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Getachew Assefa Exposed.: Leaked Video

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By AFP/ 16 March 2018

More than six years in jail have not blunted Ethiopian journalist Eskinder Nega’s criticism of the government that put him there.

He was released in February, as part of a broad prisoner amnesty, and remains just as defiant, just as determined as when he was locked up for writing critical articles.

“I am prepared to go back to prison,” Eskinder, 47, said in an interview in the Ethiopian capital this week. “What I am not prepared to do is give up.”

“We will continue to press and struggle for freedom of expression and democracy.”

Eskinder’s widely-read columns routinely took his country’s authoritarian, one-party government to task, until his arrest in September 2011, after writing a column predicting an Arab Spring-style uprising in Ethiopia.

Like other critical journalists, bloggers, activists and politicians, he was charged with terrorist offences and later sentenced to 18 years in prison.

His trial and detention attracted international condemnation from rights groups, including the literary freedom organisation PEN International.

Despite the recent, unexpected release of thousands of political prisoners, himself included, Eskinder fears life for journalists may worsen — not improve — following the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) government’s declaration of a nationwide state of emergency last month.

– A country at a tipping point –

If the government hoped Eskinder might slip into grateful silence, they will be disappointed: he told AFP he plans to press on with his journalism as fearlessly as before.

For a country defined by the all-pervasive power of the ruling party, Ethiopia is at a rare tipping point between greater openness and continued oppression.

Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn announced his resignation last month, a move unprecedented in the party’s 27-year rule. Behind closed doors, EPRDF leaders are in the midst of an opaque process of selecting a successor.

Whoever is chosen, Eskinder said an essential first step will be a willingness to talk, even to the party’s enemies, if people are to believe democracy is growing.

“If that person wants to make change, wants to make real change in this country, he will have to engage in negotiations with all political parties, including those who have been branded as terrorist organisations,” he said.

Eskinder was convicted of links to the armed anti-government group Ginbot 7 in a verdict that “deeply disappointed” Ethiopia’s ally the United States.

He has always denied the charge, and refused to sign a confession even though he believes it would have earned him early release.

Eskinder said he spent much of his sentence confined to a small room and yard with three other prisoners. In a column smuggled out, and published in the New York Times in 2013, he described the prison as a “gulag”.

– Democracy rising? –

The prisoner amnesty that saw his release was described by Hailemariam as aiming to “improve the national consensus and widen the democratic platform,” but analysts saw it as a reaction to popular anti-government sentiment.

Months of destructive, sometimes deadly, protests began in late 2015 and only stopped after the imposition of a 10-month state of emergency in October 2016.

Africa’s second-most-populous country remains a hard place for the press, ranking 150 out of 180 countries on Reporters Without Borders’ press freedom index.

Earlier this month, authorities deported British journalist William Davison after refusing to renew his press accreditation and last year they implemented a new regulation banning foreign journalists from owning cars.

After first travelling to the United States to reunite with his wife, who moved to Virginia with his 11-year-old son while he was jailed, Eskinder is considering a shift from print to broadcast journalism in a bid to reach a wider audience.

“To be relevant to the struggle, I think involvement in satellite television is fundamental,” Eskinder said.

But while the medium may change, the message remains the same: “It’s western liberal democracy that I envision for the country.”

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Aklog Birara (Dr.)
Part II of III

Ever since its inception, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has been relentless in assaulting, demeaning, marginalizing and impoverishing the Amhara population. In its

Manifesto, it identified two primary enemies of the “Tigrean people” as a flip of the same coin. These twin-enemies of the Tigrean people, the TPLF posited, are Imperialism and the Amhara. Imagine that for the TPLF core, Western imperialism and colonialism that the Amhara together with other Ethiopians fought bravely and preserved Ethiopian independence against foreign aggression, including Italian fascism are characterized as “mortal enemies of the Tigrean” people. The TPLF and its agents had the audacity to extend this animosity to others. It tried to teach hatred and ethnic division to an entire generation of Ethiopians. I find no other country whose rulers implant such hate and division and undermine their country.

Imagine further that it is lands from Gondar, Wollo and Gojjam and from major cities such as Addis Ababa and others that serve as homes and as sources of livelihood, wealth and riches for hundreds of thousands of Tigrean nationals. Amhara and Tigreans share a long history, culture, religion, economic and social bonds that should be shepherded carefully and strategically. The TPLF ideological architecture of hatred does exactly the opposite. It implants permanent scars that future generations may not be able to cure. It also creates a hostile and unwelcoming environment for all Tigreans. This is why I urge Tigreans to join other Ethiopians in the struggle to create an inclusive, fair, just and democratic Ethiopia. There is no longer a place for bystanders.

The TPLF animus towards the Amhara has defined and still defines the TPLF ideology of divide and rule. On the ground, TPLF annexation of Amhara lands and their incorporation into Greater Tigray is part of this animus. Sadly for Ethiopians, including Tigreans, with the exception of a courageous few individuals who consider the TPLF to be venomous and cancerous, the majority of Tigrean political elites, intellectuals and others within and outside the TPLF core sing the same song. For example, they propagate the untrue story of Tigrean nationals in Gondar, Wollo, Gojjam and the rest of the Amhara region as well as in Oromia as having been targeted and harmed. I do not know of a single Tigrean civilian that has been killed, maimed, wounded, tortured or harmed by the Amhara or the Oromo people. I find it disingenuous for the TPLF and its supporters to equate the destruction of private property and investments in reaction to murders and other inhumane treatment by the TPLF and its security forces equivalent to the murder of innocent civilians including children and mothers. Lives have greater value than property.

Tragically, the TPLF does not inflict pain and suffering alone. It has recruited and rewarded some Amhara and other ethnic groups to do its dirty work on its behest. In the Amhara region including Gondar, it is these recruits of locals, that serve as intermediaries that should be identified and isolated, especially by the bold and heroic youth movement, Fanno.

For too long, ethnic elites and so called learned Ethiopian society gave lip service to the atrocities committed against innocent Amhara in Wolkait-Tegede, Beni-Shangul Gumuz, Gambella, Oromia and Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples. Thousands of Amhara were murdered in several locations; and hundreds of thousands were either displaced or evicted from their lands and property.

The Amhara nationality became a target of the TPLF and its allies because the Amhara embraced the entire Ethiopia as their natural home; and intermarried and worshipped with other Ethiopians as a natural phenomenon. The centrality of Ethiopia as a multinational or diverse country and the Amhara self- identification of Ethiopian citizenship as a distinctive and defining norm made the Amhara population a target to which others succumbed either knowingly or unwittingly. Even Amhara intellectuals refrained from condemning atrocities against the Amhara reinforcing the mistaken premise that the Amhara people are responsible for Ethiopia’s past and current ills.

The Amhara people should be proud of their commitment to diversity, to Ethiopian national identity and to Ethiopia as a country. Equally, the Amhara people must agree on a unity of purpose; and an organization and leadership team that is impenetrable and resolute. Survival is critical for freedom, democracy and Ethiopia’s durability as a country.

It is true that the Amhara population can rightly be accused of making the entire Ethiopia its home and Ethiopiawinnet as its prime identity. This in itself should be commended rather than condemned. If we do not want Ethiopia to balkanize into six or more mini states as has occurred in the former Yugoslavia, it behooves us to embrace both our diversity; and the right of any Ethiopian to live and work anywhere in Ethiopia. This narrative was echoed eloquently by youth in Gondar when they uttered “The blood of the Oromo is our blood; Bekele Gerba is our hero.” This utterance resonated throughout Oromia. Oromo youth responded in kind by stating that “Wolkait is ours; Tana Kegna” etc. The visit to Bahir Dar led by Lemma Megersa highlighted and strengthened the historical bonds between the Oromo and Amhara people.

This narrative is transformative. It is this bond that should shape future history.

Accordingly, the Amhara and Oromo struggle for justice, the rule of law and for democracy is equally the struggle of Ethiopia’s mosaic. I state again that Tigreans have an identical obligation and should join their brothers and sisters, especially youth throughout Ethiopia.

TPLF’s Ethiopia suffers from a democratic deficit. This deficit cannot be filled through draconian and inhumane punishments of innocent civilians, especially Ethiopian youth. The way out is not more killing and more forcible evictions of civilians. These civilians would have no permanent home. They will return and fight back the system that expelled them. The solution is an all-inclusive and democratic system of government.

Animosity against Amhara is animosity against all Ethiopians

Over the past 27 years, animosity against the Amhara spread like a germ and enveloped other nationalities, especially the Oromo nationality. This germ was prompted intentionally and deliberately to spread like a virus in order to divide and rule Ethiopians. The term of igniting “FIRE AND STRAW” (እሳትና ጭድ) characterizing the desired goal of triggering civil war among the Amhara and Oromo people should be a cautionary guide in terms of what not to do and not to echo anymore.

Today, the TPLF considers both the Amhara and the Oromo as mortal enemies and as barriers to continued TPLF political and economic dominance in particular and the interests and security of the Tigrean people in general. Sadly, the TPLF lacks the wisdom of stopping the propagation of lies in the form of ethnic hatred; and it is equally short of insight to comprehend and accept the fundamental principle that Tigreans cannot survive without the rest of Ethiopia and Ethiopians. It is undeniable that Ethiopia is their country too. As such, the people of Tigray should no longer serve as captives of the TPLF. Their rights to survive, thrive and feel safe in any part of Ethiopia depend entirely on their recognition of the equal and fundamental rights of other Ethiopians. Those who refuse or reject the rights of others have no place in a globalized world.

Further, there does not seem to be any statesman or an adult within the Tigrean elite and the newly well- to-do Tigrean community to pressure, at least to persuade, the TPLF to stop its carnage now. Tragically for all of us, including Tigreans there isn’t any time left.

Selecting and targeting Oromo or Amhara or other Ethiopians is a crime

The TPLF cannot afford to assault 110 million Ethiopians all at once. It does not have the capacity. Instead, it singles out, targets and assaults Ethiopians in turn. In yesterdays, months and years, it targeted and assaulted the Annuak of Gambella; the Ethiopian Somali in the Ogaden; Ethiopians in Afar; the Amhara all over. Tigreans who resisted the TPLF in Tigray were also victims of the TPLF etc. So, who is left? We should not allow ourselves to be assaulted, killed and degraded in turns.

Today, the theater of massive and relentless assault is in the Oromia region where the resistance against the TPLF is most intense. This intense and continuous resistance led by youth is history-making; and is unstoppable. In fact, Oromo and other youth are doing what so-called opposition parties of any ilk have not been able to do for three decades. They are spearheading the fundamental change process. This social force is unstoppable. No matter who the Prime Minister becomes, it is the ability and capacity to be bold and change the entire system that will matter most. A bold Prime Minister will side with Ethiopia’s youth; a timid one will do

TPLF’s dirty work. A bold Prime Minister will insist that Ethiopia’s defense and security forces and other critical institutions become national; and no longer partisan and ethnic.

Statistical data shows that 99 percent of top military and security officers are Tigrean. This must change in order for Ethiopia to defend itself; and in order to avert continued selective and targeted killings of non-Tigrean civilians.

Otherwise, nothing will change and Ethiopia’s convulsions will persist. Youth will continue to fight and die in the process.

Just take one current example that has been instigated by the Qeerro movement and adopted quickly by Fanno and other youth movements. The ‘FIRE AND FURY’ that enabled the movement to shake-up the entire economy and trade includes the following:

First, the series of boycotts that took place have diminished public confidence in the system.

Second, the blockage of petroleum, gas and related products throughout Oromia and that spread quickly to the Northern Amhara region, especially Gondar; and to the heart of the repressive regime’s stranglehold, namely, Addis Ababa have a devastating social impact.

The medium and long term effects of this economic resistance are far reaching; and will affect the entire society. Among them are the following notable and inevitable occurrences.

• Prices of essential good (inflation) will rise dramatically and sharply;
• Foreign exchanges shortages will be far worse than they have ever been;
• The flow of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) will decline sharply;
• Investor confidence will be eroded; tourism will evaporate;
• The world community’s trust and confidence in the regime will decline; and
• Pressure from all quarters for fundamental change, including a transitional government will deepen and

This is why I assert that Ethiopian youth and not the weak and fragmented opposition is making history.

What the rest of us can do

At minimum, let us be bold enough to express our admiration for Ethiopia’s youth; and resist to trumpet TPLF propaganda. For example, TPLF cadres argue that boycotts and the current blockade of petroleum and gas “has no impact” on investments, commerce and trade. In one case, I argued with an EPRDF representative on VOA that the “Ethiopian economy must be based on the Planet Mars rather than in Ethiopia.”

The point is this. While Ethiopian youth is doing unprecedented deed; the rest of us should not stand idle. Our historical call is to defend and support the youth-led resistance. It is to promote unity and resist division. It is to withhold remittances and channel them through informal channels and starve the regime of hard currency.

Youth is leading the resistance

Last week, the Guardian newspaper presented an eye witness account of the Qeerro movement, arguably the most highly motivated and organized youth movement since the

height of the famous Ethiopian student movement under Imperial rule. “Twelve years ago,” one prominent Qeerro “helped organize mass protests against an election result he and many others believed the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) had rigged. This landed him in prison, along with thousands of others, on terrorism charges. Since then, he has married and, like many of his generation in Ethiopia, mostly avoided politics. That was until 12 February, when he joined almost everyone in the town of Adama, and in many others cities across the region of Oromia, in a strike calling for the release of opposition leaders and an end to authoritarianism.”

This protest movement succeeded; and leaders such as Bekele Gerba have been released from prison. Hundreds of others have also been released. Thousands remain in prison and others are now being arrested and sent to the same prisons. The numbers are likely to increase under the pretexts of the new state of emergency. It is reported that the notorious Agazi has gone house to house in the city of Gondar and taken away 40 young people to unknown destinations. This is a repeat of what happened about two years ago; and won’t stop. The intent is to deprive Ethiopia of young and vigorous people that have the potential to make history. This too is a cowardly act and won’t stop the inevitable.

The Qeerro movement is unlike any other movement. It is led by youth and this youth represents Ethiopia’s future. It is highly sophisticated and networked. It has broken the walls and barriers of fear. It serves as “the vanguard of the Oromo revolution (I would add, the Ethiopian popular revolution that is also spearheaded by the Fanno movement in the Amhara region and similar emerging youth networks in other regions. Although these powerful and history-making youth movements are not formally linked to one another; their vision and programs are almost identical. “Ethiopia Kegna.” It is time that they are linked nationally.

A distinct feature of the Qeerro and Fanno movements, especially the former is that it is innovative and adjusts its method of struggle in accord with changing circumstances. Among others, it designs and applies practical programs of resistance such as economic and trade boycotts, blocking of road transport networks, trucks, work stoppages. The most recent announcement to initiate a 7 days program of action against petroleum, gas and other supplies indicate innovation. This is biting and hurts the entire system. I can imagine that freedom will enable this energetic and creative social force to change the economy for the better.

Ethiopia’s youth are deploying powerful and peaceful resistance tools. Boycotts and other economic instruments paralyze economic activities and investments; and derail the TPLF’s singular fame and free ride of state-led development that benefits the TPLF and its allies while leaving millions of Ethiopians poor and marginalized. They augur peaceful resistance and provide it a new and compelling meaning.

While Ethiopian youth are doing miracles against formidable odds, those of us who enjoy freedom are not doing as much. Only a few members of the Diaspora are genuinely engaged. I am sure some of us in this segment would even have the audacity to call a mother, father, brother, sister or other relative or friend inconvenienced by the boycotts and blockages and blame the victims and the youth who triggered these peaceful actions in the pursuit of freedom.

The dual life of the Diaspora and remittance flow

Ethiopia’s Diaspora population is large and well-endowed in terms of incomes compared to the population back home. However, for too long most of the Diaspora has its stools and hearts in two places at the same time. Members enjoy freedom in Western countries but are unable and unwilling to fight for freedom in the country they left behind. This freedom includes the right to speak, move, own property, vote etc. Yet, they maintain their roots and travel to the homeland. In numerous cases, those who pass away overseas are airlifted to be buried in the Motherland they left behind. Ethiopia is that precious even for the dead.

There is nothing wrong with this umbilical cord, except the system that represses, oppresses, marginalizes and impoverishes the vast majority of the population. Imagine that this system empowers and encourages a selected few, primarily Tigrean nationals to become instant millionaires. Addis Ababa, the power and wealth center of the newly rich is literally owned by the few. The largest skyscrapers, condominiums and other massive buildings, at least numbering 2,800 are owned by Tigreans. Tigrean generals and other high officers are among the beneficiaries of this corrupt and exclusionary system. The poor are evicted from their lands and homes to make room for the well to do.

This untold story of rags to riches is virtually impossible to attain on merit and hard work. Easy access to lands, loans and critical supplies is possible under this system. By all measurements, ethnic affinity is the single most important variable that enables this rags to riches story.

Political economists call this economic capture. Such economic capture is only possible under a well-integrated or merger of party, state, government and institutions. Remittances feature prominent in this capture.

In August, 2017, the European Union funded a project on the growing role of remittances in

Ethiopia. “Ethiopia Registers Fast Progress in Remittance Flow” showed substantial increase in the amount of remittances in Ethiopia.

Before retiring from the World Bank, I read internal Bank reports and spoke to specialists there why the amount of remittances is underreported by the National Bank of Ethiopia. No one knew why; but an attempt was made to correct the anomaly. Seven years later, the EU financed consultant study showed that, at the end of 2015/2016, remittances accounted for at least 5.3 percent of Ethiopia’s GDP. “Ethiopia has made fast progress in remittance flow in recent years, Developing Market Association (DMA) CEO and specialist on remittances Leon Isaacs said.” The

country “registered impressive increase in remittance from 141 million USD in 2003 to 4 billion USD in 2015/16.”

Given the make-believe statistics used by Ethiopian officials and party dominated institutions such as commercial banks and the National Bank, the figure of “$141 million in 2003” underestimates the flow by several fold. Underreporting of actual figures is a recurring phenomenon in Ethiopia. The policy argument presented by the consultant of why the dramatic increase took place is plausible. “Subsequent directives such as zero charge tariff on transfer services issued by the National Bank of Ethiopia (NEB) to improve remittance flow has supported the country to increase remittance flow.”

If the directives are the sole variables for the increase, why is “78 percent of the total remittance being sent through informal channels?” There are numerous reasons for this phenomenon:

• Those who remit do not trust the banking system;
• The middle men and women who deal with transfers make huge profits from the remittance system;
• Remittances are exchanged into Birr and the foreign exchange is siphoned off and hidden in foreign countries (in other words, there is a huge parallel or black market);
• This parallel or black market is a source of riches for high officers, diplomats and others loyal to and or connected to the TPLF;
• Among the beneficiaries of the informal channel of transmission are TPLF agents, firms and other traders who operate within and outside Ethiopia;
• Those involved in illicit outflow of foreign exchange use and exploit the black market as a conduit; an
• Illegal migration and human trafficking aggravate the

The consultant study states that “Lack of access to services in sending and receiving markets, high direct or indirect costs associated with formal channels, illegal migration and the existence of parallel market exchange rates have contributed to the high level of informal transfer. “

This is true. The biggest and most credible explanation to this persistent phenomenon of black market dominance in the foreign exchange market is endemic and systemic corruption. When an entire system is corrupt, institutions are degraded severely and irreparably. There is literally no accountable official or institution. The National Bank that was always independent and

professionally managed under previous regimes is now dominated by political cadres. It has lost its independence to serve the country.

The economic model supported by the TPLF core is everyone for himself/herself. “Multi-

stakeholder” facilitation to steer the broken and corrupt system in the direction of productive investments using remittances as capital is virtually impossible. The few who control both politics and economics in Ethiopia believe in a zero sum outcome. This is why the benefits of growth are not shared; and why there is a glaring income and wealth inequality in Ethiopia. In simple language, the norm is “I become rich by making you poor. I build a skyscraper that I will rent by taking lands from you. I eat by making sure that you don’t” etc. This is so Darwinian that it should frighten every Ethiopian. This is why the system must go. It is incurable. This type of state led capitalism should be rejected by all Ethiopians.

I agree with the consultant that Ethiopia’s huge undocumented or so-called illegal migrant community in Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia, does not have a proper formal channel to transfer hard earned monies to relatives in Ethiopia. The informal channel is harder for this group than for the Diaspora in Western economies. In light of this hurdle, it is vital for the segment of the Diaspora that enjoys freedom and the capacity to transfer remittances with ease through informal channels to assist those in Gulf countries. For this to work efficiently, there must be mutual trust. This is a deficit that we must attempt to bridge soonest.

It is possible to establish a back channel to remit from the Gulf to Western countries and from Western countries to Ethiopia. There are creative ways. For example, Somali migrants and those in the Somali Diaspora have established a sophisticated and reliable system of remitting to beneficiaries, the ultimate objective of remitting funds.

The notion of remitting monies through the formal current system of party, state and government thieves and private actors in Ethiopia does not make sense at all. It is not petty corruption I am talking about. Ethiopia continues to suffer from massive illicit outflow of funds to the tune of at least $3 billion per year. No wonder that the country suffers from foreign exchange shortages, with the private sector bearing most of the burden.

In light of this phenomenon, there is absolutely no moral or economic or social justification to remit through the formal system. It is rotten to the core; and those at the top of the policy and decision-making pyramid and their families are the top beneficiaries. Further, formal remittances enable the dictatorship to buy arms and other tools that kill innocent people.

So, why not starve the police state that killings from accessing your monies?

I am not suggesting that you stop helping your families, relatives and friends. More than 15 million Ethiopians depend on remittances to survive. I am saying that you can do this without buffeting the police state and without enriching the few whose incomes, wealth and investment assets depend in part on remittances.

I would, instead, urge the Diaspora to reduce further the amount sent through formal channels by 30 percent.

No body, including the EU consultant study, knows the amount of remittances through formal channels. It is not insignificant. A 30 percent reduction in remittances through the formal channel will amount to about $1.2 billion per year. Taking the doctoring and make-believe statistics into account, Ethiopia receives a minimum of $4 billion per year through the formal system. “The flow of remittance to Ethiopia was 1.9 billion USD in 2010, USD 2.4 billion in 2012/13, USD 2.9 billion in 2013/14 and USD 3 billion in 2014/15.” Maybe yes; maybe no. there is no independent authority to tell us the truth.

Incidentally, this is the same low estimate World Bank experts had put on the table internally more than 7 years ago. My own estimate was and is still much higher.

The same is true for exportable items. Ethiopia’s earnings from exports continue to decline; and a bulk of the earnings are siphoned off through illicit transactions. There isn’t much the Diaspora can do about this sector, except for consumables such as injera, berbere etc.

Why cater to imported injera?

TPLF supported persons and entities continue to export staples such as injera. It is inexcusable for the Diaspora to cater to this outrageous and shameful practice while millions of Ethiopians go hungry each day. My argument is based on supply. The demand for staples within Ethiopia exceed the available supply. The first and primary responsibility of the developmental state is to satisfy the basic needs of the Ethiopian people.

Injera is a commodity that is manufactured outside Ethiopia; and is marketed in bulk in towns and citifies, especially in North America. So, what is the logic of shoring-up oppressors and thieves on the back of 110 million Ethiopians?

I urge Ethiopian mothers and girls to leverage their enormous influence on their families and communities so that the practice stops immediately. I urge spiritual leaders of all faiths to persuade their flock to stop catering to a killing police state and to its Diaspora supporters.

I urge the Ethiopian Diaspora to side with Ethiopian youth and withhold its hard earned foreign change. This is the least one can do to help and to signal to those who are sacrificing their lives for a better tomorrow!!!

Part III of this series will follow soon. March 16, 2018

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Life and Legacy: Emeritus Prof Bereket Habte Selassie – Pt 1 – 5 – SBS Amharic

Life and Legacy Emeritus Prof Bereket Habte Selassie Pt 4 SBS Amharic

Life and Legacy፡ Emeritus Prof Bereket Habte Selassie Pt 3 SBS Amharic

Life and Legacy Emeritus Prof Bereket Habte Selassie Pt 2 SBS Amharic

Life and Legacy Emeritus Prof Bereket Habte Selassie Pt 1 SBS Amharic

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Dhruv Gandhi
Research Assistant – Africa Growth Initiative

Early Tuesday morning, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson returned from his trip to Africa a day earlier than planned. He visited Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Chad, and Nigeria. According to BBC reports, Secretary Tillerson was informed of his firing on Friday, but President Donald Trump made the decision public a few hours after his return. In interviews with VOA, several Africa experts raised concerns about the optics of the firing and the validity of any commitments made during the trip. Former U.S. Ambassador to Nigeria, John Campbell said, “What, after all, do the various assurances that presumably the secretary provided during his meetings—whatdoes that mean when he gets fired?”

Secretary Tillerson discussed the political situation in Ethiopia and Kenya during the visit, noting that the answer to violence in Ethiopia “is greater freedom” and urged the country to lift the state of emergency “as quickly as possible.” In Kenya, the secretary applauded the recent meeting between President Kenyatta and Raila Odinga as a step to bring the country together but also criticized the shutdown of television stations earlier this year saying that “a free and independent media is essential to safeguarding democracy and giving all Kenyans confidence in their government.”

Terrorism and security issues were discussed in Chad and Nigeria with Secretary Tillerson pledging strong U.S. support in fighting militant groupsin the region including Boko Haram. Chad, one of the countries on the U.S. visa-ban list last year, received encouragement in its effort to be dropped from the list. Tillerson highlighted that the government of Chad has taken “many important positive steps” and that this would help “to take action to begin to normalize” relations.

ATTACK BY SECURITY FORCES IN ETHIOPIA’S MOYALE REGION DISPLACES TENS OF THOUSANDS OF PEOPLE

On Saturday, March 10, government security forces acting on bad intelligence killed nine civilians and injured 12 others in Moyale, an Ethiopian town near the border with Kenya. Accounts from the town’s mayor and other local residents indicate that the attack began suddenly and without provocation as police targeted young people in a busy street full of shops and restaurants. According to official sources, the soldiers purportedly mistook civilians for members of a banned militant opposition group, the Oromo Liberation Front, which the government considers to be a terrorist organization. Five soldiers involved in the attack have been disarmed and are currently under investigation.

Meanwhile, the botched military operation and rumors of further violence have led to widespread displacement within and from the region. Nearly 40,000 people in the Moyale area have been uprooted since the attack with more than 8,000 people fleeing to neighboring Kenya, according to Xinhuanet. Moyale falls within the Oromia region, where anti-government protests and repressive government crackdowns have become common in recent years. In mid-February, the government declared a six-month state of emergency—the country’s second state of emergency since 2016—in an attempt to “protect the constitutional system.” Notably, the emergency gives authorities broad powers to restrict freedom of expression and assembly. Since the state of emergency was announced, anti-government protests have continued, and hundreds of people have been detained, Deutsche Welle reports.

DRC AND NIGERIA TO IMPLEMENT NEW TAX LAWS

This week, the Democratic Republic of Congo has moved toward increasing taxes and royalties imposed on the mining industry. The law was passed by parliament in January and was signed by President Kabila last Friday. The new mining law will apply to both domestic and international firms. According to Reuters, the new law includes a provision for “strategic substances” that would have royalty rates of 10 percent and the government has indicated that cobalt will be included in this category. The DRC currently produces 60 percent of the world’s cobalt. Under the old mining law, royalties in the DRC were lower than other countries in the region with copper and gold royalties at 2 and 3.5 percent compared to 6 percent in Zambia and Tanzania.  The move was strongly opposed by mining firms operating in the DRC, stating that their operations in the country would not be profitable anymore, and future investment will be deterred. The heads of mining companies Glencore, Randgold Resources, China Molybdenum, and Ivanhoe Mines traveled to Kinshasa last week to (unsuccessfully) lobby against the law. Meanwhile, the Congolese government has agreed to take the firms’ concerns into consideration and work with them on a case by case basis in order to execute the new code.

In other resource mobilization news, Nigeria’s President Buhari approved an amendment to the excise duty tax for alcoholic beverages and tobacco. The new duty will take effect on June 4. According to Finance Minister Kemi, the increase in the tax will have the dual effect of increasing government’s fiscal revenues and reducing the negative health effects associated with tobacco and alcohol use. In addition to a 20 percent tax on tobacco, the government adds an extra fixed tax of one naira per cigarette.

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Ethiopia has accused neighbouring Eritrea of attempting to destabilise its security by supporting “destructive” groups while the country continues to be under a state of emergency.

According to Ethiopian state television, the country’s emergency council managed to capture weapons from “destructive” groups trying to smuggle the arms into the country from across the border.

Asmara and Addis Ababa have had two bloody wars over border disputes in the past.

This was the first accusation made at Eritrea since Ethiopia declared a state of emergency on February 18, following the resignation of its prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn.

In February, Desalegn abruptly announced he would step down as prime minister and head of the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition, citing ongoing “unrest and a political crisis” in the country as major factors that prompted his resignation.

The current state of emergency, which is expected to last until August 2018, is the second state of emergency to be declared in Ethiopia in the last two years.

In August last year, Ethiopia lifted a 10-month state of emergency imposed after hundreds of people were killed in anti-government protests, demanding wider political freedoms.

The country’s Oromo and Amhara people – who make up about 61 percent of the population – have staged mass demonstrations since 2015, demanding greater political inclusion and an end to human rights abuses.

The protests have continued until recently, with many people expressing frustration over a perceived slow government release of political prisoners.

In January, Ethiopia promised to free all political detainees, in an effort to “foster national reconciliation”. More than 6,000 prisoners have been released so far, news agencies have reported.

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA NEWS

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The long awaited dissolution of regional ethnic parties that make up the Ethiopian peoples revolutionary democratic front ( EPRDF) seems to be on the corner. If it happens, its a major victory for people who have been calling for an end to regional politics but its also a calculated move to keep the domination of rebel veterans of the Tigre peoples Liberation front. The following is what this latest move means for the general Ethiopian politics and how it’s been in the making. 

By Betemariam Hailu

Last week, the official state newspaper Addis Zemen published an interview with Shiferaw Shigute whose title is quoted as “head of EPRDF’s office” by local media reporters ( that title is not clear and not sure if it means secretary of EPRDF). But anyway, during the interview Shiferaw talked about dissolving the ruling coalition EPRDF’s member parties which are the Tigre peoples liberation front ( TPLF), The Amhara national democratic movement (ANDM), The Oromo peoples democratic organization (OPDO) and The Southern Ethiopian peoples democratic movement (SEPDM). According to Shiferaw, the proposal will be discussed in the ongoing EPRDF meeting. He also said the new move will include the so called partnering parties in Gambella, Benishangul, Afar and Somali regions of Ethiopia. This is the first time the ruling elite has publicly raised the idea. But why now?

Former top regime communication officer now turned opposition figure, Ermias Legese wrote in his first book about how dissolving EPRDF was raised by Tefera Walwa, one of the faces of the rebel movement who played a key role in the formation of the coalition and how the deceased dictator Melles Zenawi downplayed the idea. This was a decade ago. By that Melles Zenawi and co. were not yet done with EPRDF’s services. So they did not accept the idea.

The EPRDF was originally formed by the powerful TPLF and the now defunct EPDM ( the Ethiopian peoples democratic movement) in the late 80s after the former militarily “liberated” Tigray and some parts of the now Amhara region from the control of the Mengistu Hailemariam regime. Its true purpose was to give TPLF an Ethiopian coat to rule for the upcoming three decades. Then the EPDM gave birth to three regional parties (OPDO, ANDM and SEPDM) and died. This is how we got today’s EPRDF, a coalition of four regional parties. The man mentioned earlier, Tefera Walwa was a founding leader of EPDM and later joined ANDM.

For three decades EPRDF served its purpose. TPLF dominated Ethiopian politics under this mask coalition. Melles Zenawi himself, the engineer of the idea, made the best of EPRDF for his personal gains as he crushed rival TPLF leaders in the 2001 with the help of the other member groups. so it served both purposes. But Melles died on power in 2012. the death of its God father was almost like a death for the coalition itself. Soon after, member parties seem to be standing out of TPLF’s control. Later violent pro-democracy protests erupted in the Oromo region followed by the Amhara in the north. The protests took the lives of so many and tarnished the regime’s image. Even worse, directly or indirectly, the protests were supported and sympathized by the regional parties. So EPRDF’s genesis has now become obsolete. Its not surprising  that dissolving it is raised now.

This time, it sure came from TPLF. And it came to shoot back at a resurgent OPDO and Oromo nationalism. After its leading two became the faces of the organization, the OPDO has launched a national propaganda about leading Ethiopia both in Amharic and Afaan Oromo. Its regional TV, OBN campaigns without the influence of the central state about Ethiopia’s great history and the role Oromo played. It slowly came out on its own, registering its biggest victory so far on TPLF, ideological.

The Oromo no more looks at Addis Ababa from a distance but wants to walk into the Minilk palace and rule over it. Some ten days ago, the regime admitted OPDO’s surge for power in an old friendly way. Siraj Fergesa, Defense minister and spokesman of the military command post, formed to rule the country under the state of emergency, said events in the country mainly in the Oromo region have shaped up like a color revolution. Its true meaning is OPDO is trying to grab power from the hands of the central government. So in addition to cracking down with military force, dissolving OPDO as a regional party is taken as a long standing cure. The fact is though, just like Esepa ( Workers’ party of Ethiopia) was known as a mask for colonel Mengistu  Hailemariam’s clique in military junta Dergue, the new party EPRDF will only be a hiding place for TPLF. But what does it mean?

Implications of the Move

Even though, today’s ruling elite in Ethiopia is forced by the situations to remake EPRDF as a national party, its messages are significant. Ethiopia’s current problems mainly flourished from polarized regional ethnic identity politics which was glorified, celebrated and effectively used by engineers of TPLF. So when a ruling elite (even though tactfully and only in structure) abandons its long standing shape, its a big psychological and symbolic victory for millions of Ethiopians who believe people better organize based on their views not regional ethic identities. And its been in the making for the a while.

The consequential 2005 elections played a big part in this. Before 2005, organizing in a national party was bashed as an act of reactionary Addis Ababa based “Amhara elites” to work for the return of the “old system”. It worked until 2005. but the Ethiopianist party CUDP swept most of the votes in the election, it was just an alarming victory for the ruling elite and for some hard-line leftist groups in the opposition.  CUDP was crushed, dissolved and its leaders jailed for years. A year later in 2006, the diaspora wing of CUDP formed an alliance, the first in its kind, with ages old separatist ethnic groups, the Oromo liberation front and the Oganden front. The name of the alliance did not include the word Ethiopia but it was morally a big start.

But the biggest of all was the formation of Patriotic Ginbot seven and the rhetoric of its leaders. Even though the movement was formed as a flexible Ethiopianist movement only to replace the undemocratic system by a democracy in which people’s vote is the only source of power, its gestures were romantic to ethnic nationalists unlike decades old rigid approach by other Ethiopianist groups. Some key figures including its chairman being “non Amhara’ was also a stab for the old notion of  Amhara hiding in the name Ethiopia. The movement quickly became the most active and powerful in the Ethiopianist camp. Then, the Melles Zenawi regime officially or legally labelled the movement as a terrorist group along with OLF and ONLF. Until the formation of Ginbot Seven, no rebel or opposition was ever labelled as a terrorist group by the Ethiopian parliament. The group’s approach of balancing regional ethnic politics and center Ethiopian politics, attractive for many seriously concerned about democratizing Ethiopia, made it a target by the deceased dictator Melles Zenawi.

The group’s leader Berhanu Nega, who owes the reactivation of his political life to the Oromo political prisoners he met in 2001, somehow endorsed the existing federal structure which was a very sensitive topic for Oromo nationalists and echoed his long standing opinion of introducing Afaan Oromo as federal language in a 2013 TV appearance on ESAT.  This approach has systematically worked over the years. It has influenced Oromo politics from behind.

Intellectual God fathers of Oromo nationalism and founding leaders of the Oromo liberation front formed the Oromo Democratic front in 2013. Leenco lata for long has held this pro-Ethiopia view since the 90s. But the formation of ODF was a breakthrough. Leenco as an individual played significant role by denouncing outdated leftist politics. He has publicly said “lets move on, lets democratize the federation”.  In a 2015 interview with ESAT, Leenco lata spoke about his unsuccessful travel to Addis Ababa and their plan to form a national party ( Ethiopia democratic front) not a regional group before they formed ODF. But things were not suitable for them. Before the formation ODF, Although emotional and unseccessful, General Kemal Gelchu and General Hailu Gonfa seceded from Dawud Ibsa for an Ethiopianist OLF in 2008.

Things have slowly developed to the formation of Ethiopia national movement. The movement equally uses both afaan Oromo and Amharic in its public communications. Language is the key factor in Ethiopian politics. As Ali Birra sang Afaan Oromo hundee Oromo, making Afaan oromo a nationally  used language is very important to even a stronger unity of the country. Brave and necessary steps taken to promote the language by Ethiopianist groups like Patriotic Ginbot 7 has transformed the country’s politics. The maturity of both camps, the Oromo nationalist and the Ethiopianist is a big hope for the democratization and betterment of the nation.

Another event to mention, last year, the Ogaden national liberation front had signed a memorandum of understanding with Patriotic Ginbot 7. it was of course part of the process. the front has not yet joined the Ethiopian national movement or even was reported to negotiate with the regime in Addis Ababa a month ago. But  its assumed that the group is still on the pro-Ethiopia radar and seems to have no choice. Peoples alliance for freedom and democracy (PAFD) in which the ONLF is a member remains as another player but its been denied access to media by Oromo media activists. Plus Its approach is very outdated and seems to have been dominated by other modern Oromo voices.  So without a strong Oromo presence, PAFD is almost obsolete. Our understanding is it will eventually join the new movement.

With this all development, The ruling elite is forced to pondering the dissolution of the ethnic coalition. We don’t for sure know if it will really happen or if OPDO accepts this approach. But in general Ethiopian politics is moving to the center. The latest announcement from EPRDF is part of that. The front is due to discuss this in august. Its almost half a year before that. Given the dramatic events of the last two months, six months mean too much. So we’ll see what these six months hold for the country’s politics.

Betemariam Hailu is an Ethiopian journalist and media personality. He can be reached @betehailu on twitter

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ESAT Menalesh Meti, Journalist Elsa Yemenu

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Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban

Egypt and African football giant Zamalek have been knocked out of the Confederations Cup competition by an Ethiopian side, Wolaitta Dicha.

The Ethiopian side playing for the first time in the CAF club competition are into the second qualifying round after dismissing Zamalek via penalties over the weekend.

The local news portal, Soccer Ethiopia, described the victory as ‘the biggest upset of the first round.’ Wolaitta beat Zamalek 2 – 1 in the first leg before the Egyptians won by a similar margin in the second-leg forcing a shootout.

In the end, Wolaitta won by 4 – 3 to progress. A feat the country’s football federation chief described as a ‘historic victory.’

“Wolaitta Dicha beat the Egyptian giants Zamalek 4-3 on penalties to progress to the next round in CAFConfederation Cup. Congratulations on this historic victory! We’re proud!” Juneidi Basha wrote on Twitter.

Even as the players celebrated in faraway Egypt, back home in the town of Hawassa in southern Ethiopia, fans thronged the streets in jubilation.

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By Amanuel Biedemariam

Between 1998-2000, over 80,000 Eritreans were forcibly evicted from their homes and deported from Ethiopia by Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) in the most horrible ways. Children, elderly, and the very sick were forced to travel hundreds of kilometers via treacherous routs to be thrown away on the hottest parts of the world only because the minority regime from Tigray decided to teach Eritreans. The late genocidal tyrant Meles Zenawi said,

“If we say ‘go, because we don’t like the color of your eyes,’ they have to leave.”

TPLF then confiscated the properties and gave it to Tigrayans. Ethiopians who lived side by side with the deported Eritreans were shaken and in disbelief. It was a sudden shock that felt like death because these were friends for-life that respected one another and raised their families as one. The idea of ethnic cleansing was unprecedented, and many came to the aid of Eritreans and tried to help them any way they can.

The Tigrayans minority regime was vicious in its attempt to destroy Eritrea. In 30 years of struggle Eritrea lost nearly 70,000 martyrs. During the war with the TPLF however, over 20,000 Eritrean youth died to defend hard won independence. They displaced hundreds of thousands of Eritreans and pushed them out of their fertile farm land. They then littered the farms with landmines which in turn took many lives.

The TPLF’s aim is to destroy everything Eritrea. They dream, plan, strategize to annihilate Eritrea every second of their life. TPLF believes, Eritrea must be destroyed so they can dominate the region. No two ways about it. Nothing is off the table when it comes to Eritrea. If given a chance, and as evidenced by the past 20 years, Tigray People’s Liberation Front planned to destroy Eritrea from its roots. They planned for genocide or in the least, Eritrea becomes another Palestine.

To that end, they waged wars, tried to isolate Eritrea by collaborating with Sudan, Yemen and others. They displaced millions of Eritreans from their homes, tried to lure the youth to flee Eritrea so that Eritrea is left without her productive youth. TPLF campaigned to sanction Eritrea and worked hard to keep Eritrea in continuous state of war by occupying sovereign Eritrean territories. They tried to sabotage Eritrean currency, worked hard to stop remittances and attempted to stop mining companies from doing business in Eritrea.

TPLF’s campaigns against Eritrea is robust internationally. It is actively engaged in campaigns to vilify, destroy the image and history of Eritrea. It works with corrupt Eritreans that claim to be opposition and targets Eritreans in the Diaspora. TPLF pays large sums of money to infiltrate Eritrean communities, create discord along ethnic, religious and regional lines.

The TPLF is knocking on every aspect of Eritrean way of life to weaken and tear it apart. They are in universities reaching out to Eritrean youth to weaken their mindset with falsities. TPLF is recruiting Eritrean musicians and enticing them with money to work and sing against their government and sing for the agendas designed to weaken Eritrean nationalism.

Simply put, the resources the TPLF invests to bring Eritrea to its knees is in the billions. It is the largest and longest campaign waged against any group of people in the history of Africa. If the TPLF succeeded, Eritreans would have had to flee or assume other identities to survive. Because TPLF is amongst the deadliest regimes the world has ever seen. Moyale, the crimes against humanity in Gambela, and the genocides in Ogaden would pale in comparison had the TPLF finalized its wishes against Eritrea.

Their inferiority complex, willingness to serve as mercenaries against people of the region, their hegemonic ambitions, and jealousy against the people of Eritrea has lead them to a dark place. They must have believed, stripping Eritrea’s strength would make them stronger. They wanted to take the power from Eritrea, so they can be powerful.

However, and because of the strength and resilience of Eritrea, the TPLF is in shambles, losing grip and getting hit on many fronts in a manner it cannot overcome. All the international institutions it manipulated (UN, EU), regional and international bodies it exploited (IGAD, AU), money it earned in peacekeeping missions (AMISOM) and international agendas it exploited are no longer enough to sustain it. TPLF received half a billion dollars in one week in February of 2018. That money was stripped clean in a matter of days when the people of Ethiopia decided to shut down the country by stopping the free flow of goods and gas throughout the country. TPLF is bankrupt due to loss of earning from agro-industries in Oromia, Gambela and the imprisonment of Al Amoudi has also added to the financial crisis. The economy of Ethiopia is non-existent rocked by nonstop uprising.

Europe and North America are forced to reevaluate and change their asylum acceptance approaches in large part because Eritrea managed to skillfully turn the geopolitical developments to her advantage.

The Death of the Anti-Eritrea Camp

This is death sentence to the anti-Eritrean camp that operated as Eritrean opposition. They are anti Eritrea because they stand against everything Eritrea stands for.

They have no power, so they must saddle on TPLF’s back to march to Eritrea. They have no principled stands as their causes are based on regional, ethnic and religious issues motivated by self-aggrandizement, opportunism and attention. They are liars that sold their nation and people selfishly. They have stood on the way of development. They have tried to disrupt and create disharmony on behalf of TPLF and foreign agents.

They are members of the former Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) that never recognized Eritrean independence because it was won by EPLF. These mindless losers and cowards (those who work with TPLF) want to be cuddled to power by the hands of enemy. They are disgruntled members of the EPLF that betrayed their nation like Haile Menkerious. Or, like Dr.Bereket Habteselassie with identity crisis that finally admitted he is Ethiopian. These are personalities comfortable with the idea of Eritreans suffering, and working with the TPLF to be hoisted to power on the backs of Tigrayans.

Well, now, that agents of TPLF-Tigrayans are clamoring to make peace with Eritrea, where is it going to leave the sellouts? In the dust bins of history. The minority regime will have no problem discarding them to appease Eritrea not because of love to Eritrea but that is what they do. Betray. Eritrea gave TPLF life and propelled them to power. And how did they repay Eritrea?

You are TPLF, not Eritrean Opposition

At this point, any Eritrean that collaborates with the TPLF is not only enemy of Eritrea, they are in effect enemies of the people of Ethiopia as well. And no matter what they claim to be they are not Eritrean opposition they are TPLF.

The people of Eritrea in the diaspora are kind and forgiving to a fault. Eritreans find it easier to find reasons to look the other way. However, at this point, no two ways about it; you are either with us or against us.

At this point, it is irresponsible to do business with the TPLF in Ethiopia or anywhere. There is absolutely no justification for it. Therefore, those who work with the TPLF against Eritrea today, must realize they are also working against the millions of Ethiopians suffering in the hands of a brutal genocidal regime. Hence, if one is compelled to do business with TPLF based on a narrow self-interest, they are TPLF. At a time when Ethiopians are boycotting the regime’s businesses, urging people from sending money to Ethiopia and succeeding; any Eritrean that engages in business activities in Ethiopia to enrich themselves at the expense of everyone else is a crime. That is blood money.

Thousands of Eritreans lost billions after they were forced out of their homes and pursued legal means to regain their properties, businesses and money using international laws. It is, therefore, shamelessness of the highest kind to betray your people at a time of war. It is cowardice and ultimate sign of greed to go behind fellow Eritreans to regain your property simply because you can afford a plane ticket to Addis and by kowtowing to those who humiliated your families in the worst possible ways. Therefore, you are no different than the Tigrayans that took over Eritrean businesses. YOU ARE TPLF!!!

This shows that these people are dumb, unable to see the future, careless and above all they underestimated the Eritrean resolve. They most certainly did not see this day coming. And of course, when one does business with the TPLF, they are betting on the TPLF. One must believe the TPLF will prevail. As the fool hearty Dr. Tekeste Asefaw said, PM Hailemariam Desalegn promised me, Ethiopia will not harm Eritreans. Like most, he believed the TPLF will unseat the GoE and place him on the throne. But one thing those who work to overthrow the government of Eritrea in collaboration with TPLF or other countries forget is that they are agents that serve at the mercy of these countries as mercenaries.

For example: On February 12, 2018 Gedab News released an article about the reappointment of Major General Salah “Gosh” Abdulla as chief of the National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) of Sudan. This is not the first time Gosh served as security chief. He held the position from 2004-2009. According to Gedab (Kezab),

“Since he became the chief of the NISS in 2004, Salah Gosh has been a staunch supporter of the Eritrean opposition. But once Sudan’s trouble with the ICC started, president Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea who hosted the Sudanese opposition parties, intensified his pressure on Sudan to gain security and economic concessions. Thus, in 2008, the Sudanese government terminated its support of the Eritrean opposition forces that it systematically pushed to the laps of the Ethiopian government.”

This is false and outright lie. The government of Sudan signed the Eastern Sudan Peace Agreement in Asmara in 2006. That essentially stopped all hostile actions against Eritrea. After Omer Bashir’s indictment by the ICC, Eritrea was the first country that extended hands to Bashir in 2008. Abdulla “Gosh” was ousted from his post a year later.

The above quote demonstrates Awatista’s false hope that sympathetic Gosh may reopen doors and inability to learn from history. This shows how the pathetic-parasites rely on enemies of Eritrea to do their bidding. They are unprincipled, powerless and shameless servants of enemies. They are short-sighted and too dumb to realize that the people of Ethiopia will destroy the TPLF soon and what happened in Sudan will also happen in Ethiopia and they will be left with no place to go.

Salih Ghadi, Salih Younis and co have been crying to no avail. Everything they have done failed and out of frustration, on a piece, “Eritrean Opposition Faces an Imminent Ultimatum,” February 14, 2018 they penned,

“Since its formation in Hawassa in November 2011, the Eritrean National Council for Democratic Change (ENCDC) has been in a coma with no signs of waking up, though not yet declared dead. Many frustrated members and supporters of the ENCDC have all but formally withdrawn their enthusiastic allegiance.” Emphasis added. Folks, it is impossible to make this up. It continued,

“Notably, many opposition elements accuse the Ethiopian handlers of heavy-handedness and unwarranted interference in the Eritrean opposition affairs. They claim that they are more interested in their narrow future regional interests at the expense of the Eritrean cause. Ethiopia provides varying support to different Eritrean organizations, but most of the support it provides is token funds to cover sundry expenses and free office space and bearing the cost of the many meetings. An activist from England asked, what good is an office if not a single tangible contribution to the struggle against the PFDJ cannot be presented?” Emphasis added.

The Awate extremists admitted unwittingly that they work for TPLF’s agenda. There is nothing worse for anyone who claims to be Eritrean to depend on stipends from TPLF in the name of Eritrea, the land of SELF RELIANCE!

Ironically, in the backdrop, Tigrayans are trying to reconcile with Eritreans. The internet is full of campaigns advocating peace between the people of Eritrea and Tigray. As if nothing happened over the last twenty years, Tigrayans are saying, we want to make peace with Eritreans. They say, “even if Badme is Tigray we must hand it over for the sake of peace. We are brothers. We all speak the same language,” and on and on.

Of course, the people of Eritrea know what is going on. For clarification, Badme is Eritrean and not Tigray’s to give. The people of Eritrea have been working with all Ethiopians in all parts of Ethiopia and, Tigray alone cannot speak on their behalf. In other words, the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea are collectively working together to clean the region from the vermin that is the TPLF. Furthermore, Eritrea is comprised of Nine Nationalities, Tigre, Tigrigna, Saho, Rashaida, Nara, Kunama, Hidareb, Bilen and Afar. Eritrea is one.

So, the Game is over for those that enticed Eritrean youth to flee from their homes into life of uncertainty to the desert, open-seas and death. Game over for those that harassed Eritreans in the diaspora. Game over to those that defamed, vilified and denigrated the image of Eritrea. Game over for those that collaborated with the TPLF to harm Eritrea. Game over for those that tried to divide our communities in the diaspora.

Conclusion

Anyone dumb enough to betray the people of Eritrea, and dumb enough to cuddle in the bosoms of genocidal tyrants of the TPLF is not worthy to be called ERITREAN. Anyone who pursued his or her agenda, in collaboration, with means and ways provided by the TPLF directly or indirectly is TPLF and does not deserve to be called Eritrean. Anyone from the diaspora who travelled to Ethiopia for self-benefit and, or, anyone who collaborated and benefited from TPLF in the diaspora does not deserve to be called Eritrean. It is GAME OVER, you lost. Your gamble did not pay off.

And those Tigrayans who pretend to be Eritreans please wake up. You will soon realize that you are exposing yourself because people know who you are and how you got here.

3/19/2018

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The Global Alliance for Justice – The Ethiopian Cause expresses its appreciation to all those who arranged and participated in the global commemoration of the 81^st anniversary of the Yekatit 12 Martyrs Day in 2018.

On the basis of the information we have received so far, the event has been commemorated in the following countries and cities:

Ethiopia: Addis Ababa, Gonder, and Debre Libanos Monastery;

Italy: Rome and Belluno;

USA: Atlanta, Dallas, Denver, Miami, New York, Washington, DC, San Jose and Tampa;

Israel: Jerusalem;

U.K: Coventry and London;

Canada: Vancouver and Toronto;

Germany: Munich, Berlin, Frankfurt and Nuremburg;

South Africa: Pretoria;

Zimbabwe.

The event was commemorated in the form of prayers, meetings or, as undertaken in Washington, DC and Vancouver, through peaceful rallies.

Yekatit 12 is commemorated due to the massacre of 30,000 Ethiopians during February 19-21, 1937 by the Italian Fascists with the implicit support of the Vatican. In addition, one million Ethiopians were massacred during the Italian invasion (1935-41) as well as the destruction of 2,000 churches, 525,000 homes and 14 million animals. Vast quantities of Ethiopian properties were also looted. As if all these were not enough, a mausoleum was installed recently for Rodolfo Graziani who is otherwise known as “the butcher of Ethiopia”.

The Global Alliance for Justice – The Ethiopian Cause is campaigning for the achievement of justice for Ethiopia. Its objectives are Italy’s adequate compensation to the Ethiopian people in the form of useful projects; the restitution of the looted Ethiopian properties; the United Nations to recognize the Fascist Italian war crimes in Ethiopia; a Vatican apology to the Ethiopian people for its complicity with the Fascists, and the removal of the Graziani mausoleum.

Thanks to the Almighty, an Italian court has recently sentenced those responsible for the Graziani mausoleum to imprisonments and financial penalties. Italians have also commemorated the Yekatit 12 Martyrs Day in Rome and Belluno.

Among the ones who deserve appreciation for their support to the cause of justice and a continued anti-Fascist struggle are the following:

The Italian Court that has rendered a just verdict on those responsible for the

mausoleum for the criminal, Rodolfo Graziani;

H.E. Mr. Nichola Zingaretti, the Governor of Lazio Province, Italy, and the Provincial

Council;

ANPI (The National Association of Italian Partisans);

FARI (Federazione Assemblee Rastafari in Italy);

The Ethiopian Community in Rome;

Mr. Carmelo Crescenti;

Mr. Valerio Ciriaci, producer of the documentary film: “If Only I Were That Warrior”;

Mr. Ian Campbell, author of “The Addis Ababa Massacre”.

May God help Ethiopia to obtain the justice that it deserves.

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Author’s Note: This commentary is aimed at the Diaspora Ethiopian media. It aims to accomplish two objectives. First, I aim to openly challenge the Diaspora Ethiopian media not to become unwitting parrots and dupes of the Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation (T-TPLF), remain vigilant and expose T-TPLF disinformation campaigns. Second, I wish to urge the Diaspora media to be careful, mindful and precise in their use of language in reporting and blogging about the T-TPLF and actively oppose T-TPLF efforts to pass off itself as a legitimate government.

I have previously written to expose the clever and ingenious disinformation campaigns of the T-TPLF.

Disinformation is “false information deliberately and often covertly spread in order to influence public opinion or obscure the truth.”

Exposing T-TPLF disinformation should be the duty of all who oppose the reign of terror in Ethiopia today.

A “command post” by any other name is a “MERCENARY MILITARY COMMAND POST”

Shakespeare’s Juliet lamented that a name, a mere word, is what stands in the way of her marriage to Romeo. A name should not make a difference: “What’s in a name? that which we call a rose/ By any other name would smell as sweet…” That is indeed true for a rose.

But calling a MERCENARY MILITARY COMMAND POST by any other name does not stop it from stinking to the high heavens.

The T-TPLF wants to spray rose perfume on its stinking MERCENARY MILITARY COMMAND POST by giving it the soft label of “command post.”

The T-TPLF bosses think they can con the Ethiopian people and international community into believing that their military iron fist in a velvet glove is actually an open palm with sprinkled talcum powder. They really believe they can hoodwink, bamboozle, mislead, hornswoggle and dupe the people of Ethiopia and the international community that their “command post” is a little ole ad hoc group of civilians scurrying about to manage popular protests.

That, of course, is fresh horse manure from the T-TPLF stable!

But what irritates the hell out of me is the fact that many — far too many — in the Diaspora Ethiopian media allow themselves to be (un)witting victims and tools of T-TPLF disinformation and propaganda by repeating the phrase “command post”.

I am totally exasperated by the loose, uncritical and mindless use of the phrase “command post” in the Diaspora Ethiopian media (including satellite television, radio programs, foreign-government sponsored media, social media, internet chat rooms, blogs, commentaries and analyses and whatever is left) and by other human rights activists and advocates.

The T-TPLF disinformation machine has made the Ethiopian Diaspora media their echo chamber to parrot “command post” propaganda.

But my complaint goes beyond use of a single phrase to the generally passive and uncritical approach by many in the Diaspora Ethiopian media who unwittingly propagate T-TPLF disinformation ultimately legitimizing that criminal regime.

I will say it again. Far too many in the Diaspora Ethiopian media parrot the phrase “command post” without so much as asking, “What the hell is a ‘command post’ anyway?”

I have asked quite a few well-informed individuals in the Diaspora media to tell me what the “command post” is, the names of its leaders, its structure and how it operates. Suffice it to say that very few have even bothered to read the declaration creating the “command post”.

But I hear and read many in the Ethiopian Diaspora media ranting and raving about the “command post”.

The phrase is repeated so many times in the Diaspora media, to the average listener and reader, it seems to have the effect of that nonsensical magical incantation “abracadabra”.

The “command post” did this or that. “Command post” abracadabra.

I wonder if many in the Ethiopian Diaspora media have ever asked themselves why the T-TPLF has chosen to specifically use the English phrase, “command post”.

The reason to me is obvious, but I am afraid it eludes many!

The reason is that the T-TPLF uses the phrase “command post” to put a soft human face on a brutal and atrocious military regime masquerading as an ad hoc civilian administrative institution. It is smoke and mirrors to mask its brutal nature and manipulate domestic and international public opinion.

The T-TPLF rightly concluded that the unassuming phrase “command post” creates the psychological impression that some benign faceless, nameless and leaderless ad hoc group of civilian country bumpkins is overseeing the “state of emergency”.

The T-TPLF has also calculatedly chosen the phrase “command post” to ultimately avoid legal accountability for those involved in its command, control and operations.

But the so-called “command post” is actually and demonstrably a specialized “MILITARY COMMAND POST”.

There is a world of difference between a “command post” and a specialized “military command post”.

The T-TPLF’s “command post” is to civilian government as a wolf in sheepskin is to sheep. Those running the “command post” in Ethiopia are military commanders wearing civilian designer suits and running a private army consisting of death squads.

By calling it a “command post”, the T-TPLF bosses have rather successfully concealed the fact that its top military commanders operate and control a military within the military just like their state within the state.

The tragedy of it all is that many in the Ethiopian Diaspora media have not been able to figure it out.

So, every day they parrot the phrase “command post”. In doing so, they unwittingly legitimize a criminal MILITARY COMMAND POST as an ordinary civilian disaster emergency command post task force.

It is important to underscore the fact that the official T-TPLF declaration is described as “State of Emergency Command Post.” The T-TPLF uses the English phrase “command post” in all of its official communications.

It is also important to underscore the fact that the “command post” as an authority is not defined anywhere in the declaration. It has a secret command and control structure. The names of the leaders of the command post are not made public. In fact, the “command post” is shrouded in mystery and operates completely in the dark.

So, what is the “command post”?

What is evident in the declaration is the fact that the “command post” is deliberately set up to be a shadowy, nondescript organization created by the “Ethiopian Cabinet of Ministers” and given an absolutely unrestricted license to kill, jail, torture, persecute, prosecute and terrorize the civilian population of Ethiopia at will.

But for the Ethiopian people, the “command post” is a bugaboo, the equivalent of “aya jibo” (the scary hyena cackling in the night until it catches you in the night, in which case it will chew you up and swallow you.)

If we believe the emergency declaration that the so-called Cabinet has yielded and surrendered total and complete authority and power to the “command post”, then it necessarily means that the “command post” is not under civilian control.

That leaves two and only two options.

First, the “command post” is de facto a MILITARY COMMAND POST. The “command post” phrase is deliberately and conveniently used to mislead and mask the realty of martial law. The T-TPLF created the “command post” as a makeshift organization to compensate for the overstretched T-TPLF command and control structure bogged down fighting flaring revolts throughout the country. In such a case, the “command post” would be a military junta by another name.

Second, the “command post” is not connected to he regular military but directs and operates a vigilante private paramilitary force created by the “Cabinet” for the protection of the T-TPLF because the regular military, police and security establishments could not be trusted.

The weight of evidence supports the second formulation. In that case, the “command post” is organized to run and manage a mercenary corp of paid killers and hired guns.

According to Global Security,

Members of the regular law enforcement (comprised of mixed ethnicity) cannot be loyal and trusted by the top people in the Tigrain People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has been ruling Ethiopia for the last 25 years. Agazi is a shadowy semi- autonomous paramilitary group accountable only to a select few senior echelon members of Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The group is named after one of the founding members of TPLF called Zeru Gessesse nicknamed Agazi. The group in real conventional military standard could be categorized as a private army resembling a mercenary group that is hired by war lords to protect their interest. It’s operational command and control is outside of even the Tigray ethnic group dominated national defence structure. It’s main purpose of existence is to ensure the regimes hold on power remains unchallenged.

The Agazi are the T-TPLF’s “dogs of war”, mercenaries and hired killers.

I believe the T-TPLF “command post” is organized specifically to deploy, command and control the Agazi mercenary commando force in its war on the Ethiopian people.

The Agazi mercenary “command post” is militaristic in its organization, command and control and vigilante in its actions since it has complete license to kill, arrest and torture at will.

Since the T-TPLF uses the English phrase “command post” (and not some equivalent in Amharic or other local languages) to describe the entity holding ultimate power under the “state of emergency”, we must assume the T-TPLF means what that phrase means in English.

According to Merriam-Webster, a “command post” is “a post at which the commander of a [military] unit in the field receives orders and exercises command”. The Oxford Dictionary define it as “the place from which a military unit is commanded.” Other dictionaries define it as a “field headquarters used by the commander of a military unit”.

Why do the T-TPLF bosses insist on using an English phrase to describe their command and control structure managing the Agazi mercenary commando units?

Did the T-TPLF bosses consult an English dictionary in choosing the phrase “command post”?

Did they intentionally omit the words “military”, “Agazi” and “commando” (mobile infantry regiment) in their “command post” phraseology?

The fact of the matter is that command posts are quintessentially military organizations anywhere in the world.

A command post “exercises authority and direction by an appointed commander over assigned forces in the accomplishment of a mission. Command and control tasks are performed through a collection of personnel, equipment, communications, facilities, and procedures which are employed by a commander in planning, directing, coordinating, and controlling forces and operations in the accomplishment of that mission.”

A command post is the facility from which command and control is exercised.

There is little doubt that the T-TPLF “command post” is in place to serve as the tactical command and control nerve center of Agazi forces unleashing death and destruction on the Ethiopian people.

That is the real reason for all the secrecy surrounding the T-TPLF “command post”.

The T-TPLF does not want anyone to know that its “command post” is set up to deploy, command and control Agazi forces, a mercenary military force created within the military.

The T-TPLF command post directs, controls and supervises Agazi forces in the field and ensures they accomplish their objectives of suppression of all opposition.

That is exactly what the “command post” directed the Agazi forces to do in the southern town of Moyale last week. Agazi mercenaries went to the town of Moyale and indiscriminately fired on civilians killing and wounding untold numbers and making 50 thousand citizens refugees.

Duck Test for the T-TPLF mercenary Agazi commando “command post”

Suppose you see a bird walking around in a farm yard. This bird has no label on it that says ‘duck’.

But the bird certainly looks like a duck.

In the pond, you notice the bird swims just like a duck.

The bird opens its beak and quacks like a duck. The bird gets out of the pond and walks like a duck. But it is not wearing a label that says “duck”?

Is the bird a duck? Is it an eagle? Is it a chicken or turkey?

Suppose you see a regime that declares a “state of emergency” managed by a “command post” operating in total secrecy and in the dark.

Suppose the “command post” has full powers to massacre and kill at will, make arrests and detentions without any legal accountability and guarantees of future immunity from prosecution, commit torture, crimes against humanity and genocide at will and decommission all civilian laws and trash the constitution.

Is the “command post” a civilian emergency task force or the command and control structure of a mercenary commando death squads?

Such is the state of facts in Ethiopia today!

Part of the T-TPLF disinformation campaign surrounding its “command post” designation is to create a “bandwagon effect”.

The T-TPLF bosses believe that generally speaking many Ethiopians are susceptible to “group think” and “herd mentality”.

The T-TPLF will coin words and phrases that are inherently meaningless and vague and hope through repetition to create and validate a desirable meaning for it.

In coining the phrase “command post” , the T-TPLF bosses hoped few will pay attention and inquire and the vast majority of people will simply repeat the phrase mindlessly.

My message to Diaspora Ethiopian media is this: “Y’all are allowing yourselves to be victims of T-TPLF disinformation. You repeat unquestioningly T-TPLF characterizations of the state of political facts in Ethiopia often hook, line and sinker. Stop it. Wake up. Be critical in analyzing the disinformation and propaganda generated by the T-TPLF. Question every word, phrase and sentence the T-TPLF puts out. Challenge T-TPLF propaganda not only for its truthfulness (that is very easy to do) but for the incalculable psychological damage its disinformation does to the people of Ethiopia. Just be aware that every time you use the phrase “command post” to describe the T-TPLF’s Agazi MILITARY COMMAND POST, you are being played.”You be singing the T-TPLF song.”

The T-TPLF “command post” should uniformly be referred to in the Diaspora Ethiopian media as the “Agazi Mercenary Military Command Post” (AMMCOM).

“Command post” command responsibility and war crimes

Why should it matter calling an Agazi mercenary MILITARY COMMAND POST a “command post”?

Crimes committed directly and indirectly by authority of a military command post are subject to prosecution for war crimes.

I suspect one of the reasons the T-TPLF bosses are using the Agazi mercenary forces, in addition to the fact that they do not trust and fear the multiethnci armed forces, is because they believe they could avoid war crimes charges in the future.

If the massacres, killings, deportation of civilians and other crimes against humanity committed in Oromia and Amhara regions are attributable to the actions or omissions of the T-TPLF’s Agazi mercenary military command post, could those responsible T-TPLF officials be held accountable for war crimes under the Geneva Convention?

There is the 1989 “International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries”, but Ethiopia has not ratified or acceded to the convention.

But Ethiopia is an original signatory to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.

The United Nations General Assembly adopted the Genocide Convention on 9 December 1948. Ethiopia signed it two days later and ratified it on July 1, 1949. It is said that Ethiopia is the very first nation to ratify the Genocide Convention.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly in Paris on 10 December 1948. Ethiopia ratified the Declaration on December 10, 1948.

Ethiopia was once known as an upholder of human rights. Today, Ethiopia is the poster child for government wrongs.

But could command responsibility for war crimes be avoided for war crimes committed by mercenary forces used by a regime?

The genocide that the T-TPLF is committing using its Agazi mercenary military “command post” in Oromia and Amhara regions will one day be held accountable not only under domestic law but also international law.

It is customary international law that “commanders and other superiors are criminally responsible for war crimes committed by their subordinates if they knew, or had reason to know, that the subordinates were about to commit or were committing such crimes and did not take all necessary and reasonable measures in their power to prevent their commission, or if such crimes had been committed, to punish the persons responsible.”

That is why it matters to call the T-TPLF “command post” an “AGAZI MERCENARY MILITARY COMMAND POST”.

“The Ethiopian Government”, pa-leeese!

Here is another phrase that annoys me infinitely when I see it in the Diaspora media: “The Ethiopian government”.

I ask myself:

When the Diaspora media use the phrase “Ethiopian government”, are they referring to the “government” that claimed to have won the 2015 ‘election’ by sweeping 100 percent of the seats in ‘parliament’, or the one that captured 99.6 percent of the seats in 2010?

Are they referring to the ‘Ethiopian government’ that has massacred, tortured, jailed and exiled hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians over the past 27 years?

Are they referring to the “command post government” that is licensed to massacre, jail and torture citizens at will?

Are they referring to the “Ethiopian government” that handed over the port of Assab and made Ethiopia a landlocked country?

Are they referring to the “Ethiopian government” that handed over Badme in arbitration which tens of thousands of young Ethiopians shed their blood to defend?

Are they referring to the “Ethiopian government” that cut a nearly 725 km slice of Ethiopia and secretly handed it over to the Sudan?

Are they referring to the “Ethiopian government” that sold hundreds of thousands of acres of Ethiopian land for pennies to a fly-by-night Indian investor?

Are they referring to the “Ethiopian government” that let millions of Ethiopians die in famines while spending millions on fat cat lobbyists in Washington?

Are they referring to the “Ethiopian government” that created ethnic homelands (Bantustans) called kilils for the people of Ethiopia?

Are they referring to the “Ethiopian government” that “mistakenly” massacred and wounded hundreds of people in the town of Moyale in Southern Ethiopia and drove 50 thousand Ethiopian as refugees in Kenya last week?

If the reference to the “government of Ethiopia” in many parts of the Ethiopian Diaspora media pertains to the group of criminal gangsters who cling to power by stealing elections, massacring, jailing and torturing innocent Ethiopians, then I have to say y’all legitimizing and validating a gang of criminals against humanity as a “government”.

Political scientists make a distinction between democratic governments and authoritarian regimes (dictatorships).

Today T-TPLF operates a garrison state (police state) in Ethiopia.

The T-TPLF state controls and dominates Ethiopia using its security, police and military institutions to cling to power, to plunder the economy and fragment the country to maintain its ethnic apartheid system.

The T-TPLF should never be referred to as a government. It should be properly called a regime with clear reference to the fact that it is a dictatorial, despotic, authoritarian, autocratic, totalitarian and thugocratic.

I have coined a bunch of words and phrases to specifically and accurately describe the TPLF “government” over the past 27 years.

Since at least 2010, I have referred to the “Ethiopian government” as the Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front.

The TPLF is a thugtatorship, a dictatorship of thugs.

If democracy is government of the people, by the people and for the people, a thugocracy is a government of thieves, for thieves, by thieves.

The T-TPLF is a thugtatorship of a gang of ruthless bush thieves, robbers and cut-throats in designer suits.

As I have always said, you can take the thug out of the bush and dress him up in a designer suit. But you can never take the bush out of the thug. That is the way it is. That is thug life!

The TPLF has pretension to democracy and always win by 99.6 or 100 percent.

That is why I coined thugmogracy (a form of “government” in which the facade of representative electoral democracy is used to maintain and perpetuate the iron rule of a gang of bush thugs who use state power to line their pockets and their cronies’ pockets) to describe them.

Thugocrats provide the bureaucratic support for thugtatorships and thugmocracies.

Calling a “government” of thugs a thugtatorship is not hyperbole or exaggeration.

It is stating an objective and demonstrable state of facts. Thugs use power to kill, intimidate, torture and steal on an industrial scale.

Thugs believe and act as if they are unaccountable to anyone. That is why the TPLF thugs massacre, jail and make refugees of untold numbers of innocent Ethiopians. Thugs do not believe they will ever be brought to the bars of justice.

That was what the Nazi thugs Martin Bormann, Karl Doenitz, Hermann Goering, Rudolph Hess, Alfred Jodl, Joachim Ribbentrop, Albert Speer, Fritz Sauckel, Ernst Kaltenbrunner and many others like them believed. They were wrong and in the end they were held accountable.

The T-TPLF is run by by a gang of military and civilian thugs who pretend to be legitimate authorities and officials.

Dressing a hyena in lion’s mane does not change the fact that the hyena is a scavenger; nor does calling a vulture an eagle conceal the true fact.

What I find totally amazing is that the Diaspora media has rarely questioned whether the TPLF regime deserves to be described as a “government”. I am not sure what the problem is. I cannot imagine the Diaspora media calls the TPLF thugtatorship “government” out of some sort of cultural respect.

One need not be a student of linguistics to appreciate manipulation of language in political discourse, indoctrination and thought control.

George Orwell warned that “political language is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind.” So, “War is peace. Freedom is slavery. Ignorance is strength.”

In the tradition of Orwell, I coined a new word to describe the political crapola and manufactured in the TPLF Lie Factory, “liestruth” (lie is truth). The LF in TPLF stands for Lie Factory.

“Liestruth” describes the T-TPLF habit of impudently claiming lies are truth in contradiction of the plain facts. Liestruth ignores inconvenient truths. Thus, dictatorship is democracy. Corruption is integrity. State terrorism is rule of law. State of emergency is state of peace. Dictatorship is democracy. Tyranny is liberty. Poverty is wealth. Famine is plenty. Censorship is press freedom. Brutality is civility. Mendacity is veracity. Opacity is clarity. Shadow is reality. Depravity is morality and greed is good.

In liestruth, political prisoners do not exist, but if they do, now you see them, now you don’t.

Calling the TPLF the “government of Ethiopia government” is like saying war is peace; state terror is the rule of law and a state of emergency is a state of peace.

Those who oppose the reign of terror in Ethiopia must NEVER use the word “government” in connection with the gang of thugs clinging to power.

We should NEVER validate the political claims of the TPLF as a “government”.

We should NEVER become unwitting accomplices of the TPLF by calling it a “government” and legitimizing it by repeating that word in mass communications.

Someone, I am not going to say who, once asked me not to use the word thugtatorship in describing the TPLF. That person never gave me a reason. The lesson I learned was that some people will circle the wagon and in the process reveal who they truly are. There are those amongst us who wear two faces.

I like calling a spade, a spade; a cat, a cat; a hyena, a hyena; a monkey court, monkey court; a thug, a thug even if he is dressed in a designer suit and carries a briefcase (full of cash) and calls himself a “prime minster”, “president”, “general”, “doctor” or whatever bogus title he attaches to his name.

“I calls ‘em like I sees ‘em.” I don’t like to beat around the bush.

Diaspora Ethiopian media and the T-TPLF state of emergency

I see much in the Disapora media about the the “state of emergency” in Ethiopia.

Is Ethiopia in a “state of emergency”?

The T-TPLF declaration that “Ethiopia is under a state of emergency.” is both true and false. Some logicians call such “two-way truths” “dialetheia”.

In my dialethical assertion, the T-TPLF statement that Ethiopia is in a “in a state of emergency” is both true and false.

It is true that Ethiopia has been under a state of emergency since May 28, 1991, the date the T-TPLF rebels marched from the bush and grabbed power. Ethiopians have been under an undeclared, de facto state of emergency police state for the past 27 years.

In 2018, Ethiopia is not under a state of emergency.

The T-TPLF is!

That is exactly what the Ethiopian Diaspora media should be saying.

In 2005, following the election that year in which the T-TPLF lost, the late T-TPLF thugmaster Meles Zenawi declared a state of emergency and imprisoned nearly all leaders of opposition parties and groups, critical journalists and human rights advocates.

In 2009, the T-TPLF issued its so-called anti-terrorism law (Proclamation No. 652/2009) and imposed a thinly veiled de jure (by law) state of emergency.

Under the 2009 “Proclamation”, the T-TPLF has been able to do exactly what it is doing today under its “state of emergency” decree.

That “Proclamation” criminalized as a terrorist act publication of “a statement that is likely to be understood by some or all of the members of the public as a direct or indirect encouragement or incitement to violence.” It authorized warrantless searches and seizure of homes and offices, interception and surveillance on the telephone, fax, radio, the internet, electronic communications. The T-TPLF authorized the admission at trial of unverified intelligence reports, hearsay or indirect surveillance evidence including those gathered by “foreign law enforcement bodies” and “confessions of suspects” including coerced confessions.

The current “state of emergency” decree allows the same thing.

So, is Ethiopia or the T-TPLF under a state of emergency?

The T-TPLF is under a de jure state of emergency today because the people of Ethiopia have been under a 27 year-old de facto state of emergency.

The T-TPLF state of emergency has been a macabre dance of the T-TPLF and the people of Ethiopia. It could be best explained by President John Kennedy’s metaphor of those riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

The T-TPLF has been riding the Ethiopian tiger for over a quarter of a century. The hard truth the T-TPLF learned over the past couple of years is that the day for the T-TPLF to dismount the tiger is at hand.

The T-TPLF can try and prolong riding the tiger by a “state of emergency” decree, an Agazi mercenary commando force or whatever it wants.

But the die is cast: The T-TPLF’s days of riding the Ethiopian tiger is fast coming to an end.

When the T-TPLF dismounts, by hook or crook, it will be looking at the sparkling eyes, gleaming teeth and pointy nails of one big hu(a)ngry tiger!”

So, the only way the T-TPLF can remain in power from day to day is by running its killing machine 24/7/365 and by dividing the people along ethnic, religious, linguistic, regional and other lines.

The T-TPLF today is gripped in a “siege mentality”, a psychological state of emergency. The T-TPLF leaders believe they are completely surrounded by enemies. They feel they are in constant danger from everything and everyone. They are frightened to death by the very people they rule with an iron fist with a trigger finger.

As Robert Holmes argued, “power dissolves when people lose their fear. You can still kill people who no longer fear you, but you cannot control them. Political power requires obedience, which is fueled by the fear of pain to be inflicted if you refuse to comply with the will of those who control the instruments of violence. That power evaporates when the people lose their fear.”

Deep anger and loathing have replaced the people’s fear of the T-TPLF.

That is why the T-TPLF Agazi Mercenary Military Command Post government is under a state of emergency.

The Disapora Ethiopian media UNITED can never be defeated by a T-TPLF Agazi Mercenary Military Command Post!!!

(To be continued…)

ETHIOPIAWINET TODAY.

ETHIOPIAWINET TOMORROW.

ETHIOPIAWINET FOREVER!

The post MERCENARY MILITARY COMMAND POST REIGN OF TERROR IN ETHIOPIA appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban

Eritrea says Ethiopia must move to deal with its chronic internal security crisis instead of finding scapegoats from outside.

This is the position of Information Minister Yemane Gebremeskel in a response to an email query by the Bloomberg magazine. Ethiopian authorities were reported over the weekend to have said neighbouring Eritrea was partly to blame for its internal security headache.

“The regime is desperately trying to deflect attention from its intractable domestic crisis — of its own making — and find external scapegoats,” Yemane said describing the claims as false and one that did not merit a serious response.

The state-owned Ethiopia Broadcasting Corporation late last week quoted the federal police chief as saying Eritrea was trying to destabilize the country by sponsoring anti-peace forces.

Ethiopia is currently under a six-month state of emergency imposed on February 16, 2018. It followed the resignation of Prime Minisiter Hailemariam Desalegn, barely 24-hours earlier.

The government said it was necessary in the wake of spreading violence across the country. The measure was controversially ratified by the parliament in early March in a vote fraught with claims of rigging.

It is not the first time that Ethiopia has accused Eritrea of such acts, neither is it the first time Eritrea is rejecting such claims. The two continue to trade blows over a border demarcation process which dates back to 2002.

Eritrea achieved independence from Ethiopia in 1993 after decades of armed struggle. In 1998, the two neighbouring countries fought a two-year long war over their disputed border which claimed the lives of at least 70,000.

The two countries have had tense relations as a peace deal signed in 2000 to end the war has never been fully implemented.

The post Eritrea to Ethiopia: Deal with your security crisis, stop chasing scapegoats appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Please stop deporting Abi Amare to Ethiopia, where he’ll face a death penalty.
Misguided, the Norwegian government is deporting a well known human rights activist —Abi Amare—for a death penalty to the terrorist regime in Ethiopia.

Mr Abi is among prominent Ethiopian political activists in Norway. He left Ethiopia as a result of an existential threat for his life. Since he moved to Norway, Abi has been very active in Ethiopian politics, an activity that exacerbated his fraught relationship with the tyrant regime in Ethiopia. He is an active member , and organizer in a political organization. It’s sad to learn that ‘The Norwegian Immigration Authority’ refused to offer protection ; as a result of which Abi is waiting for his deportation from Trandum station.

We kindly ask that ‘The Norwegian Immigration Authority’ reconsider its misguided and regrettable decision.

Petition

https://www.change.org/p/the-norwegian-directorate-of-immigration-please-stop-deporting-abi-amare-to-ethiopia-where-he-ll-face-death-penalty

The post Please stop deporting Abi Amare to Ethiopia, where he’ll face a death penalty appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Shiferaw Abebe

There are three “choices” to resolve the current political crisis in Ethiopia.  The first is a cosmetic reform which TPLF has in mind. This reform would start with the inauguration of a new prime minister (the hype is already going through the roof) and could include the release of more political prisoners, amendments to one or more of the most egregious laws (e.g., the anti-terrorism law), and a promise of a  wider political space.

As part of this reform package, TPLF may also agree to grant more autonomy to regional states and an early termination of the SOE if region al states calm down their constituencies. To give a false pretense of seriousness on “bad governance” and corruption, TPLF may purge and/or prosecute a bunch of scapegoats.

On the other hand, under a cosmetic reform, the current ethnic political system would remain untouched; the key positions in the military and the security apparatus would stay in the hands of TPLF; no one of significant position would be held accountable for the thousands of deaths in the last two years alone; and TPLF’s economic empire would be unscathed.  All in all, TPLF would come out of this reform with its political and economic hegemony basically unchanged.

Yet, the few shinny goodies in this package, such as more regional autonomy or a wider political space could potentially lure EPRDF partners with the illusion of exercising more power, and opposition parties with a chance of winning some seats in parliament come next election.  If these two blocks are in the bags, then the West would readily endorse the deal and pledge support to the “reform” process. (The West’s definition of an acceptable reform, courtesy of Rex Tillerson, is the election of a new prime minister, a shorter SOE and a “greater” freedom. Note the key word “greater freedom” which implies Ethiopians are not entitled to full freedom, because we are not “civilized” enough to handle or make good use of it!).

A cosmetic reform is a disastrous outcome for the Ethiopian people on so many levels.

First, as soon as TPLF regains full control, which it will under a cosmetic reform, it will take away every inch of concession it may offer today. The new prime minister, whom ever it will be, will not change the status quo a fair bit even if he wishes, because TPLF will keep him on a short leash. And unless he has both the freedom and the desire to change the political system in a fundamental way by taking immediate and convincing steps towards that goal, he will not have much chance with the people either. These diametrically opposed forces could end up paralyzing the new prime minister even more so than the last one.  TPLF will then take away any autonomy it may grant regional state now. The recent arrest of outspoken or critical senior and midlevel officials in the Oromia Regional is only the harbinger of what will happen on a bigger scale once TPLF regains its footing. TPLF is not only a tyrant, it is a tiny minority that must take away the rights of others in order to exercise a dominant position within and outside of EPRDF. TPLF will also constrict the political space for the opposition parties and will not allow a fair or free election because there is no chance under the heavens it will win a free or fair election.  Rest assured that it will start very soon harassing, intimidating, and dismantling opposition parties, jailing journalists, and human right advocates, and refilling the prisons with new and old prisoners.

Second, if TPLF gets away with a cosmetic reform, it will kill the patriotism and spirit of national unity that has rekindled in the last couple of years.  A country thrives and make a comfortable home for its citizens when its people feel a sense of ownership, belongingness, and patriotism, are full of passion, optimism, promote shared values, respect and love for each other. TPLF has over the past 27 years worked tirelessly to undermine these kinds of intangible, yet invaluable virtues from the Ethiopian body politic. Only fools will expect TPLF to ever change its nature.

Third, a bad reform will keep Ethiopia poor. The country’s fragile economy that has long been supported by borrowed and loaned money is falling apart as we speak and will not turnaround without a change in the political system. Even if the economy stabilizes, it would be TPLF’s mafia economy and the few who are politically or ethnically connected to the regime that will benefit from it. Fundamentally, however, Ethiopia will not grow or attain its full economic potential under a balkanized ethnic political system.  Real economic growth will occur only when human and financial resource are free to move to anywhere they can attain the best returns, which will not happen under the current system which is in place to benefit TPLF.

Real reform or revolution?

As TPLF digs its hills, the chance of real reform through a peaceful process is waning and revolution becomes the option the people will be forced to take. That is always what happens when real reforms are delayed too long or blocked altogether. Unfortunately any revolution will have direct costs and unintended consequences; it result in loss of lives and property, could degenerate into protracted civil conflicts or could be hijacked by the wrong entities. Recent experiences from the so-called Arab Spring give legitimate concerns about such dangers. In Ethiopia’s case, some are afraid that a wide spread ethnic strife could ensue which could possibly lead to the disintegration of the country if the central government were to collapse. This the fear TPLF has hammered all these years to make its tyrannical rule palatable to Western powers and Ethiopians alike.

However, while the dangers of revolutions may not be avoided entirely, they need not be exaggerated or extrapolated too much. Not only Ethiopia is different than the Arab countries in many important respects (culturally, politically, and demographically), it must also be remembered that the main source of ethnic tensions in Ethiopia has been TPLF’s divide and rule agenda and scheme which at this point are defunct, by and large.  In fact TPLF’s real troubles started when the two largest ethnic groups – the Oromo and the Amhara – finally foiled this scheme and reaffirmed their commitment to Ethiopia’s unity and the unbreakable bond to each other.  It follows, fear of inter-ethnic strife must be, on balance, allayed, not heightened by the removal of TPLF from power by any necessary means.

This is not to dismiss TPLF’s more recent naked desperation in stirring up Tigrayans against a bogus claim of Oromo and Amhara animosity towards them, which, surprisingly, appears to gain currency outside of TPLF’s orbit.  There is no denying of the existence of a degree of tension between Tigrayans and the rest of Ethiopians in general, which need to be handled carefully by both Tigrayans and the rest of Ethiopians lest TPLF exploit it to its own selfish and callous objective. However, Tigrayans must appreciate why the rest of Ethiopians could feel differently and, being human, even harbor some hard feelings towards them:  given that TPLF commits horrendous crimes and injustices against them not just as an oppressive government but as a Tigrayan organization too; and given that the security and armed forces that kill, maim, torture, and arrest them are controlled or led by Tigrayans.

In fact, one must acknowledge the magnanimity, the restraint, and the far-sightedness Ethiopians continue to exhibit towards each other in the face of TPLF’s vicious assault on their unity, shared values and history. Ethiopians in the main see the fight as between justice and injustice, democracy and tyranny, freedom and domination. Since the people of Tigray experience the same tyranny under TPLF, it is high time that they respond to the cry of freedom, justice, and equality from their Ethiopian brothers and sisters ignoring the cry of wolf from TPLF. Indeed, if Tigrayans join the struggle, chances are TPLF will be forced to take the peaceful route toward real reform.

TPLF’s gamble                                                                          

TPLF’s choice of a cosmetic reform, even in view of a potential backlash from the people, is a classic case of risk calculation. All risks have a probability of occurrence and a magnitude of impact if they happen. TPLF has assigned a low probability to the chance of a cosmetic reform backfiring or leading to an escalation of the popular uprising (or hopes to control it if it does). If, however, the cosmetic reform angers Ethiopians and leads to a revolution beyond TPLF’s control, TPLF knows there will be dire consequences for it.  A low probability with a high impact means the risk has a low to medium score.

On the other hand, the probability of losing power under a real reform scenario is almost 100 percent for TPLF.  The question is what value is TPLF assigning to the consequence of losing power through a peaceful reform process? In other words what else would TPLF lose if it loses power? Two stand out.

Individuals who are used to exercising some power, let alone absolute power, are neurologically conditioned to think they cannot live without it. A former Canadian prime minister once said, the worst politicians are the ones whose first career choice is politics because they will do anything to hang on to power. One could add, politics is the only choice dictators have in life, so much so that many of them had to be killed to be removed from power. TPLF leaders owe everything they have today- status, wealth, comfort and the rest of it to their political power.  Take away this power, they will become nobodies overnight. The vast majority of them cannot earn an honest and decent living by their own devices.

But dictators hang on to power for another reason – they are scared of justice. TPLF leaders have committed thousands of horrendous crimes over a 27 year period.  They have directly or indirectly caused the death of thousands of innocent lives; they have directly or indirectly inflicted life-long damages to a great many Ethiopians by bullet wounds, beatings, tortures and inhumane treatments in jails; and they have committed illegal business dealings, engaged in unparalleled corruption, and have looted billions of dollars from a poor country where millions starve year in year out.

If they locked up former Derg officials for decades, they must be afraid that their fate could be worse.

The second consequence relates to what could happen to the economic empire TPLF built, specifically the so-called Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT), which is estimated to be worth upwards of $3 billion. Most of this wealth is built by illegal, corruptive, and conniving methods, often at the expense of the national economy and by crowding out the private sector.

Some say the main beneficiaries of EFFORT are a few families within TPLF’s leadership circle.  That is not entirely true; EFFORT and its sister organizations –  Relief Society of Tigray and Tigray Development Association – have been potent instruments of TPLF’s economic agenda of skewing the distribution of the national wealth and economic opportunities in favor of Tigray. Yes, the majority of the people of Tigray are still poor like the rest of Ethiopians but one must remember that Tigray would not have been the location of many of the agro and manufacturing industries it now houses if it were not for the deliberate inequitable policies and practices of TPLF, not just as Tigray organization but, more importantly, as a ruling party.

Crime and forgiveness

Given the certainty of losing power under a peaceful political reform, a higher chance of being locked up for the rest of their lives and losing all their economic lootings will make betting on a cosmetic reform a better risk choice.  So the question is can the consequences of losing power peacefully mitigated so that TPLF choses real reform over revolution?

To start with the fate of TPLF’s mafia economy, a real political reform must lead to the nationalization and then privatization of all party owned businesses (including the ones owned by ANDM, OPDO and SEPDO).  There cannot be any rationale for a consolation prize to TPLF or the other parties on this.  What could be conceded to those regions in whose cover name these party-owned business are currently run is that the current employees, except the executives, are allowed to keep their jobs.  Similarly, the current location of these businesses and their headquarters remains where they are today, although future expansions will likely happen anywhere in the country based on pure economic or commercial considerations of their future private owners. What this means is, as home of the largest party owned businesses, Tigray will, for example, continue to benefit from the employment and the spillover opportunities of these businesses while the proceeds from the privatization of these businesses will accrue to the national (federal) government on behalf of the Ethiopian people as a whole.

The more troublesome issue is what could happen to TPLF (and EPRDF) leaders on account of the heinous crimes they committed over the past 27 years? This could be the most challenging legal, political, emotional, and ethnical question the nation will face in the near future. It would not matter if TPLF is kicked out of power tomorrow or ten years from now, the blood of so many innocent Ethiopians will keep crying for justice. How can the country serve justice while at the same time move forward on a path of reconciliation with its past.

For most Ethiopians who have strong religious roots, forgiveness could be a substitute for punishment if asked for genuinely and granted freely. That is what happened in South Africa two decade ago, for example. But forgiveness and reconciliation can happen if the guilty takes the first step towards that process. In all places where freedom was earned by blood, no forgiveness was granted to those who caused the bloodshed. If F.W. de Klerk didn’t take the courageous route of dismantling the apartheid system at the cost of his own position and power, many white South Africans, including himself would probably have traded places with Nelson Mandela and headed to Robben Island for the rest of their lives.

So could be the case with TPLF leaders. If they allow a peaceful transition of the country to democracy even at this 11^th hour, if they show a presence of some conscience to spare further loss of lives and property by accepting the path of real and fundamental political reform, then they would also create the opportunity for forgiveness and reconciliation.

If they redo their risk calculation with this in mind, they will see that real reform is their better choice.

One can only hope!

Shiferawabebe1@gmail.com

The post The choice between reform and revolution in Ethiopia appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Michael Jones
Commentary, 19 March 2018
Horn of Africa

The resignation last month of Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn has shaken the assumption that the East African state is a ‘bastion of stability’ in an unstable region.

The post An Unstable Ethiopia: Wobbles in Addis Ababa appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

South Sudan regime spokesman and Minister of Information and Broadcasting Michael Makuei Lueth captured on camera threatening to expel Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission from South Sudan(Photo: file)

Mar 20th 2018 (Nyamilepedia) – South Sudan government said Ethiopia has its own problems to solve rather than hosting South Sudan’s warring parties to solve their problems. This come after the IGAD mediation is set to discuss South Sudan’s civil war next week.

According to the South Sudanese’s information minister Michael Makuei Leuth, the government “want the venue of our peace talks to be changed because we don’t want our peace talks to be suspended because of the problems in Ethiopia” he told Radio Tamazuj on Monday.

Makuei proposed that “The talks can be hosted either by Djibouti or Kenya and Uganda, but Somalia, Sudan and South Sudan are out of question.”

He said “As you know very well that the issue of Ethiopia’s Prime Minister who is also the chairperson of IGAD has not yet been solved.”

In February, the IGAD suspended the peace talks after the opposition and the government failed to reach a deal over issues regarding the governance and security arrangement. Government also refused to sign provision which would see ceasefire violators prosecuted. ceasefire violators prosecuted.

Peace talks is expected to take place in late March between the government the Opposition coalition.

Source: Nyamilepedia

The post South Sudan Gov’t Says Ethiopia No more Suitable to Host Peace Talks Since Ethiopia Needs Its Own Peace Talks appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News|Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Mogos Asghedom Adwa
Tigrai Online, March 19, 2018

Ignorant Ethiopian extremists think that the mere fact their larger population inhabits a larger Ethiopian landmass is a God given right to dominate other people

Tyranny: If you Google the word tyranny, you get the following three illustrative meanings: (a) cruel and oppressive government or rule; (b) a nation under cruel and oppressive government; and (c) cruel, unreasonable, or arbitrary use of political power. You can use all or one to describe the type of democracy the greedy sellouts (traitors), extremists, ethnocentric nationalists, and chauvinists are struggling to impose on all Ethiopians.

Ethnocentrism is a dangerous mentality. It means judging another culture solely by the values, norms, and standards of one’s own culture. Ethnocentric individuals judge other groups relative to their own ethnic group or culture, especially regarding language, behavior, customs, religion, and all sorts of benefits (social, economic, and political). Ethnocentrism may be overt or subtle.

People born into a particular culture who grow up absorbing the values and behaviors of that particular culture are bound to develop a worldview that considers their culture to be the rule everyone must follow. When they experience other cultures that have different values and normal behaviors, they consider the behavioral patterns in the other cultures as inappropriate, because they think that their cultural traditions and history are superior to those of others. This attitude has tragic consequences. The extremists must trade their behavior very carefully.

Abuse and misuse of democracy: Originating from ancient Greek Philosophy, democracy means government of the people for the people by the people. It projects to the mind a great mystifying goodwill for all. To whatever extent it sounds and feels mysterious, however, it is just a human construct. That is why a democratic governance system remains an elusive human endeavor.

A true democracy is a socially sanctioned, constitutionally enshrined, and legally enforced system of social contract, which is a legally binding agreement between the governing and the governed in an adaptive effective governance system. Its overarching goal is to foster justice for all through an equitable and a genuine sustainable development.

However, we ought to be mindful that there are and there always will be self-serving greedy individuals or groups that are more than willing to serve interests of external forces. Paid “subsistence-minimum wages”, they are always willing to be messengers and mercenary dogs of war to destroy their Motherland, Ethiopia.

Ethiopia’s total biosphere belongs to all Ethiopians: Some ignorant extremists think that the mere fact their larger population inhabits a larger Ethiopian landmass is a God given right to dominate and subjugate other nations, nationalities, and peoples in all aspects of life, including cultural, social, economic, and political. They abuse and misuse the majority rule principles of democracy. They invoke democracy to mobilize their gullible youth in the homeland to fight and die for them, while they, with their families, enjoy luxurious lifestyles, devouring American hamburger day-in-day-out. They are determined to make Ethiopia a failed State, as one of the tragically failed nations, such as Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Somalia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, Afghanistan, Libya, and South Sudan. These failed countries are spoils of the West’s Neoliberal Imperialism of this 21^st Century. What the extremists do not seem to understand is that other nations, nationalities, and peoples are monitoring their daily behavior; that they are under the radar of the national security system; and that they might face a day of reckoning from an annihilating power of the true national heroes and heroines.

Three Distinctly Different Successive Governance Systems: A Comparative Sketch

This is a very sketchy note intended to provoke thoughts of those Ethiopians who witnessed it all, like myself. How the three distinctly different Ethiopia’s governance systems that of the Imperial Era of Emperor Haile Selassie, that of the Marxist-Leninist Military Junta, and that of the current Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) are highlighted. We can compare the weaknesses and strengths (if any). Those of us, who witnessed and are witnessing it all, do not need special academic credentials to compare them, because we have been and are the subjects.

The Imperial Era (1930–1974)

Absolute political power was vested in the Emperor Because the 1931 Constitution was deemed not giving enough power to him, a new constitution was enshrined in 1955. This constitution declared Emperor Haile Selassie as a descendant of King Solomon of Israel and Ethiopia’s Queen of Sheba; his primacy was exercised through appointment of officials; control of the armed forces and foreign affairs; and oversight of the judiciary. Parliament was empowered only to approve treaties; the Emperor had the final say: he had an absolute power to dissolve the Parliament.

Executive power was vested in the Emperor. The “Ministers of the Empire” derived their authority from His Majesty, Emperor Haile Selassie, the Elect of God, the King of Kings, and the Lion of Judah. This sounds laughable-funny title of a national leader. However, in a country of ignorance, chronic poverty, subjugation, and much more social ills, that type of title was acceptable; and was used as one of the instruments of suppression. That long-funny title was intended to mystify his human nature, some spirit sent from the Heavens. Formation of political parties was out of question. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church was defined as the State’s Church; and its organization and administration were made subject to secular law. The Church retained autonomy only in matters of monastic life and spiritual affairs. But, its influential role as instrument of governance was highly significant. Entitlements to all fertile lands of Ethiopia were given to those who served the Emperor.

Land tenure system the key feature of feudalism: Until the revolution of 1974, the non-producers remained the possessors of the means of production (e.g., land and capital). These absentee feudalists and capitalists extracted surplus of labour through a host of pressures, including force. Surplus extraction took the form of: (a) corvée labour (unpaid labour service) required of the peasants imposed on them by the nobility, feudalists, and aristocrats), (b) tribute, (c) rents, (d) cash, and (e) share-cropping. A whole array of political and ideological institutions was necessary to enforce these socially, economically, and politically exploitative relations. Coercion and the structure of the law played the major role. The country had an extremely complex land tenure system; these instruments of oppression and exploitation were excessively used. Land tenure outside the sparsely populated pastoralist areas fell under two categories: The first was vested with kinship group under the Rist land tenure system,, while the second was called Gult, a special term for an Imperial grant land. The Crown also granted fertile lands to the Monophysite Coptic Church, which was the most effective instrument of silencing the masses.

Sins of cultural assimilation:  Culture is a shared way of life and the most important identity of a given society. Traditional knowledge, history, norms, values, language, faith, customs, folkways, mores (moral/ethical rules), arts and entertainment (theatre, music, dance, literature, movie, and paintings), buildings, architecture, dress, food, and similar specifications define national culture. As a shared way of life, culture is a vehicle for: (a) building social capital, which is the foundation of social cohesion and stability, which usher in genuine sustainable development, (b) environmental quality and sustainability, and (c) resilient communities, and much more benefits that improve human well-being. During the Imperial Era, however, a process of cultural assimilation and dehumanization – deprivation of all requirements for human dignity, self-esteem, and freedom – were institutionalized political norms of the feudal aristocratic rule of Emperor Haile Selassie.

None Amhara nations, nationalities, and peoples were denied their fundamental rights, freedoms, and culture. Let it be clear here, however, that the Amhara masses, the ordinary Amhara people like most of us all, had nothing to do with the evil acts of the Imperial elite class. The ruling class strictly enforced the assimilative process of Amharanization. It used this process as an instrument of subjugation and domination in order to divide and rule Ethiopians. The outcome was that neither an Amhara nor a non-Amhara community benefited from the cruelty of assimilation, dehumanization, exploitation, impoverishment, and pacification strategies of the Imperial Rule. All Ethiopian masses were victims of the shameful-abject poverty, which brought the unceremonious demise of the Emperor.

The Tragic Era of the Marxist-Leninist Military Junta (1974 – 1991)

In 1974, a revolution the Ethiopian working class, teachers, students, and an assortment of the petty bourgeoisie elements, overthrew the aristocratic feudal system of the Emperor. Gone with the Emperor were the archaic feudal land tenure system, the monarchical monopoly of political power, and the nascent national bourgeoisie, which clung tenaciously to the imperial coat tails, with an unusual political myopia to the very end.

To the absolute dismay of the Ethiopian people, however, the national defence forces betrayed the popular revolution. Using its KGB apparatus, the Soviet Union, which was anxiously looking for a foothold in the Horn of Africa to counter balance the sphere of influence of the West, infiltrated the civilian Revolutionary Council and the newly coordinated National Defence Council. The KGB of the Soviet Union helped the soldiers, most of whom illiterate, to take over the political power from the civilian council of internationally and nationally highly regarded intellectuals. Most of the intellectuals who openly opposed involvement of the Soviet Union were executed summarily; some were imprisoned, while others were lucky to flee the country to save their lives. Highly bureaucratised, command and control socio-economic programs were proclaimed. By several military decrees that were full of hysteria and paranoia, a number of social, economic, and institutional changes were made to please the Soviets: land was nationalized; State farms were established; forced resettlements and collectivisation were implemented; peasants were taxed heavily; all private financial institutions (banks) and industries were nationalized; and all private rental houses and apartments were expropriated.

The military junta used a network of strictly controlled institutional arrangements to stay in power at any cost, fighting a devastating civil war. Failure of the misguided policies, the civil war, drought, and famine were the causes of the 1984/85 catastrophe to which the people of this ancient country were subjected. Consequently, the Russian Communism superstructure collapsed on May 20^th, 1991, when the democratic forces victoriously captured the capital city, Addis Ababa. What next?

Birth of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (1991–Present)

Twilight of a democratic developmental State flickered on May 20^th, 1991 throughout the Ethiopian State’s landscape. Democratic forces that waged a bitter war for 17 years defeated the military junta that ruled Ethiopia since 1974. When they realized that they were on the verge of victory, the democratic forces had formed a united front known as Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF); and were ready with their version of governance system to rule the country. To that end, however, there was a reconciliation and consensus building process: In July 1991, the EPRDF convened a national conference attended by representatives of some 20 political organizations to discuss Ethiopia’s political future and to establish a transitional government.

After winning well-coordinated elections, the EPRDF formed a government. At the outset, it had made it clear that it was determined to make history of its own by transforming the social, economic, and political landscape of the country.  A brand new Ethiopian Constitution was proclaimed in May 1994. The following introductory paragraphs capture the full spirit of that Constitution:

We, the nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia:

Strongly committed, in full and free exercise of our right to self-determination, to building a political community founded on the rule of law and capable of ensuring a lasting peace, guaranteeing a democratic order, and advancing our economic and social development;

Firmly convinced that the fulfillment of this objective requires full respect of individual and people’s fundamental freedoms and rights to live together on the basis of equality and without any religious or cultural discrimination;

Further convinced that by continuing to live with our rich and proud cultural legacies in territories we have long inhabited, have, through continuous interaction on various levels and forms of life, built up common interests and have also contributed to the emergence of a common outlook;

Fully cognizant that our common destiny can best be served by rectifying historically unjust relationships and by further promoting our shared interests;

Convinced that to live as one economic community is necessary in order to create sustainable and mutually supportive conditions for ensuring respect for our rights and freedoms;

Determined to consolidate, as a lasting legacy, the peace, and the prospect of a democratic order which our struggles and sacrifices have brought about;

Have, therefore, ratified, on 8 December 1994, this constitution through representatives we have duly elected for this purpose as an instrument that binds us in a mutual commitment to fulfill the objectives and the principles set forth above.

After the Constitution’s official proclamation, the EPRDF initiated several strategic directions, including: (i) giving priority to peasant agriculture; (ii) enhancing the quality of the labour force; (iii) supporting hitherto neglected communities, which were identified in the Constitution as nationalities and peoples; (iv) devolution of State power to the Regional States; (vi) attaining self-sufficiency in food; (vii) determining an effective socioeconomic developmental role for the State; (viii) encouraging foreign investment by creating a free market economy and a conducive social, economic, and political climate; (ix) encouraging and supporting State governments to give priority to environmental rehabilitation and rural development; and (x) letting peasant farmers free to make their own economic decisions than had ever been before.

These and similar strategic policy directions created twilight of hope for peace and prosperity. Although not described as such, to the keenly honest observer, a uniquely Ethiopian an adaptive democratic developmental State that fosters learning-by-doing was born. However, the Front defeated itself: a quagmire of absolute corruption overwhelmed it. EPRDF became highly vulnerable to the wishes and actions of the externally funded narrow nationalist extremists and traitors, who targeted Tigrai and Tigraians to their savagery and racist massacres and destruction of properties in the Oromia and Amhara Regional States. Thousands of Tigraians were killed; some were internally displaced; and others were deported. Was there a national government?

Tragedies of Arrogance, Ignorance, and Greed

As pointed out in the introductory paragraph, blind faith in size has tragic consequences. The extremist elements do not seem to be able to predict the hell their actions might take them, because their arrogance, ignorance, and monetary greed have blinded them. These residual human elements do not hesitate to abuse and misuse the meaning of democracy to fulfil their wild ambitions to dominate and subjugate other nations, nationalities, and peoples. They do not understand that true democracy has multiple guiding principles, which include primacy of the rule of law, accountability, transparency, collective decision-making, equality, collective voice (universal suffrage), civil liberties and civil rights, strong nationalism, and obligations to serve the masses.

In the recent Ethiopian case, however, there is mounting evidence that extremist elements abused and misused the true meaning of democracy. For example, fragility of the EPRDF’s governance apparatus exposed Tigraians to the savagery of the Amhara and Oromo bandits. For example (to save the reader’s time), it was shocking to hear and watch through multiple media outlets that Tigraians, in their own country, being harassed, bitten, and killed in Bahir Dar and Gondar cities. From their hideouts in Asmara, Eritrea, the terrorist organization built underground network of flash-mob hooligans; and unleashed genocidal rampages during the months of July and August 2016 against Tigraians, who lived for generations in their own Motherland, Ethiopia’s Amhara Regional State. For the mere fact that they were Tigraians, hundreds were mobbed and massacred; their properties were ransacked and torched; and more than 8,000 of them, including mothers and their children, were forced to escape to neighboring North Sudan. Although smaller in magnitude, Tigraians were subjected to similar atrocities in the Oromia Regional State also.

The Federal and the Amhara and Oromia Regional governments failed to protect citizens, the Tigraians. Why? Big question: history will tell. In any case, the people of Tigrai’s patience, farsightedness, and perseverance were and are admirable, deserving the highest national medal. They did not rise up in anger instantaneously to retaliate, although they were capable of doing just that. Their history teaches us that they know very well when to hit back hard to score decisive victories; and when not to do so.

The people of Tigrai understood very well that the above highlighted tragedies in the Amhara and Oromo regions were provocations of the extremists who wished for a nationwide social upheaval and eventual downfall of the current government. They failed miserably, thanks to the Tigraian culture of bravery, farsightedness, and cool headedness. As they say, taking high moral ground pays-off more than retaliatory immediate reactions like the cowards. Thus, Tigraian patriotism remains intact; Ethiopia is in peace; and the wishes of all Ethiopia’s enemies, such as Ginbot-7, Shaébia, and some of the Arab countries –particularly Egypt’s – were dashed. By the way, the Egyptians need to be reminded to re-read and learn lessons from the humiliating defeats their ancestors were subjected to at the battlefields of Gundet, Guraé, Senhit, and Aylet in the hands of Raési Alula Aba-Nega, the only African general who scored this type of series of victories in one region, Eritrea.

In closing, self-serving chauvinist elements of the Amhara and Oromo ethnicity, who have become messengers of Ethiopia’s enemies, will never succeed in blocking Ethiopia’s pathways to a complete renaissance under the modern federal democratic republic governance system. This is a unique governance model, which uniquely fits well to Ethiopia’s geographic, sociocultural, history, economic, and political features. It has started to respond to the wishes of all Ethiopians. It is worth fighting for its sustainability!

The only best pathways to prosperity:

Believing in unity in diversity

Living in peace and harmony

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The following are some of the comments given by others about the above article (Source Tigraionline)

we will post more comments in the coming days!

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Man · march 19 2018

The EPRDF government waited too long to counter attack the social media war that was unleashed on the Ethiopian youth by Neftegna Amhara and confused Oromian who comfortably reside in Western Europe and North America Now we all know who behind all unrest all over Ethiopia is number one enemy is top dog Essayas Afeworki and the EPRDF government failed to finish him when they got him cornered and tightened up the ropes around his neck instead they came with nonsense no war no peace policy which kept the Tigrean and innocent Eritrean people under darkness for over 20 years. Now top dog essays is on driver seat and commanding the situation in the entire country. Hey the Tigrean people suffering from the day they liberated Ethiopia from fascist Derg jaws. They don’t deserve this and the government failed again to protect them from hooligans,lawless and coward criminals who burned company property and dismembered innocent defenseless innocent citizens why is no one is accountable? How long do the innocent Tigrean have to suffer? Hey don’t get it twisted they’re scared if that’s the plan and if it’s you guys know damn well eye for an eye you wouldn’t want to happen. But the Tigrean people are the most humble and caring people the world gave them high mark retaliation against those criminals would have been justified but then again they kept quiet until they finished what they started other than that you guys are no chances of killing single Tigrean. In the meantime I hope the EPRDF government should elected who ever and complete the Ethiopian renaissance Dam then if backward Arabs dogs Neftegna Amhara and confused Oromian keep doing the same destruction there’s no choices but protect our people and country by any means necessary. And I hope not but if comes to that I sure the biggest loser would be Neftegna Amhara. Therefore those alcoholics and dishwashers in Washington DC should think twice before singing alcohol fueled emotional patriotic song with enemy of Ethiopia. Coward losers you don’t like EPRDF go the field is wide open you don’t run the government behind seven eleven cash registers be a man Arab dogs and no matter what the great Ethiopian renaissance Dam will be completed ahead of schedule and the we’ going to name ( the great Meles Dam) I know it’s hard to swallow it but too bad take like a man it’s done deal. God bless Ethiopia death to enemy Arabs and their chihuahuas.

Erta . march 19 2018

The Ethiopian government has been late the deal with the bush rat shabia
The government has been late to deal with toxic ethnicbased poltics
The ethiopian governmnt has been late reform the political system of the country that has been ethnic based after 27 years of feild experiment
The ethiopian governmnt has failed to resdistric localities so that different et hnic groups can live together
Going forward

1.Prime minster, Dr Abyi. When that becomes a reality Oromia will erupt with joy, and the people of Oromo will do a lot to Ethiopia more than anyone in Ethiopia history. I just fell the Oromo leadership being so ready to take this role of bleadership of the country, I just fell it.
2.Lemma Megerssa foreign minister
3.Change the defense minster and put some one who can make decision to annihilate Eritrea.
4.Lift SOE but keep the security structure build on it
Add 100,000 military personell to push the armed forces to 400,000- 500,000
5.Give amnesty to all diaspora community so that they can contribute in a positive way to Ethiopia democracy
6.Most importantly put not one or two but four plans to deal with eritrea and all the plans on the table should be executed on timely manner with tangible goals and measured results in given time frame.

Erta · march 19 2018

We are neither lion or elephant, we are all the same animal, ethiopian. This is something I don’t like about TPLF, labelling Ethiopians left and right, for little political gain losing sight of the big picture.
The center piece of the articles seems to suggest that a majority asking of thier share of the pie being worng. The majority implied in the article seems to be the Oromo people. I think there is no more Ethiopian than Oromo in the country.
Unfortunately, the Oromo people have been labelled as anti ethiopian, seeking a state hood of their own, if that is the case so be it. But, the matter of the fact is the labeling has been inserted to Oromo politcians mind by Amahar people and consecutive Ethiopian leaders and Oromo political leaders took the labelling and stuck it in culture of Oromo people. This is done to exclude Oromo polticians from ruling the country so that ethinic group like Amhara and Tigray people can have monopoly of ruling the country. Oromo liberation never took a root not because of lack of effort from Oromo politcians but because Oromo people never put their heart in it. Most Oromo people believe that they belong to Oromo and ethiopia belongs to Oromo people. Just evaluate the last two years of ethiopian politics compare it with the last 40 years Oromo political elites to create Oromo statehood as soon as Oromo politcians turn around and claimed the big portion of the pie, as ethiopia being part of their economic and political life the whole Oromia has gain a new political life all oromosbeing involved in all walks of life, moving all Oromia people. This has been what Oromia politcians missing, where ordinary Oromo People’s heart has been resting in terms of their identity, ethiopian Oromo. I am gurage from sodo. My grand parents lived in tulubuolo. I have great relationship and happy life with my Oromo people. The sodo people are 99% orthodox Christian and most Oromia in closed proximity also were orthodpx. We celebrated most of holidays together. I still have memories of Oromo people with thier decorated horses that came to join us in every single holiday. The Oromo people are as Ethiopian as any one can imagine. The political game, labelling Oromo as aleian entity must stop. The Oromo politicans should understands labelling Oromo people seeking state hood has been used to eliminate Oromo politcians not to come to rule the country. This politcal labelling has been used by Amahra and Tigray elite. Oromo politcians with the help of Oromo people and with other all justices loving ethiopia’ should take the Thorne. Thank Lemma Megerssa, bringing out ethiopianism from yourself and all Oromo, most Oromo people seems came out of the closet, so do speak about their ethiopian identity.
As far as the next ethiopian prime minster goes, I don’t want any ethnic group to be the next Ethiopian prime minster but someone from Oromo. It is time to give the nation leadership role to Oromo people. I want the Oromo elite given the prime minster post to make or break ethiopia’s future. In my judgment an Oromo ethiopian leaders will do a marvelous job as a leader of the country.

Man · march 19 2018

Erta! Don’t even go there because you can’t have both ways. Check the facts, the majority of Oromian was nothing but not even second class citizens the Tigrean people fought and gave them their freedom with out firing single shot and they turn around massacring innocent Tigrean who shade their blood for their freedom. Listen I’m Tigrean Ethiopian and I never knew how some of Oromian savage they’re and all my entire outlook is changed for ever because I couldn’t believe how in the world people deported and treated like this in their country, I don’t understand why the Tigrean targeted by Neftegna Amhara and confused Oromian. I remember not long ago I didn’t think they had one university now Erta! You’re telling us what wrong for asking for share pie? What pie you’re talking about? For the first time we have Oromian President and Defense minister don’t you think this is fare? I know and you know the Oromian and the Neftegna Amhara are not about freedom but their natural jealousy behavior the drifted them apart from reality and chose to work for Egyptian, Isn’t it Treasoneous crime against their own people? I don’t know about you but for it’s way way our reality and no matter what they tried the Ethiopian renaissance Dam will be completed ahead of schedule and we will name it after the father of new Ethiopia Meles Zenawi.

Goodalo · march 19 2018

This article is the type of article that only sheabians write. Tigreans are humble and mature, they do not write an article full of arrogance . The author of this article does discuss important points. I agree of the fact that majorty groups do not own the birth rights to tyranny . However, I feel that the author could discuss these important points without talking about Tigrean retaliation . Yes the law should definitely catch up to ignorant racist who have committed crime, but no Tigrean should retaliate based on ethnicity . If we do that we Ethiopians become the weopen of our enemies .

Desta Kahsay · march 19 2018

The article was will written and it has a excellent point regarding the OROMO and AMHARA majority topic. Before I go on I want to state that the majority topic is a very important subject to stress on daily basis.. We know the OROMO and AMHARA elite’s want to use this ideology number to politically advance their AGENDA by all means even if poor foolish OROMO and AMHARA on both side die. Now the question that has to be raised everyday is HOW DID AMHARA AND ESPECIALLY OROMO BECAME THE NUMBER ONE AND TWO LARGEST ETHNIC GROUP’S IN ETHIOPIA. As for OROMO we already know how they became the number one ETHNIC they stolen 80% of Somalian’s land. If we ask this very intelligent question I promise you any person with right mind will find and see this so-called OROMO and AMHARA ETHNIC movement was will planned very long go. I would also argue this ETHNIC largest group’s movement was will set on motion even during MELES ZENAWI, EAR I also believe that the OROMO and AMHARA elite’s MURDER OUR GREATEST 21st century leader so that we would be in this predicament. With MELES ZENAWI, being gone the OROMO elites and AMHARA elite’s were waiting for this perfect opportunity to strike on TIGRAY citizen’s and our TPLF partly. My advice to my TIGRAY people I say think about it and tell me that i am crazy and I promise I will come out with more fact and I will connect the dots.
I swear the more I think about the OROMO and AMHARA scheme the more it makes sense and clear.

የከፋው · march 19 2018

Sometimes it makes you to wander if the Ethiopian government knows its friends and enemies. If you are not a puppet government, you can not have peace in your own country. They come to your country as missionaries. They come as human rights advocates while there are many human rights violations in their country. The Ethiopian government has work extra hard to win its people’s heart. The Ethiopian people will figure it out the subotage that is going on against their country. The problem is, the Ethiopian government it self is self serving and it is partially part of the problem. The oppositions, I don’t understand how they think they are going to govern Ethiopia even if they get the chance. They already installed the worst decision amongst Ethiopians wors than they propogate against the government. To me, they really chicken heads. Ethiopia is a great country with great people. It’s because of its strategic position that other countries are envying her other wise Ethiopia has never been an agressor to its neighbours. I am beginning to my fellow Ethiopians to be patient and vigilant. Governments are coming and going but our country and our people will be there for ever. So let’s not install hate among our people. Once hate is installed, it will be so difficult to undo. So we have to be careful. May God watch our peace loving people and country.

Shewangizaw · march 19 2018

Ato Mogos, in this day and age with social media being used aggressively by both government and opposition to make their cases, we could have seen pics of brutally massacred Tigrians in Gondar or elsewhere. The only photo I saw is the “gejera” attack on an ex Tagay and his wife in Shashemene ( which is a sad thing and it shouldn’t have happened). The hundreds and thousands dead you mentioned is just a complete exaggeration.
It is very sad that TPLF brought a semblance of democracy, but it was an ethnic based political parties exercise. Look, I don’t mind if kilil is based on ethnicity and/or languge. The problem I have is with the formation of parties solely based on ethnicity. In democracy majority rules; therefore if one or two ethnic groups are majority and merge together, they can win elections unless its rigged for indefinite time. But, if people from different ethnic backgrounds and hail from different Kilil for a political party (could be liberal, socialist, green, etc…), then the size of an ethnic group doesn’t matter. Otherwise, in an ethnically charged political party of course size matters.

Deqi Anadil · march 19 2018

The word coming out from EPRDF meeting is the four core groups of Tigray, Amhara, Gallaa and Southern nationalities will be abolished and they will be one the way used to be pre-struggle. Yap, that is what Tigrayans are good to destroy their own people for 17 years mindless struggle and when you have a chance to solve Tigray problems they want us to go back the one Ethiopia Amhara agenda.

Can Tigrayans think beyond their belly and for next year than just today like camels. Right now, Sebhat Nega is the only one challenging Gallaa and Amhara the other Tigrayans are ready to submit to the Amhara and Gallaa control of Tigray. How long can we do what Sebhat is standing for the organization, what will happen after Sebhat, he is not youth any longer and the fate of Tigray will be buried when Sebhat is no long with the organization.

Tigray open you eyes and think hard through your brain than your belly and heart Tigray will not have any chance to coexist with Amhara and Gallaa after what took place for the last 50 years. The damage is done so badly and Tigray must secure its looted lands and better to dismantle than live Tigrayans for the hyenas they cannot defend themselves. There is nothing Tigray to gain from the current unity after the elder Woyane members are gone and the military is under the control of Amhara and Gallaa. What are you expecting Tigray to lose if we dismantle the country, there is nothing to lose rather Tigray will regain its looted lands and it will be more than enough food to chew with dignity. Tigray has very good chance to bring Somali, Afar, Qimant, Beneshangule and Gambela and right there 50% the country resources will be with us but fewer population and no more bickering with Amhara and killing with savage Gallaa. Tigray should not look about Gallaa and Amhara let them have Addis Ababa and their Kilil without the looted land of Tigray and Tigray will be in a better position than leaving Tigrayans with Amhara and Gallaa. Do you really care about the map of Ethiopia than Tigray to give up our struggle, what went wrong with Tigray brains???

WEDI HAGER · march 19 2018

THIS IS PURE , AND CRYSTAL CLEAR , WE THE TPLF HAVE TO FINISH ISAYAS AND HIS DOGS. WE CANNOT WAIT FOR , AMARA OR OROMO , BECAUSE THEY ARE WAITING UNTIL SERIUS DAMAGE IS DONE , OVER TEGARU AND , ETHIO SOMALI THEN THEY WILL FINISH ERITREA TOO , FOR THIS YOU CAN BE SURE , AFRTER ALL WE ARE ALL TIGRIGNA SPEAKING .
WHAT DO THEY HAVE IN COMMON , AMARA WITH HAILESSELASIE ?
HULU LERASIE , SELFISHENESS, AND GREEDY .

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