural festival

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by Suzanne Phan / Friday, July 7th 2017


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by Suzanne PhanFriday, July 7th 2017
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Friday marked “Ethiopia Day” and tens of thousands of Ethiopians are in Seattle for a huge week-long soccer tournament and cultural festival. The community celebration could be a lifeline for a Vancouver mother who desperately needs to find a bone marrow donor match. (Photo: KOMO News)

RENTON, Wash. – Friday is “Ethiopia Day” and tens of thousands of Ethiopians are in Seattle for a huge week-long soccer tournament and cultural festival.
The community celebration could be a lifeline for a Vancouver mother who desperately needs to find a bone marrow donor match.

Soccer is a sport that means so much to the Ethiopian community.
“Most of the Ethiopians, they play soccer,” said Estfina Berhe, a teen visiting from Portland with his family.
A national tournament has brought 300 players, more than 60 teams, and more than 30,000 Ethiopians to Renton Memorial Stadium this week.
“It is absolutely the biggest gathering of Ethiopians outside of Ethiopia,” said Lu Selassie from Los Angeles.
Some say it’s an opportunity to help save a woman’s life- Elsa Nega, an Ethiopian-Canadian mother of two in Vancouver.

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The search for bone marrow donor to help Vancouver mother #ElsaNega. A special #Ethiopian community event in Seattle can help #komonews
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Elsa has Acute Lymphoblastic Leukemia. She’s searching for a bone marrow transplant, but it has been tough.
“There are 29 million people on the registry and nobody matches Elsa,” said Tori Fairhurst, with “Be The Match” National Donor Registry.
The hope is that “Be The Match” and thise special gathering can help.
“Hopefully (it can.) find a match,” said Abaynesh Wakie, who is visiting from Orange County, Calif.
“People are most likely to match someone who shares their ancestry. And that’s why it’s so important to register Ethiopians. We’re not matching blood. We’re matching tissue type,” said Fairhurst.
Each person that stops to register could be a match.
“Most people never get the call. But if somebody does get a call, they could be the cure for somebody cancer,” said Fairhurst.
Meanwhile, little Lana and Lawrence Nega are asking for help to save their mother’s life. A video posted on YouTube shows them reading a letter.
“Our mom has leukemia. We are asking you to register on the website.”
Registry advocates say this weekend, the Ethiopian community gathering in Renton can become a lifeline.
“It’s a tremendous opportunity to reach a large community of Ethiopians in support of a woman who is Ethiopian,” said Fairhurst.
The bone marrow registry drive continues through 8 p.m. Saturday at Renton Memorial Stadium. Click here to register.

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Interview with Journalist Elias Amare – SBS Amharic


Why is Eritrea the world’s fastest-emptying nation?

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The UN likens Eritrea’s forced conscription – sometimes for decades at a time – to slavery. Hundreds of thousands have fled. Here’s why.

Eritrea has been consistently one of the top five biggest source of refugees in Europe for the last decade.

Since the Eritrean government began indefinite national service in 2002, hundreds of thousands of Eritrean youngsters have been conscripted into military and civil service for the state. Sometimes, that “service” can mean over a decade of hard labour at the behest of the state.

This system of organised forced labour has led to a massive emigration to the neighbouring African countries and Europe.

“The youth can’t establish family as no one knows what the future holds; they can’t do business as it has been outlawed for more than a decade; they can’t get proper education as there is systematic impediment against quality education; even if they study they can’t get decent jobs later as they are all required to work on national service,” Abraham Zere, Executive Director and Chief Editor of PEN Eritrea, told TRT World.

The government says its national service is vital for a cohesive national identity and safety in the impoverished north-east African country.

Here are nine things to know about Eritrea and the struggle of its people:

1. National service was introduced in 1994, three years after the nation gained its independence from Ethiopia.

It consists of military training and community service. On paper, both men and women between the ages of 18 and 40 must complete 18 months of service to the state.

2. The length of service can stretch to a decade or more, diplomats and those who have fled the country say.

This is because the government reserves the right to extend the length in periods of emergency.

Under Eritrean law, violations of the national service, including evasion through fraud, self-inflicted disability and other methods are punishable with two years’ imprisonment. (Reuters)

3. All sectors of the Eritrean economy rely on conscripts, according to a UN commission charged with investigating human rights abuses in Eritrea.

Before being assigned to jobs, most citizens begin military training as part of the last year of high school.

However, sometimes children as young as 15 are conscripted.

Their assignments include forced labour for construction firms, farms or manufacturers.

4. Conscripts receive an inadequate salary to support themselves and their families.

“We were always tired and hungry, and fell ill very often,” said Mihretab Yemane Tekle, who worked at a mine operated by a Canadian company in north-west Eritrea.

With an annual per capita gross national income of US$480, Eritrea is one of the world’s poorest nations, according to the World Bank. (AP)

5. They are often harshly treated.

Physical abuse amounts to torture sometimes and female conscripts are often sexually abused by commanders, according to a report released by the Human Rights Watch in 2016.

There is no mechanism for redressing abuses.

6. The UN has said the conscription program in Eritrea is “similar to slavery in its effects.”

Based on more than 500 interviews, the UN revealed in 2015, that the Eritrean government engages in “systemic, widespread and gross human rights violations” and said these violations occur “in the context of a total lack of rule of law.”

7. Asmara says the conscription is vital for Eritrea’s future.

The service is based on an ideology of the reconstruction of the country, strengthening of the economy and creation of a joint Eritrean identity across ethnic and religious dividing lines.

8. Eritrea feels unsafe with the government saying it fears any possible attack by its far bigger neighbour Ethiopia with whom it has fought long, intermittent wars.

The nation declared its independence after a referendum in 1993, but the two neighbours remain bitter enemies.

Their troops still eyeing each other along the fortified frontier. The two nations have long exchanged accusations of attacks and backed rebels to needle each other.

And HRW says President Isaias Afwerki, who was a Marxist guerrilla leader before independence, uses the pretext of “no-war, no-peace” to keep his people under “totalitarian control.”

The vast majority of those who leave Eritrea do it illegally as they don’t have exit visas. They do this either by using professional human smugglers, people well acquainted with the local border areas or they travel on their own. (AP)

8. The conscription program is not the only reason behind the Eritrean exodus.

“Nationals are denied of all forms of basic freedom such as freedom to worship, freedom to associate and organise, freedom to express themselves, etc. Such renunciation of all forms of freedom is coupled with total disregard for the rule of law and the smallest means of supporting oneself.” said Zere.

They either seek asylum in neighbouring countries or risk their lives by making dangerous journeys across the Mediterranean Sea to reach Europe.

According to UN refugee agency UNHCR, around 5,000 people flee Eritrea each month.

Zere said there were currently about 12,000 Eritreans in Uganda; 150,000 in Ethiopia, around 30,000 in Israel, and 125,350 in Sudan, as of 2015. In that year, more than 47,000 Eritreans applied for asylum in Europe.

“The neighbouring countries can barely sustain themselves and each one of the host countries in Africa are known for their notoriety of maltreatment of their own citizens,” Zere told TRT World.

“Europe too is currently plagued with economic hardship and a great surge of anti-refugee sentiment,” he added.

9. The Eritrean government has been accused of descending into a fiefdom.

“It is even hard to call it a government nowadays,” said Zere. “But rather, the country has turned into a personal fiefdom of the despotic leader, President Isaias Afwerki.” he continued.

Eritrean citizens were required to provide free labour to build dams for the last two or three years, Zere gave as an example.

“At the cost of everything the president and his clique have leased the port-city of Assab to UAE and the Arab coalition to wage war in Yemen. Now they are also openly taking sides in the current Gulf-crisis without assessing the implication to the substantial number of Eritreans currently working in Qatar.”

Author: Zeynep Sahin

Source:
TRTWorld

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Wolaitta Dicha secure maiden Ethiopian Cup Title

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Wolaitta Dicha beat favourites and record Ethiopian Cup winners, Defence Force, 4-2 on penalties on Thursday in Addis Ababa to lift their first ever Ethiopian Cup.

The Southern Ethiopian outfit, wrapped up the title on penalties after a 1-1 draw in regulation time, to become the second club from the Sodo township to win the Ethiopian version of the FA Cup, after Wolaitta Tusa in 1997.

Wolaitta Dicha, who will represent Ethiopia in next year’s Total CAF Confederation Cup, started off on a bright note and dominated the early exchanges.

The soggy nature of the Addis Ababa Stadium pitch albeit made things harder for both sides with long passes being the only resort to possession. Dicha almost opened the scoring on nine minutes after striker Bezabeh Meleyo’s low drive sailed wide of the post.

Four minutes later, another opportunity fell to Dicha again, and Anagawe Badege couldn’t keep his header on target.

Defence went ahead against all odds and an own goal from hard pressed Mubarak Shekuri in the 21st minute was what they needed.

Upon resumption, Dicha continued to pile pressure and were awarded a penalty after Defence shot stopper, Yidnekachew Kidane, brought down Badege in the 53rd minute. Captain Alazar Fasika elected himself for the spot kick and made no mistake to pull his side level on 55 minutes.

After the equalizer, Dicha pushed to get the winner while Defence held on forcing the game into penalties.

During penalties, Defence defender Awol Abdela and goalie Kidane spurred their kicks whilst Kidane manage to save Badege’s penalty. Second half substitute, goalkeeper Wendsen Geremew brilliantly struck the decisive kick as Dicha cruised to the title for the first time.

History of Dicha

Dicha was established eight years ago, 2009. Under coach Mesay Teferi, a former footballer, they earned multiple promotions and gained premier league status in 2013.

The Sodo-based club narrowly avoided relegation from the Ethiopian Premier League during the just ended season (2016/17 season) that saw Jimma Aba Coffee, Commercial Bank of Ethiopia and Addis Ababa City demoted to the second tier.

Reactions

Minyamer Tsegaye (Assistant Coach, Defence Force)

The game was good. The playing pitch couldn’t allow us to play our usual style of play and we couldn’t make many passes. We didn’t think we would lose the cup given our performance throughout the competition. We even went ahead and squandered some good chances that could have sealed the win. It is football, so we accept the result.

Mesaye Teferi (Head Coach, Wolaitta Dicha)

Since it was a Cup final, we knew penalty shootouts could happen so we worked on that. Defense knocked out league champions Saint George and we also beat Ethio-Electric on penalties. Both sides had opportunities to score more goals but the efforts were futile. It is a tremendous achievement to replicate what Wolaitta Tusa achieved 20 years ago. We are happy that we won the competition.

Source: CAFonline.com

The post Wolaitta Dicha secure maiden Ethiopian Cup Title appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

ESFNA’s Most Beautiful Ethiopian Women of 2017

Ethiopia: The T-TPLF Trojan Horse of the Apocalypse Riding in Oromiya – Al Mariam

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By Alemayehu G. Mariam

Author’s Note: The ruling Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (T-TPLF) in Ethiopia is said to be on the verge of passing a “law” protecting “Oromia’s special interest in Addis Ababa” and “giving Oromia extensive rights in the capital city” (hereinafter the T-TPLF Masters’ Addis Ababa Plan B). It is a trial balloon “leaked out” by the T-TPLF to gauge public reaction (hoping the Ethiopian public will be blinded, hoodwinked  and bogged down in recrimination about what name to give the capital) while they implement their diabolical Addis Ababa Master Plan B in broad daylight.

It may be recalled that the T-TPLF Master’s Addis Ababa Plan A aimed at incorporating contiguous farmland in Oromiya was “shelved” in January 2016 after the people facing expropriation and eviction from their lands showed stiff resistance to the T-TPLF’s naked land grab.

The T-TPLF is now using a clever gimmick in a futile attempt to re-implement that Master Plan by cloaking it in some bogus law about “Oromia’s special interest in Addis Ababa giving Oromia extensive rights in the capital city.”

The stratagem, the trick to be used to hoodwink everybody, is the creation of an emotional distraction by proposing to rename the capital “Finfine” or “Addis Ababa Finfine”. The T-TPLF hopes that while the people argue and flail their hands at each other about what to call the capital, it will sneakily implement its new and improved Masters’ Plan B and gobble up the lands of struggling Oromo farmers on the periphery of the capital. The T-TPLF pretends that whole “special interest” idea is a response to some urgent Oromo demands.

The only urgent demand the Oromos have ever made is for justice, equality, democracy, rule of law, accountability, human rights and first class citizenship. Nothing else!

But the T-TPLF leaders believe that by giving lip service to alleged Oromo demands for “special interest” in the capital, they can woo and hoodwink them.

The T-TPLF has such deep contempt for Oromos that it believes it can deal with them with the three Ps: Pander, Pacify and Placate. The T-TPLF believes that by throwing crumbs at Oromos in  the form of empty and hollow promises about “special interest in the capital” and symbolic concessions about naming the capital as “Addis Ababa/Finfine”, they can buy them off just like someone would give cotton candy to a crying child.

The T-TPLF has such deep contempt for Oromos that it believes they cannot tell the difference between a real and a Trojan horse saddled up for a lightning-fast (6 months to set the boundary of the city after the farmlands have been gobbled up) expropriation of their land in the name of “Oromo special interest in Addis Ababa”.

To add insult to injury, there are reports that the T-TPLF is setting up a forced turnout and public demonstration by Oromos to show their support to the Addis Ababa Master Plan B.

I regret to say much of the debate and discussion in the blogosphere (and I am told in the local bar rooms and public places in the capital) is about the re-naming or double-naming of the capital as “Addis Ababa/Finfine”.  They are all barking up the wrong tree. What to name the capital is the T-TPLF magicians’ sleight of hand; it is misdirection and distraction from the real thing. Swift implementation of Addis Ababa Master Plan B.

The T-TPLF has always been clever in its use of disinformation and propaganda to distract and confuse its opposition. The double-naming of the capital is a diabolically calculated distraction by the T-TPLF. By playing up and pressing the emotional issue buttons, the T-TPLF hopes to pit Oromos against Amharas and others as it watches them tearing each other up over what word to use to call the capital. (I don’t think it will work but the T-TPLF will leave no stones unturned to use ethnic divide and conquer to remain in power perpetually.)

Needless to say, everyone who has read my weekly commentaries over the past eleven years knows that I do not believe in and totally condemn ethnic politics.

declared long ago that for me there is not an Oromo, a Tigrean, an Amhara, a Gambellan, an Ogadeni, a Mursi, a Gurage… Ethiopian. There is only an Ethiopian.

To me, our humanity in our Ethiopianity is infinitely more important than our group identity and ethnicity, nation-ality or Africanity.

Ethiopianity is “EthiopiaWINet”. That is my simple creed. Win.et.

In the same vein, I have totally rejected the Art. 39 blather of the T-TPLF constitution about “self-determination’ and “secession”.

But I do uphold the self-determination provisions of Art. 55 of the U.N charter, and Art. 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Art. 39 was diabolically designed by the T-TPLF to dismember Ethiopia by using the saber of ethnic politics.

In 1995, the T-TPLF wrote its infamous Art. 39 about “self-determination”, “secession” and other such garbage. Those who have illusions about Art. 39 should study apartheid South Africa’s Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act No 46 (and other laws) which I discussed in my April 2016 commentary, “The Bantustanization (Kililistanization) of Ethiopia”.

Today, the T-TPLF preaches the false gospel of “Oromia’s Special Interest in Addis Ababa with extensive rights in the capital city” as part of its ongoing kililistanization program, the T-TPLF’s ultimate weapon of divide, conquer and rule forever. To sweeten the cotton candy more, the T-TPLF guarantees “Oromo residents of the city” a “right to self-determination” and representation of “25 percent of the city council membership” strictly based on ethnicity.

The only way the T-TPLF gangsters will allow “self-determination” is if they can no longer be the rulers of Ethiopia forever. Until then, they will use the Art. 39 as cotton candy to play games with some and as a boogeyman to scare the hell out of others.

Ethiopia under the T-TPLF is a new and improved collection of Bantustans, the ones they had in apartheid South Africa. Ethiopia has Kililistans, no different in form or function than Bantustans. Art. 39 basically promises the 9 Kililistans full-fledged statehood, just like the Bantu Authorities Act. Regardless, South Africa today is ONE. Ethiopia will forever remain ONE!

The T-TPLF’s justification for the Kililistans is that without T-TPLF guardianship and leadership, Ethiopia will go the way of the former Yugoslavia split into seven nations. The late thugmaster Meles Zenawi repeated the same message in a videotaped interview  in 2009. The only guarantor of Ethiopian unity and geographical integrity is the T-TPLF.  The only savior of Ethiopia is the T-TPLF.

The only savior of the hens in the henhouse is the wily fox.

On the topic of the T-TPLF’s vaunted “self-determination” article, it is worth noting that  Tigrean Peoples’ Liberation Front was organized for the single purpose of “liberating” Tigrai from “Ethiopia” and achieve “self-determination”.  That was clearly and unambiguously stated in their ‘Manifesto”. Indeed, the T-TPLF waged an armed “liberation” war to create the “Republic of Greater Tigrai” in a “two-step process:  1) redemarcating Tigray’s borders to expand the region’s borders within Ethiopia, and 2) acquiring coastal lands within Eritrea and seceding as an independent nation.”

When the TPLF became “victorious” in 1991, they did not run to Tigrai to establish their “Greater Republic”. They marched straight into the capital Addis Ababa to claim their prize.

For the past 26 years, Addis Ababa has been the T-TPLF’s cash cow, the goose that lays the golden eggs and platinum dollars and Euros, the gift that keeps on giving.

Addis Ababa is the nerve center of T-TPLF commerce, banking, construction, services and political power.

The T-TPLF has been bleeding the country dry from Addis Ababa since 1991. In the words of Global Financial Integrity, “The people of Ethiopia are being bled dry. No matter how hard they try to fight their way out of absolute destitution and poverty, they will be swimming upstream against the current of illicit capital leakage”.

Willie Sutton, the infamous American bank robber, was once asked why he robbed banks. His answer, which came to be referred as “Sutton’s law”, was simple:  “Because that’s where the money is.”

The T-TPLF robbers will never allow “self-determination” in Addis Ababa because that’s where a whole lot of their money, cashola, moolah, bread, dough is at. Straight up!

Anyone who seriously believes the T-TPLF will allow Addis Ababa or Oromiya to exercise “self-determination” is plain stupid. Straight up!

The only self-determination the T-TPLF has supported is for Eritrea because they believed Eritrea was an Ethiopian “colony”.  They lobbied the U.N, the U.S. State Department and other Western capitals to ensure recognition of Eritrea as a new nation, leaving Ethiopia landlocked. In the T-TPLF’s two-year war with Eritrea beginning in 1998, 80 thousand people were made cannon fodder.

Beyond the “self-determination” issue, I have also  vigorously rejected the T-TPLF’s “national question” and “oppressed nationalities” hogwash and have convincingly demonstrated that these notions were clever and shrewd gimmicks used by the late Zenawi and the T-TPLF to divert public attention from their real agenda of permanent political domination. The whole demonization campaign against the so-called “Ethiopian Empire” is designed as a cover to sneak in, justify and entrench their own T-TPLF Empire.

The fact of the matter is that the central and core mission of the T-TPLF has always been the disintegration and dismemberment of the Ethiopian nation. Their Grand Master Plan has been and remains the complete destruction of the Ethiopian nation.

The Addis Ababa Master Plan is no different. It is a gradual and step-by-step plan for the dismemberment of Oromiya.

They will NEVER, NEVER succeed in their plans.

I wholeheartedly endorse Kwame Nkruma’s poetic prophesy, “Ethiopia Shall Rise.”

Ethiopia shall rise like the Phoenix from the ashes of the T-TPLF.  Nkrumah wrote:

Just like the moons and suns,
With the century of tides,
Just like hopes springing high,
Still Ethiopia shall rise..

In an ever so slightly paraphrased  verse of Maya Angelou, Ethiopia shall rise like the sun rise, and that shall be no surprise, except for the T-TPLF.

But I do take deep personal offense that the T-TPLF should think that it could offer cotton candy and insult the collective Oromo intelligence by proposing “Oromiya Special Interest Area in Addis Ababa” to sneak in its “Addis Ababa Master Plan B”.  I know they believe that no one ever went broke underestimating the intelligence of the Oromo people.

That is a grave mistake!

I have laid out my views on the T-TPLF’s “Addis Ababa Master Plan A” (bulldoze struggling Oromo farmers and steal their land) aimed at ripping off land from struggling Oromo farmers on the outskirts of the capital in my January 2016 commentary, “Addis Ababa Master Plan? No, the T-TPLF Masters’ Plan!”

Well!!! The T-TPLF is back in July 2017 with its Addis Ababa Master Plan B (steal the land by whispering sweet nothings in the ears of Oromos and putting cotton candy in their mouths) with a vengeance.

In condemning the T-TPLF Addis Ababa Master Plan A, I issued a warning for eternal vigilance against the T-TPLF land snatchers.  I also “prophesied” that the  T-TPLF will be back to continue in its land grabbing in the foreseeable future with new tricks, gimmicks, bells and whistles:

Those who pushed back the T-TPLF and forced it to declare the Addis Ababa Master Plan null and void after incurring  great cost in human life may now feel jubilant and victorious. They may even feel they have “defeated” the T-TPLF.

Such feelings are not only foolish but could ultimately prove to be fatal miscalculations.

As sure as the sun will rise tomorrow, the T-TPLF land-grabbers will be back to grab their land like scared off buzzards picking carrion. Sure, they will step away for a while to let the dust settle, but they will be back with a vengeance!

The T-TPLF land snatching buzzards have returned with a vengeance! Just like I said they would 18 months ago!

In his book “Facing Mount Kilimanjaro”, Jomo Kenyatta wrote, “When the missionaries came to Africa they had the Bible and we had the land. They said ‘Let us pray.’ We closed our eyes. When we opened them we had the Bible and they had the land.”

The T-TPLF today says, “Let’s talk about ‘Oromiya’s  special interest in Addis Ababa’ and ‘self-determination’. Here is some cotton candy to chew on while we talk. The Oromos closed their eyes. When they opened them, they had empty words and cotton candy in their mouths and the T-TPLF had their land”.

Fool me twice, shame on me!

That Which We Call Addis Ababa (New Flower) By Any Other Name Would Smell As Sweet, But…

In Shakespeare’s “Romeo and Juliet”, Juliet asks, “What’s in a name?/ That which we call a rose/By any other name would smell as sweet.”

Juliet tells Romeo that a name is an arbitrary designation with no intrinsic meaning and the fact that Romeo carries the rival Montague name means nothing. The only thing that matters is that they should be and stay together as one in love.

What’s Montague? it is nor hand, nor foot,
Nor arm, nor face, nor any other part
Belonging to a man. O! be some other name:
What’s in a name? that which we call a rose
By any other name would smell as sweet;
So Romeo would, were he not Romeo called,
Retain that dear perfection which he owes
Without that title. Romeo, doff thy name,
And for that name, which is no part of thee
Take all myself.

I ask my Ethiopian brothers and sisters: What’s “Addis Ababa”? “Finfine”?

It is neither heart, soul, mind, spirit or conscience belonging to any man or woman.

What’s in the name “Addis Ababa” (New Flower) or Finfine (“gushing spray” of water from hot springs)?

That which we call Addis Ababa or Finfine, by any other name would smell as sweet.

If all people in Addis Ababa could live in equality and justice with their human rights respected, does it matter what name we give the capital?

The great theoretical physicist Richard Feynman observed that knowing the name of a bird in all the languages of the world would add no knowledge about the bird. “You’ll only know about humans in different places, and what they call the bird. So let’s look at the bird and see what it’s doing—that’s what counts.”

What counts is not whether the capital is called “Addis Ababa” or “Finfine” or Addis Ababa/Finfine”.  That tells nothing about the life of suffering and hardship of the vast majority of the people in the capital. We need to see what is happening in Addis Ababa and how the people are living there.

What counts is whether there is justice, equality, democracy, accountability and human rights in Addis Ababa or Finfine. What counts is whether all people in the capital enjoy first class citizenship. What counts is whether people in the capital feel secure in personal safety and have their human rights respected. These are the things that count.

What honor or profit is there in being a second class citizen in “Addis Ababa” or “Finfine”?

To live life in “Addis Ababa” or “Finfine” under a draconian state of emergency which inflicts untold suffering, hardship and misery on the people is not much of a life.

To live in the capital of a police state called “Addis Ababa” or “Finfine”, without dignity, without human rights, without due process and without the rule of law and in fear and trepidation is a life of bondage, captivity and slavery.

It is not the name of the city that counts, it is one’s dignity and freedom in that city that counts.

Johannesburg, South Africa’s largest city and capital retains its apartheid Afrikaans name as do others cities and towns. I don’t see South Africans bent out of shape over what to call  Johannesburg.

It is not about the name; it is about the game. It’s about the T-TPLF zero-sum game.

It’s about the shame of playing the T-TPLF zero-sum name game.

I have warned time and again that playing a zero-sum game with the T-TPLF will always result in a total loss for those foolish enough to play it. Soren Kierkegaard observed, “There are two ways to be fooled. One is to believe what isn’t true; the other is to refuse to believe what is true.” Take your pick about how you want to be fooled about the T-TPLF!

I don’t want to be misunderstood.

I understand the name game for the capital is another one of the T-TPLF’s weapon of mass distraction, confusion, conjuration, polarization and  ethno-exploitation.

I do understand that the T-TPLF is using the “Addis Ababa/Finfine” name game is aimed at starting a war between the “House of Oromos” and the House of Amharas”, just like they started the war between the House of the Montagues and Capulets.

All I am saying is, “I don’t play the name game”. In street talk, “Homey don’t play that!”

The “House of Amharas” should know and fully understand that they are ONE with the House of Oromos. United we stand, divided we fall for T-TPLF tricks and gimmicks and zero-sum games!

Lesson learned: In the end, the Houses of Montague and Capulet proved to be gigantic losers.

Let others play the name game contrived by the T-TPLF.

I want to talk about the return of the T-TPLF land snatchers riding a Trojan horse called “Oromiya Special Interest in Addis Ababa”, or the T-TPLF Masters’ Addis Ababa Plan B.

Return of the Land Snatchers: “Leaked copy” of the T-TPLF Masters’ Plan B for Addis Ababa

In my January 2016 commentary, “Addis Ababa Master Plan? No, the T-TPLF Masters’ Plan!”, I declared my opposition to the so-called Addis Ababa Master Plan (purportedly designed to strategically incorporate municipalities and unincorporated areas surrounding the capital in to a rapidly developing metropolitan economy) and discussed its long-term implications.

That “Master Plan” was opposed by struggling farmers in Oromiya in the periphery of the capital as it meant confiscation of their land for handover to T-TPLF bosses and lackeys.

True to form, the T-TPLF responded by massacring and jailing those opposed to the “Master Plan”. Human Rights Watch reported that since mid-November 2015, T-TPLF “security forces [had] shot dozens of protesters in Shewa and Wollega zones, west of Addis Ababa”; and in the town of Walliso security forces fired “into crowds of protesters leaving bodies lying in the street.”

The popular uprising against the “Master Plan” sent shock waves through the T-TPLF leadership, rank and file and the parasitic elites who tail behind the T-TPLF bosses gobbling up land and property from increasing numbers of poor Oromo farmers who are fast becoming landless, hopeless, voiceless and powerless. The T-TPLF brazenly denied the existence of a real “master plan”; they said it was just ideas for “conceptual analysis”.

In my January 2016 commentary, I also “prophesied” that the T-TPLF will lie low for a while and return with a vengeance to continue with its land grab.

Today, the T-TPLF land snatchers have returned with a vengeance carrying Master Plan B or the “Oromia Special Interest in Addis Ababa Plan.”

According to an allegedly “leaked copy” of the T-TPLF’s “Oromiya Special Interest in Addis Ababa” (hereinafter the T-PLF Masters’ Addis Ababa Plan B) “law” obtained by Horn Affairs (the T-TPLF usually sends up a trial balloon to gauge public opinion when preparing to issue one of its diabolical proclamations) there are various elements to that law.

Empty and Hollow Promises about “self-determination”, etc.

The T-TPLF Master Plan B is essentially a desperate move to pacify and neutralize Oromos and pit them against Amharas and others.

Master Plan B promises, “Oromo residents of the city” a “right to self-determination” and guaranteed representation of “25 percent of the city council membership” strictly based on ethnicity.

This is the T-TPLF’s diabolical version of “power sharing” with Oromos in city government.

But the city government is a wholly owned, operated and managed subsidiary of the T-TPLF.

Back in 2005, Dr. Berhanu Nega was elected mayor of Addis Ababa by a landslide and the T-TPLF promptly declared him an enemy of the state and railroaded him to jail. The T-TPLF itself officially admitted, “In a clean sweep, the CUD [Coalition for Unity and Democracy (Kinijit)]  won all the seats in Addis Ababa, both for the Parliament as well and for the city council and expected to form its Government in the capital city.”

Instead of forming a government, Dr. Berhanu and the slew of newly elected parliamentary and council representatives were railroaded to T-TPLF prisons.

Who owns and runs Addis Ababa city government today?

The T-TPLF, of course!

T-TPLF power sharing promises in the past have proven to be empty and hollow and dangerous.

In 1991, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) which was committed to “self-determination” was made a junior partner of the T-TPLF’s front organization, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The OLF was “given” 4 nominal minister-level positions in the T-TPLF transitional government. The OLF got 12 seats in the constitutional drafting and transitional body. Soon enough, the OLF figured out that the T-TPLF was taking it for a ride and left the front organization.  The T-TPLF responded by swiftly outlawing the OLF and declaring it a “terrorist” organization.

The fact of the matter is that the T-TPLF has declared a “terrorist group” any movement that opposes it, and lacking no other viable alternative called for “self-determination”, including the “Ogaden National Liberation Front” and “Western Somali Liberation Front”, “Afar Revolutionary Democratic Unity Front” and others.

The T-TPLF constitution under Art. 39 sets 4 conditions for the exercise of “self-determination” (secession) and “statehood” (Art. 47) . But all conditions for “self-determination” and “statehood” require prior approval of the T-TPLF.

Under Art. 39, one or more of the 4 conditions set forth therein must be met: 1) approval by “two-thirds majority of the members of the Legislative Council of the Nation, Nationality or People” (a wholly-owned subsidiary of the T-TPLF, 2) the “Federal Government [will] organize a referendum” (ha ha! The T-TPLF will organize the “referendum” just like it organized the 2015 elections in which it “won” by 100 percent), 3) “when secession is supported by a majority vote” (organized exclusively by the T-TPLF) and 4) when “Federal Government (T-TPLF) will have transferred its powers to the council of the Nation, Nationality or People who has voted to secede” (when the T-TPLF has transferred power to itself through a referendum”. This is the horse manure of Art. 39.

In other words, for any groups to exercise “self-determination”, they need the approval of the T-TPLF. That is how the T-TPLF allowed Eritrea’s “self-determination”.

Such is the T-TPLF’s zero-sum constitutional game. As ALWAYS, they win the self-determination game and those foolish enough to believe in an imaginary right of self-determination lose, as ALWAYS.

If Oromos should exercise “self-determination” (a factual and theoretical impossibility under Art. 39), so will the others.

That means the T-TPLF would have wiped itself out by allowing the “nations, nationalities and peoples” to exercise of “self-determination”. All of the tens of billions of dollars in looted wealth accumulated by the T-TPLF all over Ethiopia in the past 26 years will vanish into thin air by a simple act of “self-determination”.

Let’s deal with the simple truth: The T-TPLF bosses will NEVER, NEVER allow “self-determination” in Addis Ababa or anywhere else because that would mean their END.   Period!

The Big Scam- Cotton Candy for Oromos

In its “Oromiya Special Interest in Addis Ababa”, the T-TPLF is offering the Oromos cotton candy. (For my readers who may not be familiar with cotton candy, it is melted sugar spun at high speeds by centrifugal force to produce a fluffy wool-like texture. It looks big but once in the mouth, it is like eating “sugared air”.)

The T-TPLF is desperately trying to entice Oromos to support it by offering them cotton candy in the form of a special interest in Addis Ababa.

How ironic the T-TPLF is trying to pull the (cotton candy) wool over Oromos’ eyes!

The T-TPLF’s Addis Ababa Master Plan B promises the establishment of an “Oromo National Council by residents of the city”. The Council will allegedly have all sorts of powers and responsibilities. It can “enact laws policies and laws to preserve and promote Oromo language, culture and history”, “nominate the Mayor and the representatives of Oromos in the Cabinet” and “implement decisions” .  There will also be a “Joint Council consisting 22 representatives of Oromia government or the Oromo National Council and 22 representatives from the City  administration” to “supervise implementation of the laws enacted regarding Oromia’s special interest on Addis Ababa.”

The Council is said to have other “supervisory” functions over “education in Oromo language,  protection of the rights of Oromos evicted due to development works in the city and monitoring and assisting the proper implementation of this proclamation and subsidiary legislations.”

The T-TPLF “Addis Ababa Master Plan B” will allegedly guarantee Oromos 25 percent membership  on the “Addis Ababa City council”, a body that will be handpicked by the T-TPLF from among their Oromo lackeys. All cotton candy.

Anyone who wants to know how the T-TPLF treats Oromo officials, particularly military officers should read my translation of an interview with a former T-TPLF spy, “The T-TPLF Spook Who Sat by the Jailhouse Door in Ethiopia (Part I).” The spy reported that Oromo officers “become generals. There they are (invited to join the circle of corruption) and allowed to engage in corrupt practices. That’s how they (T-TPLF) corrupt Oromo generals and keep them from achieving top military levels. They don’t want them to get to the top levels.”

Making empty gestures and grandstanding has always been the case in T-TPLF government positions. There will be an Oromo front man in every T-TPLF ministry, but the guy exercising real power is a T-TPLF boss.

Am I lying!?

But that is nothing new. The T-TPLF is merely following an old tried and proven technique from the colonial days of Africa called “indirect rule”. English colonial boss Lord Fredrick Lugard perfected this trick in his book “Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa. He promoted a policy of enforcing British laws through the traditional rulers who only served as intermediaries between the natives and the British government.

All of the Oromo “councils” and the rest of the make-believe organizations  are merely intermediaries  and convenient mechanisms for T-TPLF indirect rule.

There is even a provision in the Master Plan B which manifestly violates Art. 9 (supremacy of the “federal constitution”) of the T-TPLF constitution: “Any decision by any authority contradicting the decision of the Joint Council regarding Oromia’s special interests shall have no effect.”

Who will create, own, manage and operate the “Oromo National Council” and “Joint Council”?

The T-TPLF, of course!

The whole Council business is a stupid dog and pony show calculated to bamboozle, hoodwink, dupe and flim-flam Oromos and anyone else foolish enough to fall for it.

Here is the proof: The T-TPLF claimed to have “won” 100 percent of the seats in its kangaroo parliament in May 2015; and by 99.6 percent in 2010. In 2008, in “elections for regional parliaments, the T-TPLF won 1,903 of 1,904 seats.

Does it make any sense to believe the T-TPLF will allow anyone to exercise an independent role on the “Addis Ababa City Council”, a wholly-owned subsidiary of the T-TPLF?

If anyone believes that I have the Brooklyn Bridge to sell them at a fire sale price.

As I explained the negotiation strategy of the T-TPLF in my last commentary, “The Zero-Sum Negotiation Games of the T-TPLF in Ethiopia”, the T-TPLF will use ethnic politics, sectarianism, regionalism, etc. to divide and conquer the “opposition” in negotiations, elections or any other competition. They will throw crumbs to the various opposition groups and leaders just to watch them fight and tear each other up. It is like the master throwing a bone to a bunch of hungry dogs. The dogs will kill each other to get a piece of the bone. That is how the T-TPLF plays the opposition game and that is the aim of Master Plan B.

The T-TPLF also promises to restore “historic names of various parts of the city “,  commemorated Oromo heroes by naming buildings, roads and facilities”,  “allot television and radio airtime for Oromo language programs” and “educate the public to know and acknowledge Oromo’s historic ownership of and forced dispossession from Addis Ababa.” That means it will officially promote the politics of ethnic hate and antagonism.

The T-TPLF is throwing out red meat to Oromos and excite jealousy and unleash enmity against them by offering them “special” and preferred group status.

The T-TPLF promises Oromos “land, free of lease payment” in the capital for construction of public,  charitable and cultural buildings and “market places”. “Oromo residents of the capital are to be given “15% priority” to buy or rent condominium housing provided by the City Administration.”  Oromos will have “priority right to use public squares, centers, halls, stadiums, etc.” and “establish schools that provide education in Oromo language for Oromo residents of the city.” “implement affirmative actions to attain fair wealth distribution between the indigenous Oromo population and the majority population residing in the city.” prevent or minimize the dumping of waste to Oromia.

The nonsense about a “15% priority” in buying or renting condos is laughable. How would struggling Oromo farmers who have been evicted from their land be able to afford the expensive condos in the capital. Even the cheaper condos in the capital run over one-half million birr.

The truth of the matter is the T-TPLF is BIG BUSINESS for the T-TPLF. They are drowning in money by evicting Oromo farmers drowning in poverty.

According to one report,  “the Addis Ababa City administration, for example, expropriates land from farmers by paying displacement compensation calculated at 18 birr/m2 and subdivides and transfers it by leases to private residents for an average of 8,000 birr. Assuming farmers have an average land size of 1 ha (10,000 m2) one can imagine the size of profit that is collected by the government, while leaving the farmer with insignificant amount of compensation.”

Buy at 18 birr and sell at 8,000 birr. How obscene and sickening to make profits over the backs of poor families. (Excuse me, but I am trying not to vomit!)

Simply stated, 15% of nothing is nothing! That is exactly what the T-TPLF is offering the struggling Oromo farmers in the periphery of the capital.

Land expropriation is BIG business for the T-TPLF.

The T-TPLF believes all of the bogus preferential treatment crap will be the perfect wedge issues for ethnic division.

What will it take for the Amharas, the Gurages, Ogadenis, Afaris, Anuaks… to get special status, privileges, treatment and priority by the T-TPLF?

Who the hell made the T-TPLF the dispenser of special status, privileges, treatment and priority? An old Ethiopian proverb teaches, “A brazen thief will argue with the rightful owner.” The T-TPLF steals the land and now makes itself the landlord to distribute the land back to the rightful owners. What the hell?!

The whole message of the “Oromiya Special Interest” campaign is that Oromos are in training for first class citizenship like the T-TPLF members and supporters. T-TPLF members and supporters have a chokehold on the economy, civil service, military and political process. Addis Ababa will be a training ground for Oromos to get used to feeling first class citizenship and do, behave and act like T-TPLFers.

Of course, Oromos will never have real “priority” in anything. That is reserved permanently for the T-TPLF bosses and their supporters.

The Oromo “affirmative action” program promised in the T-TPLF Addis Ababa Master Plan B is the most insulting, degrading, disrespectful and dehumanizing provision. It is also manifestly contrary to Art. 25 of the T-TPLF constitution, “All persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to the equal protection of the law… and are guaranteed equal and effective protection without discrimination on grounds of race, nation, nationality, or other social origin…” (See also Art. 42(4), 88(2).

The T-TPLF “proclamation” law reminds me of the proclamation of the pigs who control the government in George Orwell’s “Animal Farm”: “All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others”.

By the same token, all members of ethnic groups in Ethiopia are equal, but some ethnic group members are more equal than others.

How life imitates art in the T-TPLF pig sty!

The intended effect is obvious. Non-Oromos will resent Oromos for their “special privileges”. Non-Oromos will associate Oromos as T-TPLF lackeys and allies. Non-Oromos will discriminate against Oromos.  Oromos will get little, if anything, out of the “special privileges” and “deals”  offered by the T-TPLF. The only thing they will get is T-TPLFers in Oromo faces. It reminds me of Franz Fanon’s book “Black Skin, White Faces” on the psychological games played by the colonial conquerors on the natives. The colonial master believed that allowing the slave to eat at his table was a gift for which the slave should be grateful.

The role of “Oromia government” is limited to “proposing and being consulted on draft policies, plans and legislations pertinent to Oromo residents of the city and the relationship between the city and Oromia.” They have the right “to propose amendments to this proclamation.” The right to propose is for suckers (fools). Anybody can propose anything. End poverty in the world. Equality for all people. Human rights for all humans.

The issue is never who can propose, the issue is always who proposes.

Who has the right to dispose in the Addis Ababa Master Plan B?

The T-TPLF, of course!!!

The Real (Raw) Deal for the Oromos

Hidden deep in the rubbish and garbage of the “Oromiya’s special interest in Addis Ababa proclamation” is the T-TPLF’s crown jewel: The  ultimate plan to incorporate and gobble up land in the periphery of the capital so that T-TPLF bosses and businesses could expand their holdings and Oromo farmers become beggars in the street of the capital.

The T-TPLF Master’s Addis Ababa Plan B proclaims:

The [Addis Ababa] city shall provide various services for communities living in the surrounding Oromia districts.

The city shall pay compensation, at market price rate, when it evicts Oromos from lands within the city and resettle them within the same vicinity.

The city boundary shall be determined by a mutual agreement of the city administration and Oromia state government. The demarcation shall be completed within 6 months of the enactment of this proclamation.

What a clever con game to dispossess and expropriate land of struggling Oromo farmers!

Here is the T-TPLF trick.

First, the so-called “surrounding communities” adjacent to the capital will be integrated into the city in the name of providing “various services”.

The city cannot provide services to residents, let alone the “surrounding communities. There are over 100,000 children living in the streets in Addis Ababa. Water supply in the capital is so bad in 2017 that “going through an entire week or even a month without water has become common in many areas of the city.” The capital city (indeed the whole country) “does not have the facilities, equipment and human resource with the essential skills to support a coordinated emergency medical care system and as such lacks the basic infrastructure for delivering emergency care.”

What services could the city provide the “surrounding communities” except eviction and expropriation services?

Second, Oromos in the “surrounding communities” will, without any doubt, be “evicted” from their lands for “resettlement.” That is because the whole Master Plan B is to “integrate” the peripheral areas into the city so that there will be no periphery, just an ever expanding Addis Ababa without limits or boundaries.

How could evicted Oromo farmers be able to afford a condo and living expenses in Addis Ababa?

The cost of living in Addis Ababa is so high that only T-TPLF fat cats, members, supporters and lackeys can afford to live there. The figures are stunning. A four-person family needs nearly USD$2,000 a month (without rent) to live in Addis Ababa. Other reports make similar findings. Power outages and water supply cutoffs are the ugly realities of every day life in the capital. T-TPLF taxes are wiping out non-T-TPLF businesses.

Per capita income in Ethiopia, according to the World Bank is “$590 [which] is substantially lower than the regional average” and the “government aspires to reach lower-middle income status over the next decade.”

What a joke!!!

This business of taking away and giving back Oromo land makes no sense to me; but a lot of sense for the T-TPLF.

If the T-TPLF has so much free land to give away to Oromos in the city of Addis Ababa after evicting them out of the periphery of the capital, why take away their land in the first place? Leave them the hell alone!

Why does the T-TPLF need more land in Oromiya?

There was the scramble for Africa hatched at the Berlin Conference in 1884. Are we witnessing a T-TPLF scramble for Oromo land in 2017?

Third, the “city boundary” is said to be “determined”  by “Oromia state government” and the city of Addis Ababa, both T-TPLF lackeys.

This is simply a scam. The entire T-TPLF plan is to encroach on lands adjacent to the city so that T-TPLF can make Addis Ababa a full-fledged independent city-state of business, trade, commerce and politics under the total, complete and exclusive control of the T-TPLF.

That was precisely the aim of the Addis Ababa Master Plan A which sought to strategically incorporate municipalities and unincorporated areas surrounding the capital in to a “rapidly developing metropolitan economy”. But the people of Oromia fought back and temporarily defended their land. Now, they have to do it all over again!

The Addis Ababa Master Plan A was a World Bank/T-TPLF conspiracy calculated to displace struggling Oromo farmers and convert their land into private estates for use by the T-TPLF extended “royal families” and parasitical elites.

In July 2015, The World Bank issued a report entitled, “Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: Enhancing Urban Resilience.”

That report argued Addis Ababa must be a resilient city, and “building a resilient city therefore requires a holistic, multi-sectoral, and flexible approach to urban development.”

How can Addis Ababa become more resilient?  The report says the city must take “priority actions” which include first and foremost, “effective implementation of the Integrated Development Plan and related regulations” and investments in infrastructure projects.

“Integrated development plan”, according to the World Bank means “connecting people with rapidly growing regions” and connecting “smaller cities” and regions “by transport and linked to the electricity grid, smaller cities can attract industries for which the more advanced cities have become too expensive.”

In ordinary language, “integrated development plan” for Addis Ababa means disintegrating poor Oromo farmers and their families and scattering them into the wind.

But there is another sinister strategy underlying the T-TPLF Addis Ababa Master Plan B and all of the cozying up to Oromos with empty and hollow promises.

It is indeed a brilliantly slick strategy worthy of Sun Tzu’s “Art of War”: 1) Subdue the enemy without fighting. 2) Break the enemy’s resistance without fighting. 3) When two of your enemies are fighting, befriend one to use against the other. 4) When you move against the enemy be extremely subtle, even to the point of formlessness and soundlessness. In other words, be sneaky and cunning like a fox.

The whole effort to bribe the Oromos with free land, priority in housing, affirmative action, special status and privileges has one singular aim: Pacify, placate, neutralize and befriend them so that the T-TPLF can amass all of its forces against the Amahras.

The T-TPLF declared a state of emergency because both Oromos and Amharas together rose up against its rule. The T-TPLF was losing the war on the Amhara and Oromo front. That’s why it brought back its troops from Somalia in October 2016 to deal with the uprising in Oromiya and Amhara regions. If the state of emergency is lifted, they will all go right back to where they left off in October 2016.

The T-TPLF cannot handle two wars at the same time now.

I will say it again: The T-TPLF believes it can buy off and bribe Oromos with empty and hollow promises and cotton candy to bring them to their side which will give them free rein to lower the hammer (or artillery) on the Amharas with full force.

Once the T-TPLF takes care of the Amhara resistance, they will set in motion theit corollary strategy. Hammer the Oromos!

That’s how the T-TPLF almost got away with its scam moving formlessly and soundlessly in its Addis Ababa Master Plan B.

That’s how the T-TPLF land snatchers are riding their Trojan horse in Oromia today. Sun Tzu would have been so proud!

The fact of the matter is that whatever proclamations the T-TPLF Masters of the Zero-Sum game publish, it will not be worth the paper it is written on. It is all a desperate move by the T-TPLF to break out of the trap it set for itself in its state of emergency decree.

Those non-TPLFers who seriously talk about “Oromia Special Interest in Addis Ababa Plan” should ask themselves a simple question: Are the T-TPLF constitution and all of the T-TPLF proclamations over the past 26 years worth the papers they are written on?

Are they?

All Oromos want are the rights of first class citizenship enjoyed by all free peoples throughout the wrold—the right to equality, justice, dignity, human rights, vote in a free and fair elections and live peacefully under the rule of law. They don’t need no “priority”, “affirmative action”, special privileges or free land given to them after it is stolen from them.

Oromos are legendary for their equestrianship (horsemanship).

The Oromos, united, locked arm-in arm with all of their Ethiopian brothers and sisters from north to south, from west to east, without regard to ethnicity, religion, language or region, will never be defeated by the T-TPLF’s Trojan horse of the Apocalypse!

NEVER!

In the end, there is a lesson to be learned. The Houses of Montague and Capulet proved to be gigantic losers.

The “House of Oromos” and the “House of Oromos” should know and fully understand that they are ONE.

United we stand, divided we fall for T-TPLF tricks, gimmicks and zero-sum games!

Stop toying with, pandering to, patronizing and scamming Oromos!

STOP!

First class citizenship for Oromos, not cotton candy!

 

The post Ethiopia: The T-TPLF Trojan Horse of the Apocalypse Riding in Oromiya – Al Mariam appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Hiber Radio Weekly News – July 9th, 2017

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